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Address of the Warrioress: Old Testament Warfare and Women's Address of the Warrioress: Old Testament Warfare and Women's
Role in Wartime Role in w Role in Wartime Role in w
Madeline Ruby Nielsen
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ADDRESS OF THE WARRIORESS:
OLD TESTAMENT WARFARE AND WOMENS’ ROLE IN WARTIME
“Address of the Warrioress”
MADELINE RUBY NIELSEN
SEATTLE PACIFIC SEMINARY
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Introduction:
As one is reading the Old Testament, there are frequent passages which depict warfare and
violence against women, as part of God’s self-revelation to his chosen people. While such
illustrations of warfare and violence against women seems irreconcilable with our own
understandings of God and his interactions with humanity, it is important not to overlook such
passages, as they are a significant part of the foundational history of the Israelite people in
Canaan.
The Hebrew term cherem implies that total annihilation of those outside the cultural and
spiritual borders of God’s people is in alignment with fulfilling spiritual duty. However, the term
cherem can have multiple meanings, and therefore the term must be examined as it pertains to
the period of the Old Testament. By examining the meanings of cherem in the context of Old
Testament scripture, the implications in periods of warfare can be presented and how they
highlight certain aspects of God’s intent and message for not simply the Israelites, but for all
peoples.
Just as in our own time, periods of combat in ancient times have had such negative,
confounding impacts on women, that acts of violence seem endless and without restraint. The
image of the vulnerable persecuted woman in wartime is, however, not the sole image that the
Old Testament perpetuates in its violent passages; the Bible presents women as agents of their
own power and resistance through the tides of conflict, demonstrating the significant role women
have played in Biblical wars. Examining and comparing the master narratives of the promoted
central characters with those counter-narratives told through the vantage point of marginalized
groups, will show how these narratives produce different interpretations based on the themes and
views which they emphasize, respectively. This thesis seeks to examine what certain Old
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Testament passages teach the audience about God’s spiritual warfare, when the historical
contexts surrounding these texts are brought for comparison, and how female figures of the Old
Testament are not simply vulnerable prisoners of war, but act as instruments of their own power
and resistance against oppressive powers.
Part 1: Meanings and Understandings of Cherem
To first approach the purpose of passages of violent warfare in the Old Testament is to
comprehend the Hebrew term of cherem and its various meanings. The Hebrew term cherem is
frequently used and cited in passages depicting warfare, meaning those objects, peoples, and
animals marked as subject to cherem are: “to be devoted to the ban, to be put under the ban, to
utterly destroy.”
1
The common interpretation of this term is indicative of total and utter
annihilation. However, the term can also refer to being devoted to God,” and implies a more
liturgical aspect than one of pure genocidal violence. Understanding this, cherem can have
connotations of utter destruction, but can also imply methods of symbolic spiritual understanding
on how God ensures his people’s survival. Therefore, it is important to examine three possible
understandings of cherem: as the devotion of spoils as sacrificial portion for God, suppression of
Israelites’ cultural and spiritual enemies as God’s own implementation of justice, and as
metaphorical language to demonstrate the extent of preserving the Israelites’ identity.
Cherem as Sacrificial Portion
The first aspect of the definition of cherem, “to utterly destroy, to put to the ban,” indicates
the initial tendency to understand the term as a reflection of destruction of those outside the
cultural, spiritual, and ethnic boundaries of the ancient Israelite people. Nevertheless, this
1
Ernst Jenni and Claus Westermann. “םרח.” TLOT 2: 474.
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meaning of cherem has underlining meaning which refers to the devotion of spoils as sacrificial
offerings for God and likens the battle to symbolic of an act of worship with the devotion of
enemy spoils put forth for the worship of God. Therefore, the language and practice of battle in
the Old Testament may imply a liturgical aspect with a priestly ideology in mind.
This understanding of cherem is found in both passages which include combat (e.g. Josh. 6,
1 Sam. 15) and in non-war passages such as instructions of worship as well (e.g. Lev. 27, Deut.
7). The most notable of such an example is that of Leviticus 27, in which God communicates to
Moses the sacredness of the vow and what it entails. According to this passage, “everything...that
is put under the ban becomes most holy to the LORD (Lev. 27: 28 NAB),” thereby marking
those living beings and objects as consecrated to God. According to Samantha Joo, there are two
types of narratives: Master narratives, part of the dominant culture who controls the means of
representation and Counter narratives, accounts of events from the margins. The master
narratives, such as the ones belonging to powerful figures (e.g. patriarchs, kings), justify or
permit oppression by denying or silencing the stories of the minority, those who are part of the
counter-narratives. The figures of counter-narratives (e.g. women, members of oppressed parties)
challenge the system of hegemony by constructing alternative subjectivities and identity. In
response, the central figures of master narratives are forced to respond to and address the outcries
of those belonging to the counter narratives, or otherwise lose legitimacy.
2
Through both passages on instructions of worship and combat narratives, master narratives
promote the views and perspectives of the dominant historical party, whereas the counter
narratives produce the views of the marginalized groups arising from a space of resistance
against traditional domination. It is through the master narratives which certain images (e.g.
2
Samantha Joo. “Counter-Narratives: Rizpah and the ‘Comfort Women’ Statue.” Journal for the Study of
the Old Testament 44.1 (2019): 83.
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bloody violence) are promoted because they uphold the ideals of the historical dominant group,
and it is through counter narratives that other aspects and vantage points are used to understand
the underlying meaning of the text as a whole (e.g. spiritual and historical implications). Besides
the images and ideals produced in these Old Testament passages, the language and the figures
themselves communicate their own feelings and treatments on the outcome of such events or the
results of instructions.
According to Susan Niditch in War in the Hebrew Bible, those things put under cherem
within in these contexts of liturgical instruction and combat passages are not destroyed but rather
surrendered to the use of God or his priests. In this way, Niditch presents how such items
belonging to cherem are contrasted with those beings and objects which can be transferred, sold,
or reintegrated back into the human realm. Niditch points out that Numbers 18 marks the first-
born humans as being devoted beings to God, with the births of succeeding human children and
first born of animals belonging to humans’ own use.
3
An ancient Babylonian example of this
type of devotion was Enheduanna, daughter of King Sargon of Akkad, was the first of a long
succession of royal high priestesses and priests, whose surviving texts date around 2, 300 BCE.
She was appointed as the priestess of the Sumerian moon god Nanna and his consort Ningal in
the Mesopotamian city-state of Ur during her father’s reign. This was a political and religious
move by her father to cement the ties between the Akkadian religion of her father and the native
Sumerian religion, indicative of the ancient practices of royal families in spiritual integration by
devotions of family members into worship.
4
3
Susan Niditch, War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993), 29-30.
4
Hilda L. Smith and Berenice A. Carroll, eds. Women's Political and Social Thought: An Anthology
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 3-4.
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These methods are similar to those shown in the methods of Israelite devotion of first-born
offspring as Niditch presents. In the context of Numbers 18, the priestly author of this passage
rejects the literal sacrificing of the human first born, but at the same time utilizes the nature of
the term as complete surrender and devotion to the Lord. The use of cherem in this passage
demonstrates the comprehension of cherem in a liturgical context, and how those beings placed
under the ban are set apart from those which can be restored for human use and need. The way
the devotion of humans, animals, or objects are consecrated to the utter worship of God shows
the way they no longer belong to the boundaries of human needs and are turned over for the
praise and worship of God.
The purpose for the system of cherem was primarily to serve as a fulfillment as part of the
spiritual vow in wartime by consecrating the enemy to the ultimate victor of the battle: God
himself. In this manner, the war customs of ancient Israelites show marked resonance with those
customs of the ancient western Asian peoples, with the Israelites setting themselves apart in the
conduct of their devotion to a single deity.
Douglas S. Earl presents the way in which the liturgical sense of cherem has provided
insight into the war ideology of neighbors, and prominent rivals, of the ancient Israelites. The
uses of cherem outside the Old Testament are quite scarce, but cognates of cherem do exist in the
Mesha Inscription and in the Ugaritic text “An Incantation against Infertility,” which both carry
connotations of annihilation.
5
This Mesha Inscription is the account of military victory by the
Moabite king Mesha of the 9
th
century BCE, and includes these words:
And I made this high-place for Kemosh [Chemosh] in Karchoh because he has
delivered me from all kings and because he has made me look down on all my
enemies…Omri was the king of Israel and he oppressed Moab for many days, for
5
Douglas S. Earl. “Holy War and ם ר ח : A Biblical Theology of Cherem” in Holy War in the Bible:
Christian Morality and an Old Testament Problem, ed. Heath A. Thomas, Jeremy Evans, and Paul Copan
(Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press Academic, 2013), 155.
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Kemosh was angry with this land…But Kemosh restored it [Medeba] in my days
...And I killed all the people from the city [Israelite Ataroth] as a sacrifice for Kemosh
and for Moab.
6
The language of the Mesha Inscription marks great similarity to the spiritual language of
cherem in the Old Testament.
Another textual similarity can be found in the Babylonian epic Gilgamesh. The deity Ishtar
initiates a period of annihilation in response to transgression, as the text describes her actions by
loosing the Bull of Heaven on Uruk after Gilgamesh’s rejection: “With the wrath of the bull I
shall have vengeance.”
7
By reading these pagan texts, the language in both reveals the vows
made before wartime are made by human kings to deities to establish a future of heightened
spiritual and national prosperity for the good of the deities’ people, with the defeated party being
overwhelmed, and the devotion of the enemy spoils to the deity as a mark of the seal of the vow.
The obedience and vow of the king to the chief deity in dedicating war victories for spiritual
devotion in such texts are highlighted to affirm the legitimacy and heroic character of the central
ruler. Through these texts, the ancient language of these ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian
sources demonstrate the aspect of understanding the divine persons making a declaration of war,
enabling the means of destruction on a certain people, or using the violence of war as a response
to transgression against the deities’ own people. The spiritual vow of ancient Israelites is similar
to that vow made in the Moabite Stone and affirms the manner by which those placed under the
ban of the cherem are marked as belonging to the divine leader of the battle, with it serving as
the fulfillment of the vow made by the worshipping Israelites.
6
Douglas S. Earl, The Joshua Delusion: Rethinking Genocide in the Bible (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books,
2010), 55-6.
7
The Epic of Gilgamesh VI. 110.
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This declaration of such a vow is manifested in the introduction to Numbers 21, in which
Israel, before their confrontation with the king of Arad who has taken some Israelites captive,
make the vow to God: “If you deliver this people into my hand, I will put their cities under the
ban (Num. 21: 2 NAB).” This view of the ultimate commander of the army or the one declaring
battle in the spiritual deity is found within ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian literature,
showing resemblance to the Old Testament passages of war. The passage of Numbers 21, as
Niditch points out in her book is a purposeful presentation of an offering for the deity’s own use
and worship, in return for the military victory.
8
In comprehending this method, cherem does not
only refer to the entire destruction of a certain group but extends to the preservation of a purified
group of beings. In this way, the defeat of the enemy owes its victory to the ultimate spiritual
commander of the army that is the deity, and presents how war is used as a symbolic form of
spiritual devotion to emphasize the significance of faith. It is the devotion of military spoils for
the use of worship that serves as the mark of honoring the spiritual vow and confronts the true
purpose of the conduct of war in how war promotes faith in the deity rather than the glory of the
individual.
It is the separation of wartime spoils for the use of spiritual devotion and worship of God
that is the ultimate acknowledgement of the victorious military campaign on behalf of the divine
commander. Cherem, in its vow, is like the structure of the divine covenant in that it is a solemn
agreement made between humanity and God that ensures faithfulness and devotion to God in
return for preservation and victory. In understanding the meaning and purpose of cherem, the
devotion to the ban is seen as a means by which nations defend their peoples’ integrity against
8
Niditch, War in the Hebrew Bible, 32.
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transgressions by rival peoples, and how the peoples’ deity is viewed as enabling the army to
defend its people against such iniquities.
Concluding the examination of the sacrificial language of cherem, it is important to
recognize the way this term became associated with the imagery of the bloody victory banquet
present in later biblical literary texts. As stated by Niditch, late prophetic literature intertwines
the image of the banquet with those images of slaughter and battle, portraying God as having
made a sacrificial feast of the slain. It is through post-exilic prophecy and prophetic language
that prominently features the post-victory banquet, a common theme in ancient Near East epic
literature.
9
In the imagery of the eschatological battle in Ezekiel between God’s forces and
Israel’s enemies, it is the birds of prey who enjoy the feast of blood and flesh of the rams, goats,
and steers which symbolize the princes of the earth. Therefore, it is the young human men killed
in war that are the sacrificial feast who satisfy the appetite of the birds.
10
This style of language also appears in the Epic of Gilgamesh Tablet V, which recounts the
battle with Humbaba, in which Humbaba’s speaks: I will slit the throat and gullet of Gilgamesh,
I will feed his flesh to the locust bird, ravening eagle and vulture!,” presenting the influence of
this ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian piece of literature on the brutal imagery present in the
Old Testament.
11
From understanding this, the system of cherem may not be understood solely
by the battle acts of bloodshed and genocide, yet neither as a clear matter of promise and
covenant; it is how the mythological framework of ancient Israelite thought on war, death, and
9
Ibid. 38.
