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income inequality. In this case, the classical income tax system is viewed as being insufficiently
supportive of growth, and consumption tax based reforms are viewed as being incapable of being
sufficiently progressive, so a simpler and broader income tax or a consumption tax faces strongly
held resistance. The combination of a business tax on cash flow and a progressive individual
income tax on wages and capital income might prove to be a path forward. The key insight is
that consumption can be taxed based on how it is financed rather than how it is spent.
Consumption financed from corporate profits, windfall gains, good luck, or existing shareholder
wealth can be subject to the business cash flow tax while consumption financed from sources
like wages, Social Security, or cash in the bank can be exempted from the business cash flow tax.
Moreover, consumption financed by corporate profits, luck, and wealth is far more concentrated
than income from other sources making it a very progressive source of tax revenues.
We pair this insight with the fact that the current business income tax base, which is based on
business income, is increasingly comprised of income attributable to returns in excess of the risk-
free return, such as returns from windfalls, monopolies, or rents (Power and Frerick 2016).
Thus, consumption tax systems that provide expensing, relieving the burden of tax on
investment, do not narrow the tax base as much as is typically feared. In addition, there is
increasing evidence that in the current tax system, multinational firms are able to use paper
transactions to move some of the “excess” returns to low tax jurisdictions, leading us to believe
that a well-designed cash flow tax base, which would access these shifted profits, could be even
larger than the current U.S. income tax base might suggest. Taken together, this suggests that
increased incentives could be provided for investment and growth by relieving the business tax
burden on the normal return while maintaining a revenue base similar to the current corporate
income tax.
Finally, we believe that a switch to a domestic cash flow tax on businesses could bolster the
ability of the tax system to address income inequality. Due to the relative immobility of labor in
an open economy, a significant portion of the burden from a corporate income tax is believed to
fall onto labor. Decomposing the corporate income tax base to the portions arising from the risk-
free and “excess” returns helps to clarify the insight that a revenue neutral switch to a cash flow
tax is likely to be a progressive change. This is due to the theoretical prediction that the tax on
the normal return in part burdens labor since capital is more internationally mobile than labor,
whereas the tax on supernormal return is borne by shareholders.
Setting aside whether one
system has less excess burden than another, a move from the current corporate tax to a cash flow
tax should be a more progressive way to raise a dollar of government revenue.
This paper proceeds by describing the motivations for moving to a cash flow tax system. We
then describe the specification of our prototype for a destination-based cash flow tax levied on C
corporations in the United States. Given this specification, we describe the results and
implications of a microsimulation based on a historical panel of C corporations from 2004 to
See William Gentry (2007), A Review of the Evidence on the Incidence of the Corporate Income Tax, Department
of the Treasury, Office of Tax Analysis Working Paper 101 for a review of the literature on the incidence of the
corporate tax and Julie-Anne Cronin, Emily Y. Lin, Laura Power, and Michael Cooper (2012), Distributing the
Corporate Income Tax: Revised U.S. Treasury Methodology, Department of the Treasury, Office of Tax Analysis
Technical Paper 5 for details on Treasury assumptions regarding the incidence of the corporate income tax.