10
“As for you, son of man, thus says the Lord GOD: Say to birds of every kind and to every wild beast:
Assemble! Come from all sides for the sacrifice I am making for you, a great slaughter on the mountains
of Israel. You shall eat flesh and drink blood! You shall eat the flesh of warriors and drink the blood of
the princes of the earth: rams, lambs, and goats, bulls, and fatlings from Bashan, all of them.” (Ezek. 39:
17-18 NAB).
11
The Epic of Gilgamesh V. 174-5.
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divine satiation are integrally connected with one another, and cannot be separated from one
another in dealing with biblical war concepts.
Through reading narratives such as this through seeing the present themes that demonstrate
literary influence show that the ancient Israelites shared certain heroic ideals with their ancient
Near Eastern/ Western Asian peoples during the Iron Age, and therefore promoted imagery that
undermined the spiritual undertones of scripture. The connection made between the cherem ban
with post-exilic prophetic imagery shows influence from ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian
epic literature and demonstrates the spiritual covenant and the violent killing cannot be fully
separated, thereby collapsing the master and counter narratives together into a single unit of text.
Cherem as God’s Justice
The second possible meaning of cherem refers to the justice God exercises in battle on
behalf of his own people, and the understanding of the spiritual measures taken to ensure the
Israelites’ preservation as a people. The presence of heroic texts, where the actions of certain
figures highlight the characters’ praiseworthy character and valor, include acts of violence that
seem to be sanctioned by the author or even God. It is the examination of how such violent acts
contribute to God’s protection and preservation of his chosen peoples’ cultural and spiritual
identity that is essential to comprehending one of the many purposes of violent passages. Just as
with the previous examination of the sacrificial aspect of cherem related to the liturgical actions
of the human army, the examination now turns to how God’s own methods of protecting his
people are exhibited through the battle.
Utilizing the priestly conception of cherem and its previous comparison to a liturgical
setting, the battle and the ban of cherem emphasize a certain spiritual purity, one that is free of
influence from rival nations and earthly materials. The purpose of putting certain beings and
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objects under cherem is because of how they pose a threat to the integrity of the Israelites,
culturally, racially, and spiritually. The contrast of the bloody violence with that of liturgical
devotion is made between the passages of Joshua 6 and 7, with the precious metals being
deposited into the treasury of the Lord after the victory in Jericho alongside the account of
Achan’s treacherous greed to portray the consequences of obeying or disobeying cherem.
According to Douglass Earl, the objects of cherem therefore imply they have acontaminating”
effect.
12
In this way, the misuse of cherem items constitutes such a severe effect that the ban
status is transferred to the one who has appropriated the object, as Achan hoarded vessels of
precious materials which were held under the ban. The intent of cherem is that it is one of the
spiritual measurements taken to protect the Israelitesintegrity, so they are not tempted to engage
in conduct that is considered spiritually unbecoming of God’s chosen people.
A point made by Eric A. Seibert supports this view in that it perpetuates the expectation
that all nations hostile to God’s chosen people and God’s own people are equal and subject to the
stipulations of the cherem ban. Seibert cites an example of those Israelites made subject to
cherem in Numbers 25, which recounts how many Israelites engaged in idolatrous practices and
sexual intimacy with nearby Moabite women making them (with the Moabites) subject to
cherem.
13
The ban of cherem was put in effect for the Israelites to mark objects of temptation
under the ownership of God, so as to protect his people from certain pagan elements which
compromised the Israelites’ spiritual integrity and identity.
12
Earl. “Holy War and ם ר ח : A Biblical Theology of Cherem,” 15. Douglas Earl states Deuteronomy 7:
25-26 supports the notion that objects marked as cherem are spiritually contagious (such as idols). He
therefore concludes the priestly use of cherem present in Joshua 6 is a development of the conception
made in Deuteronomy.
13
Eric A. Seibert. The Violence of Scripture: Overcoming the Old Testament’s Troubling Legacy
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012), 35.
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As the ancient Israelites were expected to carry out the fulfillment of the covenant made
through Moses, the same expectations of obedience apply in the cases of cherem throughout
scripture. Just as much as the actions and victories of the army manifest God’s advocacy on
behalf of his chosen people, so the obedience to God’s instructions and commandments is
reflected in the success of the military and spiritual endeavors of the Israelites. As Earl presents
the significance of Achan’s guilt in hoarding war treasures which resulted in the annihilation of
his entire household, it is Achan’s guilt that represents disobedience to God in lying, stealing,
and covenant violation.
14
This harkens back to the sacrificial understanding of cherem and its
connection to liturgical devotion to God, and such a brazen violation of a sacred agreement can
result in devastation for all Israelites involved. We will later examine how Achan’s guilt is part
of a measurement of how effectively the obedience to cherem strengthens the Israelites’ spiritual
preservation and legitimacy. The first defeat of the Israelites at Ai was implied to be a result of
Achan’s own deceit and greed, tying back to Earl’s point that objects of cherem bear a
contaminating effect on God’s people and constitute a need for reserving such items for God’s
own holding.
Making a similar examination on King Saul’s disobedience and his sparing of King Agag of
the Amalekites (1 Sam. 15), Niditch sees in the context of this passage that the cherem order of
execution is justified as God has seen the mistreatment of the Israelites by the Amalekites.
15
Although Saul does kill all the Amalekites as commanded by God, Saul keeps the best of the
captured livestock and King Agag alive, as Saul and his army were unwilling to devote them to
destruction. When Saul gave the Amalekite people and less appealing livestock together as a
14
Earl. “Holy War and ם ר ח : A Biblical Theology of Cherem,” 158.
15
“Thus says the LORD of hosts: ‘I will punish what Amalek did to the Israelites when he barred their
way as they came up from Egypt.(1 Sam. 15: 2 NAB).
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sacrifice to God, Saul insulted and devalued both God and human life. Niditch explains that not
only did Saul keep the choicest of the animals (which rightfully belonged to God) and King
Agag as the most prized human, Saul mixed the highest of God’s living creations, humans, with
less valuable animals, in saving the best of the captives for himself.
16
In 1 Samuel 15, Saul
deemed the lives of the Amalekite citizens as worthless while seeing their king seen as having
more value, marking an inequality and devaluing of human life perpetuated in Saul’s actions and
attitude. This narrative would serve as an example of a counter-narrative, challenging the central
character’s choices and motives. This also presents the manner and order of cherem are meant to
effect a system of equality for all enemy persons, regardless of social or economic status, which
the Israelites were expected to obey to the fullest extent possible. In this way, the cherem ban
made all persons, regardless of social status or ethnic identity subject to the strictures of the vow,
and distributed punishment accordingly to the level of transgression.
This does not mean, however, that the objects themselves being placed under cherem are
wicked or perverted, despite the language of Old Testament scripture identifying the Canaanites
as wicked idolators who have the potential to jeopardize Israel’s own spiritual purity. The
identification of “good” and “evil” figures in the Bible is a gross simplification and fosters a
hostility to those non-believers of God. We must recognize this flawed manner of interpretation,
and to consider the multiple aspects of understanding the “other” of passages, those who are on
the opposite side of God’s chosen people who are present to affect another understanding of
spiritual justice.
As Seibert examines David’s character in the Bible, he notes how David, the man
described as being a “man after God’s own heart,” was directly responsible for many deaths of
16
Niditch, War in the Hebrew Bible, 61-2.
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non-Israelites yet still revered as hero because of his spiritual virtue. Seibert suggests in this
revered understanding of David, there is no room for critique because of the consideration of his
noble bearing and role in Israelite society, thereby making David the center of a master narrative.
It is in this limited view that violence is seen as sanctioned against persons deemed wicked
because of the actions by seemingly noble or virtuous characters.
17
Understanding this, such
violent passages must be interpreted with the inclusion of recognizing the “other” in the accounts
of the Bible who produce counter narratives in response to such appraisal of certain characters.
To view violence as divinely sanctioned because it is performed by figures described as
“virtuous” or spiritually nobleis flawed and can lead to grave misinterpretation of the meaning
of systematic violence against those nations and peoples outside the borders of the Israelite
peoples. It is therefore required to abandon this oversimplified manner of understanding other
peoples in interaction with the Israelite people.
Cherem as Metaphorical Language
In conclusion, to understand cherem and its purpose both for the ancient Israelites and the
modern audience, is recognizing that unrestrained violence is not divinely sanctioned, as the
taking of human life is a violation of God’s natural order. The danger of seeing cherem as a
spiritual exercise taken against pagan peoples fosters a hostility between monotheistic and
polytheistic peoples that leaves no room for acceptance and compassion. Instead, the language of
cherem may indicate a more figurative purpose rather than being taken in a literal sense. Because
of the previous examination of cherem as a liturgical practice which effects a spiritual
purification for the Israelites and a manifestation of God’s justice, cherem can be interpreted as a
symbolic presentation of God’s preservation of his people. Through the social structure of the
17
Seibert, The Violence of Scripture: Overcoming the Old Testament’s Troubling Legacy, 41-2.
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covenant community and tribal order, the Israelites are prevented from engaging in pre-existing
systems of the Canaanite peoples that are not in alignment with the spiritual order of God’s
chosen people. Accordingly, cherem can have a metaphorical sense, that engages a proper
understanding of the structure of God’s just and merciful society that extends to even non-
Israelite citizens.
Reading the passages of war, the dramatic passages which recount the Israelites’
deliverance require violence to be taken against the enemies who attack God’s people, influence
the Israelites into committing spiritually heinous acts, or in any manner of standing in the way of
Israel’s deliverance. It is important to recognize the multiple aspects found within narratives,
from accounts of profound deliverance and of those effected by the necessary destruction. To
account for the testimony of those people who suffer for Israel’s deliverance, we must recognize
the faces of those being destroyed and comprehend these faces as humans and beings with
feelings. Seibert acknowledges that the task of interpretation is incomplete without seeing the
“other” in the text, in the way the reader must engage and wrestle with violence perpetrated that
is done on behalf of the Israelites.
18
Through this method, the reader is able to humanize the
characters on the other side and see the complex way the Israelites’ deliverance is often achieved
at the cost of others.
This view is reinforced in Earl’s The Joshua Delusion as he speaks of the importance to
view certain Old Testament passages as foundation narratives; in other words, such passages
belong to the narrative topics used to describe the way in which the identity and existence of
individuals and communities are constructed. Earl provides the definition of myths as “narratives
that are often set in ‘prototypical’ times: times that are foundational to the life of the
18
Ibid. 43.
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community.”
19
By this understanding, the language of violence is used in regard to the beginning
foundations of God’s people, during a time which required methods that were essential to the
foundation and legitimization of the Israelites in the Canaanite territory. Focusing too much on
the violent act itself detracts from the true elaboration of the spiritual intent which demonstrates
the beginning foundation of God’s people. By engaging passages of war in this sense, a modern
audience can recognize the historical and ethical difficulties that enables understanding the
spiritually symbolic nature of the text.
There is a tendency for both historical and modern audiences to assume affliction occurs
because of the wrongdoing of the victim. Paralleling war passages with the plight of the central
character of the book of Job, John H. Walton presents the problem of conflating God’s
dispensation of grace based on merit and the distribution of suffering compelled by misbehavior.
Rather, suffering and grace without merit and cause are at times necessary to suit God’s own
purposes, and not for the enjoyment of mankind. Suffering allows the afflicted an opportunity to
comprehend the dynamics of divine planning. It is God’s wisdom that forms the basis of God’s
activity in the world, and it is up to mankind (including the Israelites and Canaanites) to have
faith that God is wise and his purposes are good, even if those actions stemming from such
wisdom are not clear.
20
This shows another way in recognizing how the Canaanites may not
entirely be subjected to God’s judgement and that the existence of suffering is not attributed to
wrongdoing on the part of the one afflicted, as implied above. As in the case of Job, Walton
notes the Canaanites might have shared the same confusion about their suffering and shows the
principle of retribution is simply a human explanation for the presence of suffering.
19
Earl, The Joshua Delusion: Rethinking Genocide in the Bible, 18; 20.
20
John H. Walton, The Lost World of the Israelite Conquest: Covenant, Retribution, and the Fate of the
Canaanites (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2017), 34-5.
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Walton also points out the usual literary indicators for divine retribution, such as the
formal indictment against the accused party (e.g., Gen. 6: 5-6), the documentation of
misbehavior (e.g. Gen. 19: 13), and the awareness of being subject to divine judgement (e.g.
Judg. 11: 27) are absent in the conquest passages. When Rahab communicates to the spies of the
Canaanites’ fear of the Israelites, their (Canaanites) fear does not imply guilt, but observation of
God’s ultimate power.
21
While recognizing that the principle of retribution is one of many
principles on which revelation is communicated, it is not present in all passages which feature
conquest and war. The Canaanites’ fear was rooted in the awareness of God’s power through his
people, not in guilt for their misdeeds. Therefore, cherem cannot be seen as an extension of
God’s divine retribution since there is no indication of grave iniquity on the part of the
Canaanites. However certain passages such as Deuteronomy 20: 18 do imply the guilt of
Canaanite idolatry being a factor in necessary violence to curb pagan influence.
22
However the
usual literary characteristics of divine retribution are not present in certain passages of the
Canaanites, and are not entirely implied to be guilty of any grave sin and therefore are not being
subjected to punishment in cherem. It may be that these different readings produce various
interpretations of an attempt to explain why and how violence occurs, whether it is part of a
transgression against the divine persons or whether it is simply indicative of a new spiritual age
that is forming.
In a final comprehension of what cherem is supposed to teach us amid spiritual warfare in
the Old Testament, we must recognize the Canaanites as human beings who still have a place in
the new community established by God, as earlier indicated by Seibert. As previously examined,
21
Ibid. 40-1.
22
“...so that they do not teach you to do all the abominations that they do for their gods, and you thus sin
against the LORD, your God.” (Deut. 20: 18 NAB).
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the Canaanites are not necessarily described as being guilty of great iniquity and are not being
punished. When Walton examines the ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian Lament for the
Destruction of Sumer and Ur, he states that, “Anu and Enlil level the city not because they
perceive any misconduct on the part of the inhabitants, but because it is time for the kingship to
pass on” and therefore the destruction of Ur is part of a larger program the gods are following for
the order of the cosmos.
23
However, as previously seen in Gilgamesh, Ishtar initiates violence on
Uruk as a result of perceiving the wrongdoing of Gilgamesh, and therefore is different from
Walton’s view. The Epic of Gilgamesh may in fact be indicative of human interpretation on how
violence enters the world in order to account for the existence of suffering.
From this it can be understood that the land of the Canaanites is being given over to the
Israelites as part of God’s intent to manifest his divine revelation and initiate a new spiritual era.
The importance of identity is tied into this divine culmination, by the spiritual formation of faith
and understanding of what it means to be an “insider” and “outsider” of the Israelite community.
With the comparison of the faithful Canaanite Rahab and the disobedient Israelite Achan, Earl
further sees cherem used as a tool to enable the narratives to pose and resolve questions on
Israelite identity and what it means to be one of God’s people, albeit in extreme language and
understanding of annihilation.
24
Further evidence which implies there are Canaanite survivors in
the region is shown in Joshua 23, as the Israelites are prohibited from intermarriage with
23
Walton, The Lost World of the Israelite Conquest: Covenant, Retribution, and the Fate of the
Canaanites, 56.
24
Earl, The Joshua Delusion: Rethinking Genocide in the Bible, 38. Frank Spina supports this point made
by Walton, when Spina states: “After she [Rahab] confesses her faith in YHWH, which has created the
possibility of not only being spared the fate of the rest of the Canaanites but more significantly of her
inclusion in the community of Israel.” in The Faith of the Outsider: Exclusion and Inclusion in the
Biblical Story. (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2005), 63.
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Canaanites for the purposes of spiritual integrity, showing there was still a surviving Canaanite
population in the area.
25
Another way the Canaanites cannot be viewed as being punished by cherem is the way they
are not bound to the stipulations of the covenant, and are not indicted for breaking them, nor are
they expected to follow them in the new order. Rather, Walton states that the stipulations of the
covenant were made between God and the Israelites marking a spiritual-political ratification,
which the other nations have no part of. It is Israel’s purpose, in the participation of the covenant
and its holy status, to be the medium through which God reveals himself.
26
Tying back to Earl’s
examination of the role of cherem in the formation of identity, the ancient Israelites were
intended to be a manifestation of God’s divine revelation and presence in the world and be
recognized as initiating a new societal and spiritual order fulfilling the promises made to the
patriarchs. Despite the complete Canaanite depopulation, as the Old Testament language implies,
it may rather be indicative of extreme language to communicate the affirmation of the new order
in the Canaanite territory God had put into effect through the Israelites. Because the Canaanites
are not implied to be guilty and therefore not receiving punishment, the annihilation is directed at
the Canaanites’ cultural and religious identity, which is an example of a counter narrative which
presents a new spiritual societal reality built in the Canaanite territory according to the divine
order of Israel’s God.
25
“For if you ever turn away from him and join with the remnant of these nations that survive among you,
by intermarrying and intermingling with them, know for certain that the LORD, your God, will no longer
dispossess these nations at your approach. Instead they will be a snare and a trap for you, a scourge for
your sides and thorns for your eyes, until you perish from this good land which the LORD, your God, has
given you.” (Josh. 23: 12-13 NAB).
26
Earl, The Joshua Delusion: Rethinking Genocide in the Bible, 82-3.
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Part 2: Scripture Examination
Scripture Passages Recount the Beginnings of Cherem
After reading and examining the uses of cherem in the literary and spiritual context of
scripture, the focus is now directed towards how God’s spiritual communications are manifested
in military conduct through certain Old Testament passages. By examining the military laws and
conduct of the ancient Israelites found in Deuteronomy 20 and Numbers 31: 1-18, we can see the
differences and similarities with their neighboring nations and how such military characteristics
were indicative of the Israelites’ spiritual identity.
Deuteronomy 20 contains instructions for the Israelites to follow in wartime, likening the
instructions of war to a code of liturgical worship. This passage displays the formation of the
Israelite army which appears early in the Pentateuch that was essential to its national identity. In
the introduction from verses 2-4, the presence of the priest affirms the spiritual and liturgical
aspect of the battle, as the blessing and the priest’ address attest to the acknowledgment of God’s
previous victories on behalf of the Israelites.
27
While this message may seem simplistic, it truly
emphasizes the battle as a manifestation of God’s power and how the Israelites are constantly
reminded of God’s presence with them in battle. Therefore, as the battle is likened to a liturgical
service, the host of the army is the witness to the knowledge of the superiority of faith in God
over the advanced war technology and tactics of rival nations.
28
27
Peter C. Craigie. The Book of Deuteronomy. The New International Commentary on the Old Testament
(Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1976), 271-2.
28
“Not a single smith was to be found anywhere in Israel, for the Philistines had said, ‘Otherwise the
Hebrews will make swords or spears.’ All Israel, therefore, had to go down to the Philistines to sharpen
their plowshares, mattocks, axes, and sickles. The price for the plowshares and mattocks was two thirds of
a shekel, and a third of a shekel for sharpening the axes and for setting the ox-goads. And so on the day of
battle neither sword nor spear could be found in the hand of any of the soldiers with Saul or Jonathan.
Only Saul and his son Jonathan had them.” (1 Sam. 13: 19-22 NAB).
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This set of instructions, starting from 20: 5 onward in the chapter, on military conduct
presents a merciful regard for young men and acknowledgement of their own domestic
establishment away from the battlefield. According to a commentary by Clement of Alexandria,
the military law spares some young men from military service, seen in 20: 5, as the law does not
conscript young men who have not yet established the livelihood of a domestic life, such as
marriage and home ownership.
29
Clement of Alexandria comments on how the law is merciful
in this way by allowing the person to enjoy the benefits of the fruits of their labor, especially
since the course of war is uncertain.
30
The law acknowledges that it is unfair for a man to not
enjoy the fruits of his labor or for someone to unjustly possess the property while not having to
work for it. The establishment of a domestic abode and having children assures the men of Israel
can possess and secure a continuing line of descendants. This ancient law proves to be
accommodating and understanding of the enjoyment of domestic life for every Israelite man and
does not seek to compound the military loss of those who have not yet established a domestic
abode through having children.
The final part of Deuteronomy 20 establishes a code of conduct towards defeated enemies,
displayed in the treatment of the people and the land itself. In any time, the people of a defeated
army are put into an extremely vulnerable situation that can bring a range of violent or uncertain
treatment by the victorious parties. Within the law stipulated in Deuteronomy 20: 10-18, there
are methods prescribed in relation to how the defeated enemies respond to the terms of the
Israelites.
29
“Then the officials shall speak to the army: ‘Is there anyone who has built a new house and not yet
dedicated it? Let him return home, lest he die in battle and another dedicate it.“(Deut. 20: 5 NAB).
30
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 2.18.82.1-3, quoted in Joseph T. Lienhard, ed., Exodus, Leviticus,
Numbers, Deuteronomy, ACCS Old Testament 3 (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2001), 307.
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Peter C. Craigie explains that there are two types of nations which the Israelites are
supposed to lord over through two distinct methods. First category nations—the ones that
surround Israel in closer proximityare to be offered terms of peace (shalom), concluding in
either surrender to the treaty as vassal nations serving Israel or refusal of the conditions of the
treaty. In the case of those who refuse, the instructions call for the execution of all enemy males,
with females, children, and animals belonging to the Israelites as captives. For those nations that
were further from the Israelites, however, the conditions of treatment were sterner, and
recommend the highest measure of destruction. The two reasons for such recommendation are
the presentation of the Israelitesmilitary supremacy as an instrument of God’s own spiritual
legitimacy and the prevention of the religious and cultural abominations that could affect the
Israelites’ own livelihood.
31
However, there are still indicators in the law that show a solidarity with those enemy captives
and the land. For example, the Israelites are instructed to be restrained from violent acts and to
show merciful qualities, showing the ancient Israelite martial law was not solely invested in
violence. The military law spares even trees and crops from the ravages of war in Deuteronomy
20: 19, since the Israelites are prohibited from cutting down cultivated trees which bear fruit and
destroying the harvest for purposes of vandalism. The trees which do not bear fruits however,
may be cut down for the use in battle, to be made into spears and other weapons, against other
nations; symbolizing the supremacy of Israel over other nations served by the use of the land’s
resources.
32
Because the land belongs to God, as it has been ultimately made by God himself, the
31
Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy, 275-6.
32
Clement of Alexandria, Mateis 2.18.95.1-3, quoted in Lienhard, Exodus Leviticus, Numbers,
Deuteronomy, 308.
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Israelites are not allowed to abuse the land and destroy its fruits in order to humiliate the ravaged
enemy.
A final aspect of seeing the mercy shown to rival peoples according to Clement of
Alexandria, along with other ancient commentators, is found in Deuteronomy 21: 10-17,
regarding the treatment of a female captive. While this aspect of the law demonstrates a
humbling of the woman resulting in the acceptance of the Israelite victory, it also commands
restraint on the part of the Israelite soldier. According to Origen, the shaving of the head and
cutting of the nails is symbolic of the woman’s rebirth into a new culture, during which she must
be cleansed of her old culture to be a part of Israelite society.
33
According to Clement of
Alexandria, it also enables the Israelite soldier to have responsible sexual relations that produce
children, and appropriately take their captives in marriage when the purification time is over.
34
According to a modern commentary by Carolyn Pressler, these laws represent a significant
advancement in the status of women, establishing a woman’s legal personhood and making her a
member of the covenant community. Pressler further views Deuteronomy 21: 10-14, in
agreement with Clement of Alexandria, as prohibiting rape on the battlefield and ensuring a
legitimate marriage with legitimate children as a man’s heirs.
35
Niditch’s argument regarding the
liturgical appropriation of enemy possessions into the worship to God relates to this conclusion
made by Origen and Clement of Alexandria, in how those peoples and objects of foreign nations
are put through purification rituals to become a part of the Israelite community. It is not simply
the objects that are turned over to be purified for use in worship, but the people themselves are
33
Origen, Homilies on Leviticus 7.6.7, quoted in Lienhard, Exodus Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy,
309.
34
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 3.11.71.4, quoted in Lienhard, Exodus, Leviticus, Deuteronomy,
309.
35
Carolyn Pressler, “Deuteronomy” in Women's Bible Commentary. 3
rd
ed. Edited by Carol A. Newsom,
Sharon H. Ringe, and Jacqueline E. Lapsley. (Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 2012), 93.
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put through such rituals to become a part of the Israelite society and form a new identity. The
military conduct of law and its manifestations are intended to reflect God’s own merciful
treatment in battle that is distinguished from the abuses and ravages of surrounding pagan
nations’ own armies at the time.
36
The passage of Numbers 31: 1-18, which recounts the Israelites’ extermination of the
Midianites, displays the beginning manifestations of cherem being against others for the sake of
the Israelites’ spiritual purity. According to Ambrose, the Midianites merited such vengeance
because they had led many of the Israelites to sin in idolatry through the seduction by Midianite
women, angering God. It was through Moses that God exercised his punishment that was meted
out to the Midianite peoples in recompense for their seduction of the Israelite people.
37
A contemporary commentary by Timothy R. Ashley agrees that the campaign against the
Midianites is put in terms of religious vindication for the people of Israel and God’s honor,
indicated by the involvement of Phinehas son of Eleazer the Priest.
38
Numbers 31: 1-18
demonstrates the extent God had taken through Moses to punish the Midianites for leading
Israelite citizens into committing heinous spiritual acts of idolatry, which was tantamount to a
political offense as stated above. John Sturdy comments that the author of this passage likely
36
According to the study of Nazek Khalid Matty, the Lachish Reliefs that recount the siege of Lachish in
701 B.C. by Sennacherib, which included the conquest of Judah and Jerusalem, show the military tactics
which were applied to subjugate the peoples. One of these Assyrian military tactics included the
collection of booty on certain occasions, which included the taking of enemy women and appropriating
the female members of the conquered ruler’s household. Assyrian methods of domination often
demonstrated environmental vandalism—such as pouring salt into fertile harvest fields to prevent any
future crop— and burning cities with the inhabitants imprisoned inside, such acts which are strictly
prohibited by those laws found in Deuteronomy. Sennacherib's Campaign Against Judah and Jerusalem
in 701 B. C: A Historical Reconstruction. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH, 2016). ProQuest eBook
Central. 77-81.
37
Ambrose, Duties of the Clergy 1.29.139, quoted in Lienhard, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers,
Deuteronomy, 259.
38
Timothy R. Ashley. The Book of Numbers. The New International Commentary on the Old Testament.
(Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1993), 591.
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wrote this at a time of great weakness for the kingdom of Judah against the Persian Empire, and
that the Israelites’ former legacy owed its preservation to the profound concern for purity with
the uncompromising faith to God.
39
This point ties to Earl’s earlier observation on the manner of
Achan’s guilt in compromising the Israelite army and its victory, emphasizing the concern for
spiritual purity in divine warfare. Therefore, the language of utter annihilation may be
emphasized to demonstrate the author’s point of true faithfulness to God is key to cultural,
national, and spiritual preservation of the Israelites, with those jeopardizing elements and people
being exterminated to lessen or eliminate polytheistic influence.
Through the waging of war and its statements of justification for the treatment towards the
Midianites in Numbers 31: 1-18, this passage involves the process of Israelite self-definition
which includes the formation of perceptions of the “other.” This theme is quite prominent in the
book of Numbers and is part of the beginning of Israel’s formation of its people as a mighty
nation with legitimacy over the Canaanite land. Baruch A. Levine explains the narrative of this
battle is part of the early conquest and settlement of the ancient Israelites in Canaan, which in
turn is part of Israel’s prehistory in its national and cultural foundations. As Moses heard of the
Israelite army not fulfilling God’s commandments to the fullest extent, a need for sterner laws
was required to be put into effect for the sake of the Israelites’ protection from further existences
of tempting elements.
40
What is presented within passages such as Numbers 31: 1-18, is the
connection between the military victory with the Israelites’ efficiency in following God’s
military commandments, demonstrated in the preservation and strength of the Israelites against
other nations. The commandments of war conduct were put into effect for the Israelites fully
39
John Sturdy. Numbers. The Cambridge Bible Commentary on the New English Bible 3 (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1976), 216.
40
Baruch A. Levine. Numbers 21-36. The Anchor Bible Commentary 4A (New York: Doubleday, 2000),
465; 470-1.
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follow. The following these laws demonstrate the Israelites’ efficacy in achieving military
victory as seen in Numbers 31: 1-18.
Scripture Passages Recount the Preservation of Cherem as Means to
Survive
Moving on to examining those passages that comprise the biblical period in which Israel
affirmed its legitimacy over the Canaanite territory, the war laws are followed in the conquest of
Canaan, and how the military victories of the Israelites perpetuate God’s spiritual lordship over
the territory. While the Israelites had indeed been given the land by God, the ultimate head of the
Israelite community was God himself, as the Israelites were instruments to perform God’s will in
the land. Shown through the passages of Joshua 6-7 and comparing Rahab and Achan’s impacts
on the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Israelites were expected to carry out the stipulations of
these laws while ensuring all persons, Israelite or non-Israelite, were subjected to the treatment
of cherem justly based on their acts and behaviors.
An interesting comparison is made between two figures on opposite sides of the Israelite-
Canaanite conflict in Joshua 6-7, the faithful and obedient Canaanite Rahab with the greedy,
disobedient Israelite Achan, and how their individual actions determined the tide of battles. After
she has acknowledged the Israelites’ eventual conquest of the land and lent aid to the Israelite
spies, Rahab had extracted a promise from the two Israelite spies to spare her, her family, and
acquaintances in Joshua 2: 9-14, which is fulfilled. In the aftermath of the victory of the
Conquest of Jericho in Joshua 6, Joshua does not forget Rahab, and brings her with her close
relatives outside the Israelite camp. Leslie Hoppe writes the fall of Jericho does reflect historical
memories surrounding Israel’s entrance into Canaan, and so the passage is related in epic
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proportions and given a sacral character.
41
This account celebrates God’s gift of the land to
Israel and illustrated the powerful significance of obedience as the key to Israel’s acquirement of
the land. However, this narrative does not just celebrate the Israelites’ glory, but even that of the
surviving Canaanites, and Rahab’s acts and faith explain how some Canaanites survived the
destruction. Even though command of cherem seems to stipulate that all enemy persons are to be
exterminated, that is not the case of Rahab, as she and those individuals close to her are spared
because of Rahab’s surrender to the legitimacy of the Israelites and their God.
While this passage does primarily present that the Conquest of Jericho owed its victory to the
Israelites’ own faithfulness, the act of Rahab in actively aiding the Israelites provides a historical
origin story of why there were Canaanites still alive in the territory at the time this book was
written in. This aspect of the narrative ties back to Earl’s earlier on the mythological framework
of this passage for understanding of historical origins. As Trent C. Butler points out, Rahab and
those close to her are still required to be put through purity rituals (e.g., Num. 3: 19-21, Deut. 21:
10-14) to be fully integrated into Israelite society, as they are technically still under the cherem
as non-Israelites and belong to God as spoils.
42
The cherem ban is not entirely reserved for non-Israelites in scripture but has been used
against those Israelites who disobey and transgress the conditions set forth in the commandments
by God, as seen through the case of Achan in Joshua 7. Achan’s iniquity precipitates the defeat
at Ai, exemplifies Israel’s ma’al (“disregard”) for cherem and the consequences which result of
that disobedience. Butler states ma’al refers to the trust relationship between persons or with
God and signifies a break in such a relationship; an encroachment by humans into the realm set
41
Leslie Hoppe. Joshua, Judges with an Excursus on Charismatic Leadership in Israel. Old Testament
Message: A Biblical-Theological Commentary 5 (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, Inc. 1982), 48.
42
Trent C. Butler. Joshua 1-12. Word Biblical Commentary 7A (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2014), 379.
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aside for the sacred.
43
It is the ban that represents the divine human relationship that stands
behind the actual ban, and it is the Israelite nation that receives the verdict even for the iniquity
of one individual or group.
44
While the reader does know why the Israelites lose the battle of Ai,
it can be presumed that Joshua and the other Israelites do not, as they continue with their military
endeavor.
After Joshua has rooted out the guilty party in Achan, Achan does confess his guilt. The
discovery of the devoted things is heavy with symbolism, shown in how the contaminating
things are “hidden” in the community and must be brought to light to be removed. The primary
concern of this passage is the fear that the covenant community will become like Canaan, the
very society that is to be extinguished in the region. Therefore, the role of all Israelites in
condemning and stoning Achan and his entire household exonerates the Israelites because of
their participation in exterminating this “evil” in their midst.
45
Joshua 6-7 shows how even the
actions of one individual can affect the strength of the social structure and preservation of the
Israelite covenant community. The Israelites partially owe their victory in the Conquest of
Jericho to Rahab who is allowed to remain in the Israelite community, whereas the Israelites
must absolve themselves of Achan’s crime by taking part in the execution of Achan and his
household; all this demonstrates the utter devotion to God and the vows made in combat for the
sake of Israel’s spiritual, cultural, and social integrity.
43
Ibid.
44
Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy, 405.
45
J. Gordon McConville. Joshua. Two Horizons Old Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids: William B.
Eerdmans Publishing, 2010), 41.
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Scripture Passages Recount the Maintenance and Rejection of
Cherem Law
In concluding the scriptural examination of how cherem and other military laws helped to
enforce and preserve the strength and integrity of the Israelite covenant community, the passage
of Judges 4 demonstrates the initial interpretation of Israel’s oppression as the result of its
sinfulness while its victory is attributed to the obedience and upholding the integrity of the
spiritual covenant. Judges 4: 1-3 contains the typical form of the Deuteronomistic introduction,
which is followed by the introduction of two of Israel’s protagonists Deborah and Barak, and
primary antagonists Sisera and Jabin, King of Canaan.
Deborah is called a prophetess as well as a judge in this passage, and she has a significant
measure of political involvement, like many other female prophets in ancient Near Eastern/
Western Asian sources.
46
Acting as an agent of divine/ human communication, Deborah’s oracle
is a commission to Barak informing him of his designation as Israel’s commander with the
assurance of victory.
47
Like Joshua, Deborah exercises spiritual obedience and acknowledgement
of God’s power and presence with the army. Deborah’s spiritual-military counseling is indicative
of the convergent structure of ancient Israelite society through the spiritual-political governing of
the covenant community. The unenthusiastic response of Barak may reveal either skepticism of
God’s involvement in the battle or doubt concerning Deborah’s reliability as a prophet of God.
Since Barak has doubted the prophetic credentials of a woman, according to Laura A. Smit, a
woman will take away the military victory from him, which is Jael’s killing of the Canaanite
46
Enheduanna is a classic example of this type of female figure. As a daughter of King Sargon of Akkad
and the high priestess of the Sumerian deities Nanna and Ningal, she exercised a great deal of political
power in promoting a royal political theology for the hegemony of Akkad. Smith and Carrol,
Women's
Political and Social Thought: An Anthology, 3.
47
Hoppe, Joshua, Judges with an Excursus on Charismatic Leadership in Israel, 128.
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commander Sisera.
48
The power of receiving God’s divine instruction has been transferred to a
woman in Judges 4, and it is through Deborah that remembrance, obedience, and faith in God’s
laws is what will ultimately ensure the victory of the Israelites over the oppressive forces of the
Canaanites. In Judges 4, it is Deborah, God’s own prophetess who wields a significant amount of
political influence which presents the way war seeks to liberate the Israelites from oppressive
forces and protect its national identity.
As we transition from the period of the tribal covenant community of the ancient Israelites
into that of the monarchy period, the passages which recount that era of ancient Israelite society
are rife with warfare and depictions of combat. Through examining this part of the ancient
Israelites’ history, many of God’s commandments are either fully obeyed or are rejected by
Israel’s kings, with appropriate consequences. As I will discuss below, the passages of 1 Samuel
15, 2 Samuel 10, and 2 Kings 3 each demonstrate how effectively the monarchs of ancient Israel
and Judah carried on the traditions of warfare and how it impacted preservation of the Israelite
kingdom with its kingship.
1 Samuel 15 recounts the aftermath of victory of King Saul over the Amalekites, in which
Saul failed to kill King Agag of the Amalekites, a sin that eventually costs Saul the kingship. As
mentioned above, although Saul does wipe out the Amalekites and dedicates them to God per the
instruction of cherem, Saul keeps alive the best of the livestock with King Agag for himself
instead of those highly valued beings being surrendered to God. Another aspect of the extent of
Saul’s transgression is how, according to John Cassian, Saul did not uphold the covenant he had
made with God with reason and judgement as should be expressed by a faithful man who follows
God’s command without hesitation, affirming Niditch’s earlier point. Cassian asserts that this
48
Laura A. Smit. Judges and Ruth. Brazos Theological Commentary on the Bible (Grand Rapids: Brazos
Press, 2018), 75.
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passage reflects Saul’s disregard for God’s laws and not showing proper attitude in fulfilling
such covenants. Cassian therefore affirms all individuals should be attached to God and his
covenants in a relationship based on utter trust in doing what is best with an esteemed attachment
to God’s promises.
49
Saul’s actions, such as the sparing of King Agag, did not fully perpetuate the covenant
provided by God, and therefore does not exercise the proper manifestation of honoring those
promises in his leadership, as the ideal leader/king is supposed to reflect. By sparing King Agag
and the best of the Amalekite livestock, Saul follows the order of cherem, commissioned by
Samuel previously in 15: 1-3, only halfheartedly and therefore constituted a violation of the
command of utter devotion to God in the failure to perform cherem in its fullest.
50
There is an
incongruity present between Saul’s actions and the divine commission of cherem through
Samuel which displays the departure of Israel from upholding the commandments of God in
wartime, through how well Saul carries out the stipulations of divine command.
Seibert’s earlier observation on the way cherem ensures the preservation of God’s people
agrees this view on the purpose of cherem for teaching God’s chosen people and confirms
Cassian’s conclusion. Saul separates himself from God’s reign by rejecting Samuel’s
condemnation, reveals the separation of himself from both the boundaries of God’s reign as well
as imputing the choice to spare the Amalekite king and livestock towards the people of Israel.
51
As the law of cherem in combat is intended to manifest the full obedience and devotion to God,
49
John Cassian, Conference, 17.25.14-15, quoted in John Franke, ed., Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1-2 Samuel.
ACCS Old Testament 4 (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2005), 254.
50
Gnana Robinson. Let Us Be Like the Nations: A Commentary on the Books of 1 and 2 Samuel.
International Theological Commentary (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1993), 86-7.
51
Walter Brueggemann. First and Second Samuel Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and
Preaching (Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 1990), 112.
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the ultimate victor and champion, the effectiveness to follow through on this law determines the
effect of the monarch’s actions on the spiritual maintenance of the Israelite kingdom.
The second passage which examines the obedience to the laws of war as measured through
the maintenance of the Israelite kingdom is found in 2 Samuel 10, in which King David
successfully defeats the Ammonites. The narrative ends with the other nations recognizing the
powerful legitimacy of the Israelite kingdom and becoming vassals to David. One of the many
examples of David’s generosity, is shown when he sends condolences and kind tidings to King
Hanun of the Ammonites, the son of David’s old ally Nahash. However, due to Hanun’s paranoia
about David sending spies, Hanun instead humiliates David’s messengers and initiates a
provocation to war. The actions of Hanun constitute an act of aggression, through the hostility
shown towards David’s display of chesed (kindness). Because of these hostile actions and how
the Ammonites recognize how they “...had become odious to David... (2 Sam. 10: 6),” the
Ammonites anticipate military conflict because of this breach of David’s political hospitality.
The Aramean forces, according to A. A. Anderson, were not hired strictly as mercenaries,
but were rather bribed by the Ammonites so the Ammonites could further their own agenda in
weakening the kingdom of Israel.
52
Therefore this battle bears the characteristics of a political
war and attests to the fear of the surrounding nations of David’s ascent to kingship and power
threatening the states of other surrounding kingdoms, which the Arameans might have shared
with the Ammonites. The final defeat of Shobach, the commander of King Hadadezer of Aram,
by King David in 2 Samuel 10: 16-18 marks the ending of the Ammonite-Aramean conflict, and
results in the allies of King Hadadezer negotiating peace with Israel and becoming vassals to
King David. The way in which the Arameans fear the Israelites and refuse to aid the Ammonites
52
Arnold A. Anderson. 2 Samuel. Word Biblical Commentary 11 (Dallas: Word Books, 1989), 147.
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ever again demonstrates the impact of David and Joab’s leadership and tactics that overwhelmed
the Ammonite-Aramean forces. It is because of the stunning defeat of the Arameans seen by
their former allies, that these allies see the power and strength of the Israelite army and kingdom
they resolve to show goodwill towards David so as not to provoke any form of political tension
nor conflict.
53
While God is not mentioned in this passage, David’s demonstrations of spiritual goodness
(chesed) and fierce defense of the Israelite people against other peoples had earned God’s
support, as with nearly all passages which depict David. While David is a violent man, his
impassioned defense of God’s people and law serves as the root of his actions as king. Actions in
battle serve to preserve the national integrity of the Israelite people, with upholding the covenant
as a spiritual-political treaty between God and his people. Therefore, David’s own impactful
actions in both perpetuating God’s own goodness and generosity in David’s kingship along with
defending political insults to the Israelite kingdom are tied to the national and spiritual
preservation of the Israelites.
The final passage that will be examined regarding how the Israelites effectively carried out
the stipulations of war laws in the monarchy is that of 2 Kings 3, which recounts the Moabite
rebellion and defeat by the kingdoms of Israel and Judah with the Edomites. This chapter falls
into three discernible sections: the introduction of why and how conflict has come about (1-3),
the account of the combined invasion of Israel, Judah, and Edom against the rebelling Moabites
(4-25), and the quick reversal for the fortunes of the victorious and defeated (26-27).
Before the events of this passage, the Moabite nation was in long standing subservience to
Israel since the reign of David, although it had enjoyed religious freedom and independence.
53
Craig E. Morrison. 2 Samuel. Berit Olam: Studies in Hebrew Narrative and Poetry (Collegeville, MN:
Liturgical Press, 2013). ProQuest eBook Central. 53.
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After the Moabites make their rebellion known, King Joram of Israel musters all of Israel along
with King Joram allying with the armies of King Jehoshapat of Judah and the Edomites in verses
6-7. This gathering of such large forces shows that these allies were dealing with a considerable
threat to their eastern borders, indicative of a more political battle such as that of David’s
Ammonite-Aramean war. Elisha’s summoning in verse 10 by Jehoshapat during a time of crisis
reflects the role played by prophets during these types of campaigns. Through this passage, this
incident provides a glimpse into the mechanics of divine inspiration.
54
In this way 2 Kings 3 is
reminiscent of the style and method of battle during the period of the Canaanite Conquest and the
era of Israelites tribal covenant community, with the inclusion of prophetic inspiration in battle.
This enforces the view of this military expedition as a victorious holy war, with the assurance of
God’s aid and presence with the army voiced through the prophet, although this passage does not
necessarily indicate full gratification of victory.
In the aftermath of victory, the two combined armies of Joram and Jehoshapat had
committed two sins in violation of Deuteronomistic laws set forth for purposes in combat. The
first of these sins was the attempt to occupy Moab permanently in violation of Deuteronomy 2:
9, to not show hostility nor to engage in conflict with the Moabites, and neither to possess their
land, as commanded by God. Because the book of 2 Kings would have been written during the
exilic period, this passage might have presented a bit of irony as the Israelites at this time had
lost possession of their own land and kingdom.
55
Another way in which the armies of Israel and
Judah sinned against God in the way they cut down the fruit trees and stoning every fertile field
in verse 25, violating the commandment in Deuteronomy 20: 19-20 which forbade the Israelites
54
T. R. Hobbs. 2 Kings. Word Biblical Commentary 13 (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1985), 35-6.
55
Richard D. Nelson. First and Second Kings. Interpretation: A Biblical Commentary for Teaching and
Preaching (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 2012), 169.
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from making war against the trees of an enemy land. God therefore becomes angry at the flagrant
disregard of the Israelites against his own laws in desecrating the Moabite land.
56
While the
consequences of this disregard do not ensue quite as quickly as the other passages, this passage
attests to the effect of how the sins done against the Moabites and their land enflamed God’s
wrath against the Israelites.
At the time this book was most likely constructed, the ancient Israelites saw the retribution
of God for the disobedience of Deuteronomistic laws in being subjugated and exiled under other
nations. According to Richard Nelson, the included detail of the king of Moab’s sacrifice of his
firstborn son (verses 26-27) to the Moabite deity Marduk as a final plea of divine intervention,
may have interpreted by the Israelite exiles as the vow of vengeance made by the Moabite king
as being fulfilled in the Israelites’ own exile.
57
Through this chapter, the disregard for the laws
established in Deuteronomy result in devastation for the Israelites in destruction and loss of land;
the impact of disobedience to the war laws on the capability of Israel’s monarchs and its people
to preserve Israel’s national, cultural, and spiritual integrity.
Part 3: Women in Scripture
Among the violence perpetrated in war times throughout the ages, women have been
extremely vulnerable to tragic violence in battle and reprisals in the aftermath of military
victories. Because being part of a defeated kingdom in battle leaves its citizens in extremely
vulnerable situation, the women pay very steep prices in times of war, through their offspring or
themselves. While there are examples of women throughout the Bible who experience cruel and
rough treatment, scripture does not solely reflect women as vulnerable and weak figures left at
56
Peter J. Leithart. 1 & 2 Kings. SCM Theological Commentary on the Bible (London: SCM Press,
2006), 180.
57
Nelson, First and Second Kings, 169.
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the mercy of dominating systems of patriarchies. The examination of the female figures of the
Old Testament will show this is not entirely the case regarding the treatment of women and will
show women as having a crucial participation in the activity of war or its aftermath.
The actions and involvement of women during war in the Old Testament will show the
similarities and differences the Israelites had with those practices of their ancient Near Eastern/
Western Asian neighbors. In military and political demonstrations of war and violence, women
have still stood as powerful presences, demonstrating an act of resistance that changes the course
of the understanding the narrative of God’s people. It is through the course of wartime that the
Bible displays women as agents of their own power ably challenging unjust systems of tyranny
and oppression and sees women as powerful individuals that threaten the legitimacy of the land-
based foundation of Israelite patriarchy which isn’t simply limited to wartime.
Section 1: Women Whose Assaults Have Precipitated Warfare
Violence against women has precipitated conflict for humanity throughout the ages, and it is
important to first encounter the ways in which such events have transpired in the Bible.
Examining those figures of Dinah (Jacob’s daughter), the Concubine of a Levite, and Tamar
(David’s daughter), we can see how the manners of their treatment and the offense taken from
their families impacted the provocation of war. Through their sexual assaults, these women
become the center of military conflict between families or parties from which they are a part of.
Through reading the scripture passages in which these figures are present in along with
examining their roles in their families and society, we can begin to understand the impact
women’s treatment has had on the declaration and the prosecution of war.
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Dinah, Daughter of Jacob:
Through Dinah’s rape, her brothers Simeon and Levi are provoked into massacring the
Shechemites and demonstrate the violent actions taken against her bring about military conflict.
Dinah, the sole daughter of Jacob and Leah, becomes the focus of infatuation of the Hivite prince
Shechem in Genesis 34, and through her betrothal to the prince, all Shechemite males agree to be
circumcised. Unlike the rape of Tamar in 2 Samuel 13: 10-15 (whom we will read about later),
here rape does not lead to repulsion, but rather Shechem’s love increases; the prince eventually
persuades his father, King Hamor, to arrange a betrothal between Shechem and Dinah, thereby
establishing a covenant with Jacob.
According to James McKeown, Hamor’s desire to make a covenant with Jacob is not just
related to his son’s desire, but also because Hamor recognizes Jacob’s blessedness and sees an
opportunity to share in the blessing, shown by his proposal: “My son Shechem has his heart set
on your daughter. Please give her to him as a wife. Intermarry with us; give your daughters to us,
and take our daughters for yourselves. Thus you can live among us. The land is open before you.
Settle and move about freely in it and acquire holdings here (Gen. 34: 8-10 NAB).” While
acquiescing to the agreement to be absorbed into the Shechemite community through
intermarriage might have jeopardized the pure descent of the Israelites from Abraham, it was
Jacob’s inaction to preserve his spiritual identity which his allows his sons to override his
authority and demand the circumcision of the Shechemites (Gen. 34: 15-16 NAB). In this way,
Jacob’s sons show unfavorable characteristics, shown by their deceptive behavior as they use the
ritual of the covenant community to their advantage.
58
58
James McKeown. Genesis. The Two Horizons Old Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids: William B.
Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2008), 158-9.
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In this passage, Dinah’s own personal thoughts and experiences after the rape are not
acknowledged nor present, and this passage focuses solely on the communal consequences. In
our own society, rape is viewed as a crime against the individual, but in the context of the Old
Testament sexual defilement is one of many symbolisms of wayward idolatry. Religious harlotry
is seen as a threat to return the chosen people of Israel back in the mass of fallen humanity.
59
Therefore, according to Russell Reno the abduction and rape of Dinah by Shechem threatens the
spiritual order of the Israelite community. Through Shechem’s abduction of Dinah for pleasure,
this act may show his plan to conscript Dinah into becoming a womb from which to build the
future house of Shechem, along with the entire clan of Jacob.
60
Through examining the meaning
and purpose of Dinah’s rape in the context of knowing Israel’s identity and impact on future
descendants, the assault on Dinah is not viewed only as a crime on the individual, but as act of
communal infection which jeopardizes the future of Israel by being absorbed into another people
who do not follow God’s laws.
Genesis 34: 1 shows that Dinah is permitted to go out alone and visit with her friends
among the Hivites, indicative of the hospitable relations established between Jacob and King
Hamor in Genesis 33: 18-19.
61
What is also raised by this verse, according to Zlotnick, is that if
Dinah’s sexual integrity was critically important as her brothers made it out to be, is the question
of why she was permitted to go out alone. Zlotnick questions on whether anyone or Dinah
herself perceived that she (Dinah) would become an object of desire. The omission for the reason
is curious but sets an ominous tone amid the guest-host friendship established. Further reading
59
Helena Zlotnick. Dinah's Daughters: Gender and Judaism from the Hebrew Bible to Late Antiquity
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 36.
60
Russell R. Reno. Genesis. Brazos Theological Commentary on the Bible (Grand Rapids: Brazos Press,
2010), 254.
61
“Dinah, the daughter whom Leah had borne to Jacob, went out to visit some of the women of the land.”
(Gen. 34: 1 NAB).
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Zlotnick’s examination of Dinah, the implication of the law on rape prescribed in Deuteronomy
22 is that the offended girl’s consent or resistance does not matter if the rapist is willing to pay
her father the bride price and the father accepts. However the location of the rape, which is
essential in the determination of the degree of collusion, is absent from this passage, implying
the action of Genesis 34 may not have been a rape nor a seduction, but perhaps a sexual
relationship without a father’s permission.
62
Zlotnick makes the point to show the historical
importance of marriage as a vital instrument of economic, political, and social bonds, with
primary control of marital bonds belonging to fathers or close male kin relatives.
63
This observation made by Zlotnick is supported by Reno’s earlier conclusion of how Dinah
serves as an example by which non-Jewish peoples could potentially overcome and absorb the
Israelite people into the non-Jewish folds of society. By comparing Dinah’s betrothal to those of
Rebecca, Leah, and Rachel through the settings of wooing, the attaining of a betrothal on the part
of the potential groom, and the arrangements made through male relatives, Zlotnick demonstrates
the importance of hospitality and the marriage negotiations establishing guest-host relationships
between two parties. Through the accounts of the betrothals of the three matriarchs, the reader
can fully appreciate the enormity of the abduction and marriage of Dinah, and so the reader is
also able to recognize the legitimacy and acceptance of marriages at this point in Israel’s early
formation.
64
This view of marriage is also upheld by McKeown’s earlier examination on the
importance of the covenants of marriage. Through Simeon and Levi’s assault on the Shechemite
people, such a bond based on amicable relations and agreement is immediately broken. Dinah is,
therefore, seen as one of the most important individuals whose identity and choices determine
62
Zlotnick, Dinah's Daughters: Gender and Judaism from the Hebrew Bible to Late Antiquity, 36-7.
63
Ibid. 39.
64
Ibid. 45-46.
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the fate of Israel’s identity, because she is part of a community that places value on the
community’s spiritual purity through its own members.
Concubine of a Levite:
Another woman whose violation incited a declaration of war in scripture is the Concubine
of a Levite in Judges 19, and how Israel wars against one of their own tribal groups demonstrates
its deteriorating communal conduct. In Judges 19: 1, the woman is described as a concubine, or a
pilegesh in Hebrew, which can mean the woman is part of a man’s harem, not as one of his
wives, or it can mean she is married to a man as his secondary wife. It is in verses 4, 7, and 9
which include the appearance of the Levite’s father-in-law, that confirms that the concubine is
the Levite’s secondary wife. According to Susan Ackerman, a concubine as unmarried and in a
mistress-type relationship with a man would have had provided a considerable amount of
autonomy and authority.
65
Two such examples presenting concubines wielding significant
authority are David’s ten concubines he leaves behind due to Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sam. 15: 16
NAB) and Rizpah, Saul’s concubine (whom we shall examine later). Whereas the woman in
Judges 19, as a secondary wife, is subject to her husband’s control and answerable to his
directives; however, the namelessness can be a significant marker of a woman’s importance, as
with David’s ten nameless concubines.
66
Through this, the text presents how the Levite’s concubine is to be understood as being
bound to the Levite through ties of marriage, and therefore is limited in her own autonomy. The
woman’s act in leaving her husband seems to stem from the implication that the woman
committed sexual unfaithfulness, indicated by the use of the Hebrew zanah, meaning “to play the
65
Susan Ackerman. Warrior, Dancer, Seductress, Queen: Women in Judges and Biblical Israel. Anchor
Bible Reference Library (New Haven: Doubleday, 2009), 236.
66
Ibid.
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harlot.” However, according to Ken Stone, the manner of the Levite when he “went after her to
soothe her and bring her back (Judg. 19: 3 NAB),” may perhaps show that it is the woman who
has been offended by the Levite, with no hints of the Levite bringing charges of adultery,
considering divorce, nor calling for her execution.
67
This is further emphasized by Phyllis
Trible, as she states where such phrases describe the actions of a man toward a woman, she may
be the offended party because the Levite does not address the guilt in his goal of reconciliation.
68
Furthermore, the woman does not go to live with another man in a marital or sexual sense, but
rather goes to back to her father’s house. From reading this, the usual indicators for adultery on
the woman’s part is not present in this chapter, and therefore the woman seems to be the
offended party. Because of the presence of the Levite’s father-in-law, the term pilegesh in this
context refers to the woman as completely bound in marriage to the Levite, and therefore she is
made subordinate and enjoined to her husband’s directives in this Biblical context.
Within this passage, the phrase, “In those days there was not a king in Israel… (Judg. 19: 1
NAB),” contextualizes these passages of disorder, and characterizes the period prior to the
monarchy. As a result of the assault on the Levite’s concubine by the men of the tribe of
Benjamin in Judges 19: 15-16, all the tribes of Israel unite against the tribe of Benjamin in action
that bears indication of a “holy war” against one of Israel’s own constituent parts.
69
Judges 19,
with chapters 17-21, is part of a larger narrative within a setting of social and moral collapse at
the end of the period of Judges.
67
Ken Stone. Sex, Honor, and Power in the Deuteronomistic History. Journal for the Study of the Old
Testament Supplement Series 234 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997), 71.
68
Phyllis Trible. Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives. Overtures to Biblical
Theology 13 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1997), 67.
69
“But the men would not listen to him. So the man seized his concubine and thrust her outside to them.
They raped her and abused her all night until morning, and let her go as the sun was coming up. At the
approach of morning the woman came and collapsed at the entrance of the house in which her husband
was, and lay there until morning.” (Judg. 19: 15-16 NAB).
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Following the death of Samson in Judges 16, the chapters recount a series of stories that
portrays Israel in a state of deterioration prior to the rise of the monarchy. The period of Judges
17-21 marks a time of corruption in ancient Israelite history through idolatry, the forsaken
hospitality which results in the rape and murder of a woman, and Israel carrying out a holy war
against itself. It is the rape of the Levite’s concubine that propels the tribes of Israel toward a
cycle of increasing violence and social fragmentation. As Frank M. Yamada compares the rape
in Judges 19 with that of the attempted assault in Sodom and Gomorrah in Genesis 19, when the
hosts paying hospitality in both passages offer up their women to the mobs, it is only the men of
Gibeah who succeed in acting upon their lustful violence. The explicit offering of the Ephraimite
host and the Levite, in a similar manner to Lot, for the mob to rape the women also shows that
the men’s generosity have overstepped the boundaries of hospitality.
70
The assault on the
Levite’s Concubine is seen as a manifestation of Israel’s descent into utter evil and sinfulness;
the present brutality within the borders of the Israelite community showed the violence was
manifest in the evil done by the tribe of Benjamin which required Israel to take equally violent
measures towards one of their constituent parts.
Tamar Daughter of David:
The third woman whose treatment precipitated warfare is Tamar, the daughter of David,
whose rape assault by her half-brother Amnon was a pivotal point in the succession crisis for the
Israelite monarchy. The rape is recounted in 2 Samuel 13, in which Tamar is portrayed as
helpless in the face of the overpowering violence by Amnon and his repeated commands she
obeys without complaint, much like the Levite’s concubine.
70
Frank M. Yamada. Configurations of Rape in the Hebrew Bible: A Literary Analysis of Three Rape
Narratives. Studies in Biblical Literature 109 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2008), 70-1; 86-7.
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The fact that Tamar is identified as Absalom’s sister is important, as sisters play a potent
symbolic role in male-male relations in many societies, such as in the case of Dinah in Genesis
34. Another point of tension present in this passage according to Ken Stone is that the primary
obstacle to Amnon’s lust, as Amnon sees, is that Tamar is a betulah, or a virgin (2 Sam. 13: 2).
71
This type of relationship between half siblings is prohibited in Leviticus 18: 18, but such incest is
not seen as an obstacle to Amnon.
72
According to Trible, the narrator of this passage had chosen
to stress familial ties, with Tamar as the sister of Absalom rather than the object of Amnon’s
desire in order to present the intimacy which exacerbates the eventual tragedy. Through this
passage, the two central princes compete with each other through a woman, who both move
between protecting and polluting.
73
Anthropological views on the importance of the virginity of
sisters, daughters, and other kinswomen intersect with the views on honor and reputation of male
relatives who need to protect their kinswomen.
74
Tamar, however, does show her own strength in the face of this tragic event. L. Juliana
Claassens describes the potency of Tamar’s mourning, noting how mourning serves as a means
by which the trauma survivor may resist the violence that had befallen them, as reclaiming the
ability to feel the full range of motions is understood as an act of resistance rather than
submission to the perpetrator’s intent.
75
According to Yamada, the forces of prophetic judgement
and royal succession shape the meaning of rape in the context of 2 Samuel 13. Tamar’s rape is
interpreted as the first part of the domestic strife that is a result of David’s two-fold sin of
71
He was in such anguish over his sister Tamar that he became sick; she was a virgin, and Amnon
thought it impossible to do anything to her.” (2 Sam. 13: 2 NAB).
72
You shall not have intercourse with your sister, your father’s daughter, or your mother’s daughter,
whether she was born in your own household or born elsewhere.” (Lev. 18: 18 NAB).
73
Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives, 38.
74
Stone, Sex, Honor, and Power in the Deuteronomistic History, 106-7.
75
L. Juliana M. Claassens. Claiming Her Dignity: Female Resistance in The Old Testament (Collegeville,
MN: Liturgical Press, 2016), 40-1.
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adultery with Bathsheba and the murder of Uriah in 2 Samuel 11-12, which agrees with the
points of Claassens and Stone on the building tensions between David and Absalom. It is the
rape of Tamar that sets off family dynamics that ignite Absalom’s retaliation against Amnon, and
it is Absalom’s vengeance that is bound up in the issue of royal succession; as David committed
adultery and murder, so does rape and murder divide David’s own house.
76
Although it would
seem Tamar is positioned as a weak female who has been let down by nearly all her male
relatives, Tamar is seen as having recourse through her choice to resist Amnon’s lustful intent
and being a living testimony of the failure of her male relatives, and not herself. Through living
out her days with Absalom, Tamar can mourn for her ruined state which can be seen as a method
of resisting Amnon’s further designs and insults.
Verse 14, in which Amnon is described, as having done to Tamar, “forcibly laid with”as
in the KJV Bibleor “raped”—as in the NAB Bible—along with calling her “it” afterwards in
verse 17, demonstrates the objectification of Tamar and how it contributes to Tamar’s
dehumanization. As her male relatives fail to give her support through this ordeal, the most
dramatic depiction of the effects of the rape as Tamar as having become somema, or desolate, in
2 Samuel 13: 20. Examining the use of somema in Isaiah 54: 1, Claassens sees that the word is
used to describe a land or city’s own devastation and ruin that makes them uninhabitable. With
this type of imagery in mind, Tamar is seen living out her days as a ruined woman, by becoming
secluded and isolated from those around her as a result of the damage done by her brother.
77
In
this passage, as Absalom and David are named first in their relationship to the two central
characters (Absalom’s sister Tamar and David’s son Amnon) demonstrates the importance of in
76
Yamada, Configurations of Rape in the Hebrew Bible: A Literary Analysis of Three Rape Narratives,
103-4.
77
Claassens, Claiming Her Dignity: Female Resistance in The Old Testament, 39-40.
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the succession of events between David and Absalom, and so the account of rape in 2 Samuel 13
characterizes the tension between David and Absalom that will eventually follow.
78
The narrator
presents the characterizations of the parties involved in order to highlight the extent of the sexual
violation and its impact on the relational dynamics of David’s household. Tamar’s rape in 2
Samuel 13 is counted as part of the prophetic fulfillment of David’s earlier sin, seen in domestic
strife and rebellion, which effects the relationships in David’s house and ultimately impacts the
Israelite kingdom.
Section 2: Women Whose Role and Actions Determined Military
Victory
While the former examples exhibit violent actions against women that have led to conflict,
women in the Old Testament have also performed important roles in battle and are crucial to the
tide of victory. Through reading about the impact women have on the sequence of battle, their
actions are part of God’s hidden intent on how he conducts war through placing women in
traditional male roles. The female judge Deborah, the Kenite Jael, and the Millstone Woman in
the Battle of Thebez, each in the book of Judges, all demonstrate a powerful role in battle in
ensuring victory for their people and how God presents his authority through the unexpected
person of the female warrior.
Deborah:
Within Judges 4, the Israelites had shown disobedience and evil in the sight of God.
Because of this God eventually, “sold them into the power of the Canaanite king, Jabin, who
reigned in Hazor (Judges 4: 2 NAB),” and Jabin oppresses the Israelites brutally. As discussed
78
Stone, Sex, Honor, and Power in the Deuteronomistic History, 106.
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earlier, Deborah described as wife of Lappidoth, judged the Israelites during that time. Barak and
Sisera display heroic-warrior characteristics in Judges 4, however where both fall short is
through Barak’s own hesitance along with Sisera’s fleeing at the end of battle.
According to J. Cheryl Exum, Judges 4 implies Barak behaved in a womanly way by
showing uncertainty and thereby suffered a blow to his male pride: a woman will take his glory
from him.
79
It is Deborah, described as the “mother of Israel (Judges 5: 7 NAB),” whom Barak
shows dependence on in a child-like manner, and presents the symbolic position of men as little
boys that makes women their mothers. The earlier observation of Barak’s doubt of Deborah’s
abilities as a prophet differs from the view here, as Barak does not doubt Deborah because she is
a woman, but because he depends on her as a source of spiritual comfort. As the people of Israel
are in disarray and chaos, their reality and lives are wretched at the hands of Canaanite treatment,
and it is Deborah who delivers her “children” from danger and makes their lives secure once
more. The body of the nurturing mother provides security and protection to her household, and
this is the role Deborah plays in the lives of the Israelites against the Canaanite oppression,
recounted in the song of Deborah.
80
One does not necessarily have to be married in the Bible to
play the role of the nurturing mother, as one can be a symbolic representation of the nurturing
mother regardless of marriage or single status. Through Judges 4, it is the men who fall short of
the expectations set forth earlier in Judges of the heroic ideal, and it is women who are presented
with a sacral task of being the mother for the protection of the Israelites.
As we see Deborah’s role in the liberation of the Israelites, the androcentric promotion of
the book of Judges is put aside in favor of exhibiting the image of the powerful, capable mother
79
J. Cheryl Exum. Feminist Criticism: Whose Interests Are Being Served?” in Judges & Method: New
Approaches in Biblical Studies. Gale A. Yee, ed., 2nd ed. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 71.
80
“When I, Deborah, arose, when I arose, a mother in Israel.” (Judg. 5: 7 NAB).
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with the victory over the Canaanites is awarded to Deborah as the warrior. Judges 4 focuses on
Deborah as a woman of valor, who even overshadows the seasoned warrior Sisera and the
powerful Barak who boasts an army of ten thousand men (Judges 4: 14 NAB) and displays her as
providing a measure of God’s presence in war.
According to Ronald W. Pierce, the traditional meanings given to Deborah’s name are
either “bee” or “wasp,” though it may also connote “leader.” The imagery of the swarming of
bees is used in Isaiah 7 to describe the Assyrian pursuit of Israel, and further emphasizes the role
Deborah has in bringing about the “swarming” of Barak’s army against that of Sisera. The
meaning behind her husband’s given name, Lappidoth, which is a Hebrew feminine plural term
meaning “enlightened” or “lamps,” as further indicative of Deborah’s symbolic representation in
the passage of Judges 4. Pierce sees this translation of Lappidoth as unusual for a masculine
singular term, and therefore suggests it is more plausible to read Deborah as “a woman of light,”
contrasting with Barak’s name meaning of “lightning.”
81
The meaning of Deborah’s name is
indicative of her role as a judge in Israel, guiding the people in the ways of the covenant and
thereby ensuring them of God’s own guidance and protection, agreeing with Exum’s view of
Deborah as a guiding mother.
Through the meaning of Deborah as “a woman of light” and “leader,” Deborah rendered
prophetic service before she acted as a judge, in a similar manner to Samuel. The song of
Deborah in Judges highlights Deborah’s deliverance of the Israelites by likening it to God’s own
liberation of the Israelites through Moses from Egyptian bondage, and the format of the victory
song in Judges 5 after the successful military expedition in chapter 4 is similar the Exodus story
when a victory is also followed by a celebration in song (Exod. 14-15). Deborah is identified
81
Ronald W. Pierce, “Deborah: Troublesome Woman or Woman of Valor?” Priscilla Papers 32. 2
(2018): 3.
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with Israel’s first and greatest judge, Moses, who set the framework by which other judges were
appointed in Israel and who ensured the Israelites of God’s protection and support.
82
Another
possible reason Barak requires Deborah’s presence at battle is because he views Deborah as a
source of spiritual-maternal comfort and sees the need for her critical guidance in the uncertainty
of battle. While it may be doubt is present in this battle of Judges, God exercises his military and
spiritual guidance through a warrior-prophet figure who happens to be a woman.
Jael the Kenite:
Although overshadowed by the success of Deborah, Jael the Kenite is acclaimed as the
“most blessed of women” in Judges 5: 24, because of her slaying of Sisera the fleeing Canaanite
general. Hailed as the perfect embodiment of generosity and hospitality, Jael’s actual role in
Judges 4 is not quite the opposite of what the Song of Deborah portrays. The event that precedes
Jael’s heroic, yet violent act is an act of simple hospitality, shown to the demoralized Sisera.
According to Ackerman, Jael’s magnanimous response to Sisera’s basic request for drink
provides hints of support and compassion to him during a long day of battle. In a similar manner
to Deborah, Jael is presented as the acting mother to the overwhelmed child that is Sisera, as Jael
responds to Sisera’s thirst with milk, paralleling the image of the nursing mother. Jael’s identity
as a Kenite alludes to the priestly role she plays through this narrative, that will be fully
examined later. Through this act, Jael’s hospitable act is put in juxtaposition with the murder of
Sisera, which does not stand in conflict with Jael’s priestly role as nurturer and sustainer. This
reflects the Israelite realm of thought which contributes the sphere of compassion associated with
the feminine sphere goes hand in hand with that of violence typically associated with men.
83
82
Ibid. 5.
83
Ackerman, Warrior, Dancer, Seductress, Queen: Women in Judges and Biblical Israel, 91.
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Through this unique combination in the demonstration of both kind hospitality and violence in
war, Jael is portrayed as a good woman who finds virtue in her hospitality and chivalry to
commit necessary violence. It is the combination of these characteristics which seem
irreconcilable with each other, that highlight Jael’s character as a nurturing mother-like figure as
well as a capable individual who takes up the violent act to end Israel’s foes.
The way Sisera can approach Jael without hesitation may imply two things about how the
situation between Jael and Sisera unfolds, and how in turn they can direct us of how to
understand Jael’s role in the battle of Judges 4. According to Judges 4: 17, the text implies a
peace treaty existed between the Kenite clan of Heber and King Jabin of Canaan (under whom
Sisera fights), and therefore Jael holds a space that belongs to a political ally. However, Barak
also enters the tent in the same manner as Sisera, and is not the typical manner an Israelite might
approach a Canaanite sympathizer during this Biblical period. In examination of Benjamin
Manzar’s explanation of Jael’s character, Ackerman sees Jael’s tent is likely imagined as a
sacred space, a type of religious sanctuary.
84
Jael’s literary role as a religious functionary is
affirmed through her husband’s identity as a Kenite, some of whom are descendants of Jethro the
Priest, the father-in-law of Moses. The Kenites are also recorded as having joined the Israelite
tribe of Judah earlier in history. Through recognizing the priestly status of Moses’s father-in-law
and her marriage to Heber, Jael is to be understood as belonging to this religious aristocracy.
Jael’s murder of Sisera reflects that of Zipporah’s circumcision of Gershom with the symbolic
circumcision of Moses in Exodus 4: 24-26, which was performed to preserve the life of Moses
through a blood offering.
85
84
Ibid.
85
Ibid. 92-4.
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Now in Judges 4, Jael takes up the symbolic priestly role and performs a blood offering by
taking the life of Sisera, to preserve the Israelites’ liberation. The description in the passage of
Judges 4 intentionally recognizes Jael as part of a priestly clan of Kenites, who are assigned a
significant role in the power dynamics between the Israelites and surrounding Canaanites. It is
the Kenites who possess a religious symbolic role in the unfolding of events for the Israelite
people. In other words, Jael assumes the role of a priest in Israel’s liberation as she symbolically
offers up Israel’s enemies to God when she kills Sisera.
The Millstone Woman:
The final woman who displays a crucial role in battle and changes the dynamics of gender
roles in the Old Testament is the Millstone Woman in Judges 9, the chapter which recounts the
Battle of Thebez. Abimelech, Gideon’s son by a Shechemite concubine, throws the land into
turmoil after a period of rest from warfare, owed to Gideon’s previously successful deliverance.
Through this scripture account, the cycle of kingship is developed, introduced, and rejected until
1 Samuel. The consequences of Canaanite kingship are primarily focused on Abimelech’s
kingship and shows the Israelites the social catastrophe of a monarchy.
This narrative marks the first time in Judges in which major leadership is based on popular
choice rather than divine election. It is through verses 1-6 that Abimelech appeals to his mother’s
family, clan, and people of Shechem for their support of his kingship based on his kinship with
them. This, along with the murder of 70 of his brothers, both assure Abimelech of his claim to
kingship.
86
Abimelech is not presented as a judge who serves God’s interests for the preservation
of Israel, but as a king asserting his right to rule who sows violence and discord for the
86
David J. H. Beldman. Judges. Two Horizons Old Testament Bible Commentary. (Grand Rapids:
William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2020), 130.
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community. After ruling for three years over Shechem as well as Israel, Abimelech meets his
demise at the Battle of Thebez in Judges 9: 22-57, in which God is at work in Abimelech’s
downfall.
At the onset of a rebellion by Gaal, Abimelech destroys those cities against him and sets his
sights on reestablishing power in the city of Thebez. Like the event of the destruction of Migdal-
shechem (Judg. 9: 49 NAB), Abimelech instructs his army to set fire to the tower monument in
which all have taken refuge in, but unlike the former battle, Thebez is saved thanks to a certain
woman.
87
The crushing of Abimelech’s head by the nameless woman is reminiscent of Jael’s
killing of Sisera marked by the fatal blow to the head, and harkens back to the memory that
Abimelech killed his brothers “on one stone” in verse 5.
88
While it is not said how Abimelech knew a woman had crushed his skull, which is primarily
why he desired to die by suicide, one of the primary uses of the millstone during this ancient
time period was for grinding grain and belonged to the task of a woman.
89
The Millstone
Woman, just as the reluctant Shechemite lords, may be a part of God’s plan for insuring the
downfall of Abimelech, and her weapon is a reminder of the stone on which Abimelech
slaughtered his brothers. The ending of Abimelech’s life, brought about in nearly the same way
he brought upon his brothers by one stone, marked the end of this period of Israel’s experience
87
This method of burning a defeated city’s inhabitants within the buildings was a practice commonly
used by the Assyrian conquerors, such as in the campaign against Urartu in 697 BC. Matty, Sennacherib's
Campaign Against Judah and Jerusalem in 701 B. C: A Historical Reconstruction, 28-9.
88
Beldman, Judges, 134.
89
Jack M. Sasson. Judges 1-12: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. Anchor Yale
Bible 6D (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 400
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with Canaanite kingship, and brought calamity for both sides: Abimelech brought disaster upon
Israel by dishonoring his father through killing his brothers and Shechem for its participation.
90
In the examination of Judges 9: 1-57, this passage emphasizes Abimelech’s performance of
masculinity in relationship to the themes present throughout the narrative. Abimelech clearly
stipulates in Judges 9: 54 that he does not want anyone to remember he has died by a woman’s
hand. According to Jon-Michael Carman, masculinity is defined by the performance of certain
culturally defined roles that are constantly in flux. The first notion of masculine identity is that of
hegemonic masculinity, which is defined as the idealized form of masculinity that is upheld by
cultural norms. Subordinate masculinities belong to the second notion of masculine identity,
whose aspects lack those traits which define the hegemonic ideal or possessing opposite of ideal
traits, such as Abimelech being born of a concubine. The identity of the man possessing biblical
traits of hegemonic masculinity are to be physically powerful, be persuasive and wise, and to
establish bonds of friendship, all which Abimelech failed.
91
The woman throwing an “upper” or “riding” millstone corresponds to the ancient
Mediterranean language of which the millstone could connote sexual activity: the upper
millstone symbolizing a man and the lower, immobile millstone a woman. In Ancient Near
Eastern/ Western Asian culture, Carman states it was common to curse vassal kings or soldiers
with threats of becoming female or humiliate them through feminization.
92
The Millstone
Woman is presented as symbolically taking up the role of the hegemonic ideal of the male, and
thereby producing a counter-narrative in appropriation of the ideal characteristics of the central
90
Shechem, a Canaanite city which laid north of Bethel and Shiloh, is the homeland to the same people
whose prince had earlier taken Dinah in Genesis 34, and once again becoming a focus of violence in
Judges 9.
91
Jon-Michael Carman. “Abimelech the Manly Man?: Judges 9.1-57 and the Performance of Hegemonic
Masculinity.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament. 43.3 (2019): 303-4.
92
Ibid. 305-7.
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character. This understanding, therefore, helps highlight the agency of the millstone woman and
the gender reversal that transpires by her symbolic performance of warrior masculinity against
the leader of the invading army.
While the passage is rife with Abimelech’s failures, which include eliminating all his rival
brothers and failing to reprimand Gaal, the Millstone Woman deals the final symbolic insult to
Abimelech’s legitimacy. It is Abimelech’s failure to fulfill the identity of ideal hegemonic
masculinity that allows the Millstone Woman to appropriate the role for herself through striking
Abimelech. Through her actions, the Millstone Woman asserts her own version of masculine
dominance over the invading army’s leader.
Section 3: Women as Providing Counter-Narratives in the
Aftermath of Battle
The presence of women in violent passages, displays women as challenging the integrity
and legitimacy of the main narrative, as we see in the cases of Rahab in Joshua 2 with 6 along
with Rizpah, Saul’s concubine in 2 Samuel. Now that we have seen the treatment of women
which precipitates conflict with devastating results along with seeing the role women have
played in asserting their dominance in military victory, we will turn to examine the identity of
women in the aftermath of conflict. As the actions and treatment of these women were part of
additional contexts in scripture, we can see how their character and presence in their respective
narratives impact the understanding of the main narrative, and how they create their own
counter-narratives on the events which have transpired and affected them each respectively.
Rahab the Canaanite:
At the conclusion of the destruction of Jericho in Joshua 6: 22-27, Joshua sends the two
spies, who formerly made the promise to spare Rahab and her family, to fetch her from her house
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and put her close by the Israelite camp. As discussed earlier, the inclusion of Rahab in the
narrative of the Conquest of Jericho allows for another, different account on the fall of Jericho,
and how this important event is viewed from a Canaanite point of view. This narrative was not
written as a bare-bones narrative, but its primary purpose is to make an affirmation of faith in
God who can lead his people to victory in war. Because of divine intervention and human
obedience, the Destruction of Jericho as the first in the series of Canaanite conquest is the most
complete and dramatic.
93
As Rahab’s actions were examined earlier to understand her impact on
the formation of the Israelite community, this investigation now turns to how her actions attest to
Rahab’s own identity and character before and after the Conquest of Jericho.
As discussed above, it is not just the Israelites who demonstrate obedience and recognition
of God’s power, but it is Rahab who recognizes the Israelites’ conquest over the land because of
her acceptance of God’s spiritual legitimacy and strength. Rahab possesses great spiritual insight
as well as political awareness as she makes a genuine commitment to the Israelite spiritual
community in her expectation of the Israelite conquest. The New Testament authors of Hebrews
and James uphold her as a figure of righteousness and faith.
94
The fact Rahab was a woman
permitted her to have access to the spies through showing hospitality, and did not matter to the
willingness of the spies to trust her or for Joshua to fulfill his responsibility towards her; this
rapport Rahab builds with the Israelites presents her as a worthy and competent partner in the
campaign of conquest. It is her spiritual commitment to God and his people in their conquest that
preserves her and her family from suffering the fate of war, and which allows her to become tied
to the Israelite community in a spiritually profound way.
93
James Maxwell Miller and Gene M. Tucker. The Book of Joshua. The Cambridge Bible Commentary on
the New English Bible (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 54.
94
M. J. Evans. “Women,” DOTHB, 990.
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Rahab’s character and initiative present her as a courageous and capable woman who
recognizes the inevitable conquest and danger in putting herself into the social, ethnic, and
cultural boundaries of the Israelites. While it has been implied Rahab is a prostitute, as the word
used to describe her, zonah, which is used earlier in Judges 19 regarding the Levite’s Concubine,
could be also be translated to innkeeper. This possibly indicates that Rahab could be both a
prostitute and a landlady renting out rooms to customers and her fellow sex workers.
According to Frank Spina, this interpretation of Rahab’s identity as a prostitute is
highlighted the scarlet cord by which Rahab lowered for the escape of the Israelite spies. As
Spina states, this scarlet cord marks Rahab’s dwelling place, it also carries a sexual symbolism,
as scarlet symbolizes erotic and promiscuous characteristics, as seen in prophetic language
personifying sinful Israel being a seductive woman adorned in scarlet clothing (Jer. 4: 30).
Because this scarlet cord did not alert the Canaanites to the advancing Israelites, Spina asserts
that this is because the cord was often draped in Rahab’s abode and advertised her services and
business.
95
This explanation of the use of the scarlet cord demonstrates how the scarlet rope
served as a symbol of both Rahab’s profession and an indication of the type of “house” she
resided in. Rahab’s hanging of the scarlet cord did not alert the Canaanites to the coming
Israelite invasion and eventually carried a new symbolism of Rahab’s signal to the Israelites of
her profession of faith in the Israelite God.
Despite her identity as a sex worker, Rahab is depicted in the text as a businesswoman of
intelligence and initiative in demonstration of her spiritual awareness and willingness to actively
lend aid to the Israelites. Her actions of hiding the Israelite spies and deceiving the Jericho
government officials, show that Rahab possesses political awareness and great courage. This
95
Spina, The Faith of the Outsider: Exclusion and Inclusion in the Biblical Story, 63.
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courage is particularly accentuated in her willingness to cast herself with the Israelites lot despite
the immediate danger.
96
According to Jerome, that Rahab and her house were preserved after the
fall of Jericho presents the way true communion and salvation that is offered to non-Jewish
believers, symbolized by the Canaanite Rahab, made in the house of the contemporary church
that is represented by the city of Jericho.
97
Origen agrees with Jerome in describing the eternity
of Rahab’s union with the house of Israel by her sanctification by her faith and integration into
the Israelite community.
98
As Rahab provides a Canaanite account before the conquest of Jericho, the reader can
understand the beginning formation of the Israelite community and the spiritual integration of
peoples outside the Israelite cultural and ethnic boundaries. As earlier noted, Rahab and her
associates were still required to be put through purifications rituals before they could be
integrated into Israelite society, as they were still symbolically connected the Canaanite land.
Nevertheless, this narrative shows Rahab’s account as demonstration of a more positive aspect of
communal integration and assimilation of a defeated war party into the society of the victorious
people. As Frank Spina’s modern commentary agrees with the conclusions the Church Fathers
held on Rahab’s strength and role in the Conquest of Jericho, both commentators affirm Rahab
as being an essential part in the beginning of Israelite conquest over Canaan.
Through Rahab’s inclusion in the narrative of the Conquest of Jericho, permits another view
of the unfolding spiritually historical events from the viewpoint of the “other” in the annals of
the Israelites’ history. The conclusion made is that Rahab’s faith and acknowledgement of the
Israelite God’s power and claim over the land are what preserved her and her family from war
96
Evans, “Women,DOTHB, 991.
97
Jerome, Homily on the Exodus 91, quoted in Franke, ed., in Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1-2 Samuel, 39-40.
98
Origen, Homilies on Joshua 7.5, quoted in Franke, ed., in Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1-2 Samuel, 40.
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and is the reason the Canaanites have an important role in the spiritual legacy of the ancient
Israelites.
Rizpah the Concubine of Saul:
The final woman examined in the understanding of the treatment of women in the Iron
Age of the ancient Israelites, and who likely is most crucial to seeing the testament of women in
times of war, is Saul’s concubine Rizpah. With the executions of her sons Armoni and
Mephibosheth along with her five step-grandsons by Merab because of David fulfilling the
Gibeonite vow to alleviate the famine upon Israel, Rizpah shows her own form of resistance
against the treatment of Saul’s lineage.
99
Her actions within 2 Samuel 21 produce Rizpah’s
individual rebellion against the actions of King David, which provides the presence of counter-
narrative protesting the implications of the master-narrative of David. It is implied through the
text, that her actions, not David’s, brought the famine plaguing Israel to an end. By her presence
in 2 Samuel 21 Rizpah presents herself as an agent of her own resistance and power that
produces a counter-narrative that challenges David’s own legitimacy.
Rizpah’s name has a meaning that can direct the audience toward her purpose and place in
the narrative as a remaining part of Saul’s line dealing with David’s ascent to kingship. Her
name in Hebrew is translated to “hot coal” or “pavement stone.” This Hebrew word commonly
refers to a heating stone used for cooking, and there is in more alignment with the word meaning
“hot coal.”
100
The two other places in the Old Testament where “hot coal” is used are present in
Isaiah 6 and Proverbs 25. Isaiah’s lips are touched with a magic coal by an angel in Isaiah 6: 6-7,
99
“But the king took Armoni and Meribbaal, the two sons that Aiah’s daughter Rizpah had borne to Saul,
and the five sons of Saul’s daughter Merob that she had borne to Adriel, son of Barzillai the Meholathite,
and delivered them into the power of the Gibeonites, who then executed them on the mountain before the
LORD. The seven fell at the one time; they were put to death during the first days of the harvest—that is,
at the beginning of the barley harvest.” (2 Sam. 21: 8-9 NAB).
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indicative of repentance and spiritual cleansing themes. Proverbs 25 states, “If your enemies are
hungry, give them food to eat, if thirsty, give something to drink; For live coals you will heap on
their heads, and the LORD will vindicate you (Prov. 25: 21-22 NAB).” Hot coals in the contexts
of Proverbs 25 refers to the satisfying of an enemy’s thirst and hunger.
101
Rizpah’s actions of guarding Saul’s fallen descendants excited David into providing a proper
burial for Rizpah’s sons, Merab’s sons, and eventually Saul with Jonathan. While she has no say
or cannot act on behalf of her sons, Rizpah has the strength and courage to defend the burial rites
of not only her sons, but also her step-grandsons and by extension Saul and Jonathan.
102
Rizpah’s actions in guarding the dead incited David into providing a proper burial for all of
Saul’s descendants and for Saul himself. In doing so, Saul and his descendants were restored to
their natural rights of burial in death.
The absence of a proper burial for Saul’s sons and grandsons points to the community’s
failure to duly mourn victims of violence, and shows how some lives are not mourned for
equitably, because of identity and status. As Saul and his family are part of the dethroned
dynasty, they serve no purpose to David and the rest of Israelite society. It is by the failure to
mourn properly that can haunt a community and can encourage further retributive violence.
Victims of war and other forms of violence can be put through depersonalization, which means
some victims are put into a place of detachment and made insignificant by society.
103
By
providing proper burial rites and due mourning for the fallen members of the Saulide line, the
101
With this theme of appeasing another individual’s anger, Antigone similarly defends her actions in
burying her brother Polynices in that they protect Creon himself from the gods’ anger, as she describes
the way Creon has invited the wrath of the gods with his own decree: “It wasn’t Zeus who issued that
decree. The justice that resides with gods below has never sanctioned practices like yours. I didn’t think a
mortal man’s decrees possessed sufficient strength to nullify the deities’ secure, unwritten laws.”
Sophocles. Antigone. 450-56.
102
Evans, “Women,DOTHB, 995.
103
Claassens, Claiming Her Dignity: Female Resistance in The Old Testament, 5-6.
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final acts of honor and respect David and the Israelites show to the fallen Saulide members as
great and honored individuals. Surprisingly, Rizpah encourages David to take the true necessary
steps to restore spiritual order by final reconciliation and respect for the Saulide house.
The cause of the famine which has beset Israel, according to the narrator and which David
eventually finds out, is the bloodguilt on Saul’s house for attempting to wipe out the Gibeonites
despite a treaty having been made in the book of Joshua. David agrees to hand five of Saul’s
descendants to the Gibeonites in order to restore the cosmic order and honor the treaty.
According to Joo, David’s actions seemed to be more of a means to placate the Gibeonites and
appeal to his (David’s) own people, and not necessarily as an attempt to carry out a divine
directive. Therefore, David had willing handed over five of Saul’s descendants to the Gibeonites
to maintain his own precarious power. Because David had shed innocent blood, the famine
remained, because it was Saul’s own shedding of innocent blood of the Gibeonites which caused
the famine to begin with.
104
Through this passage, David is portrayed as enacting his own
preservation of power by placating the peoples’ demands, and it is Rizpah who challenges and
questions his motives through her actions.
According to the scripture passage, Rizpah keeps a six-month vigil over the corpses of Saul’s
sons and grandsons and protects them from the wild animals.
105
This vigil, according to
Claassens, has a transformative effect on all who witnessed her resolve to effectively mourn the
violence which had destroyed Saul’s house. The return of the rains is more closely linked with
Rizpah’s lament, rather than the blood sacrifice demanded by the Gibeonites.
106
Rizpah’s vigil
had a profound transformative effect on the community and on David himself to properly mourn
104
Joo. “Counter-Narratives: Rizpah and the ‘Comfort Women’ Statue,” 91-2
105
“…from the beginning of the harvest until rain came down on them from the heavens.” (2 Sam. 21: 10
NAB).
106
Claassens, Claiming Her Dignity: Female Resistance in The Old Testament, 15.
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and respect the fallen Saulide house as individual members worthy of dignity and respect as
human beings. Rizpah’s vigil produces another profound result: challenging the legitimacy of
David’s kingship and his complicity in the decimation of the Saulide dynasty, thereby producing
a counter-narrative as earlier presented by Joo. Previously stated by Claassens, the danger of
being unable to properly mourn for the dead can incite more violence to be carried out in
vengeance for the fallen. As Rizpah was in an open place, there were many who would have seen
her vigil and would have questioned David’s actions and legitimacy as king. According to Joo,
Rizpah’s actions could have very well inspired many to question David’s power and legitimacy
in his complicity in the violence perpetrated against the house of Saul.
107
While she did not have any role in preserving the lives of her children, Rizpah protected her
own offspring, along with children not her own, in death against the ravages of the elements and
communal injustice. Her actions in guarding the dead demonstrate the efficacy of Rizpah’s
agency of her active power in defending the natural rights of the fallen Saulide men, echoing
Antigone’s own fortitude, as Antigone objects to her uncle Creon’s authority overriding the
divinely sanctioned rights of Polynices.
108
Rizpah did not simply mourn for her dead sons and
step-grandsons but enacted her own method of resistance and protest of the violence committed
against the Saulide dynasty that shook the foundations of David’s legitimacy as king.
107
Joo. “Counter-Narratives: Rizpah and the ‘Comfort Women’ Statue,” 90
108
Eteocles, they say, he buries well, respecting law and justice, gaining him an honored place among
the dead below, but as for poor slain Polyneices’ corpse, he is sued all the people orders not to bury it or
even weep and moan. Unburied, unlamented, it must lie exposed, a tasty treat for passing birds. Death by
public stoning is the price if any body violates the law. In face of this, you’ll quickly demonstrate your
noble heart, or else your cowardice.” Sophocles. Antigone. 23-30; 35-8
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Conclusion:
As this examination concludes, war seems irreconcilable with the messages throughout
scripture of mercy, but passages of war have demonstrated the strength of God’s people in times
of conflict and violence. Understanding the meaning of cherem has demonstrated the intent of
God in war and how it is part of the preservation of his chosen people. Establishing spiritual
legitimacy in the Canaanite territory required the Israelites to commit violent acts, and the
success of the battle depended on the extent of their ability to obey God’s commandments fully.
The meaning of cherem has revealed the differences the ancient Israelites showed in their war
practices which were distinguished from their ancient Near Eastern/ Western Asian neighbors
that promoted the identity of being God’s chosen people.
Accounting for the languages of violence and destruction in wartime, helps us to recognize
the message that is communicated through the pages of the Bible and how women are upheld as
models of great faith and strength as warriors and survivors. The examination of women
throughout the Old Testament have presented the ways in which women were treated in war
times during the biblical periods. Through women’s oppressive, merciful, or respectful
treatment, the discussions on these figures of Old Testament passages have presented women as
agents of their own power and resistance against oppressive individuals, tyrannical systems, and
communal injustices.
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Ashley, Timothy R. The Book of Numbers. The New International Commentary on the Old
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