Selected Speeches of President George W. Bush

Selected Speeches of

President George W. Bush

2001 – 2008

SELECTED SPEECHES OF PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH

2001 – 2008

TABLE OF CONTENTS

2001

The First Inaugural Address

January 20, 2001 ............................................................................1

Remarks to New White House Staff

January 22, 2001 ............................................................................7

Remarks on the Education Plan Submitted to Congress

January 23, 2001 ............................................................................9

Faith-Based and Community Initiatives Announcement

January 29, 2001 ..........................................................................15

Remarks at the National Prayer Breakfast

February 1, 2001 ..........................................................................19

Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress

February 27, 2001 ........................................................................23

Dedication of the Pope John Paul II Cultural Center

March 22, 2001 .............................................................................37

Tax Relief Address to the United States Chamber of Commerce

April 16, 2001 ...............................................................................41

Days of Remembrance Observance

April 19, 2001 ...............................................................................47

Stem Cell Address to the Nation

August 9, 2001 ..............................................................................51

Address to the Nation on the September 11 Attacks

September 11, 2001 .......................................................................57

National Day of Prayer and Remembrance Service

September 14, 2001 .......................................................................59

Remarks to New York Rescue Workers

September 14, 2001 .......................................................................63

Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress

September 20, 2001 .......................................................................65

Address to the Nation on Operations in Afghanistan

October 7, 2001 ............................................................................75

Department of Defense Service of Remembrance at the Pentagon

October 11, 2001 ...........................................................................79

Address to the United Nations General Assembly

November 10, 2001 .......................................................................83

Address at the Citadel

December 11, 2001 .......................................................................91

The World Will Always Remember September 11

December 11, 2001 .....................................................................101

2002

State of the Union Address to the 107th Congress

January 29, 2002 .......................................................................103

Promoting Compassionate Conservatism

April 30, 2002 ............................................................................ 115

West Point Commencement

June 1, 2002 ................................................................................125

Middle East Peace Process

June 24, 2002 ..............................................................................133

Address to the United Nations General Assembly

September 12, 2002 .....................................................................139

2003

State of the Union Address to the 108th Congress

January 28, 2003 ........................................................................149

Remarks on the Loss of the Space Shuttle Columbia

February 1, 2003 ........................................................................165

Remarks on the Future of Iraq

February 26, 2003 .....................................................................167

Address to the Nation on Military Operations in Iraq

March 19, 2003 ........................................................................... 175

Remarks on the Freedom Agenda

November 6, 2003 ....................................................................... 177

Remarks at Signing of Medicare Reform Legislation

December 8, 2003 ....................................................................... 189

2004

State of the Union Address to the 108th Congress, Second Session

January 20, 2004 ........................................................................197

Remarks on Opening New Markets for America’s Workers

March 10, 2004 ................................................................................213

Remarks on Education

May 11, 2004 ...............................................................................229

Commemorating Ronald Wilson Reagan, Fortieth President of the

United States

June 11, 2004 ..............................................................................247

Unveiling of President Clinton and Senator Clinton’s Portraits

June 14, 2004 ..............................................................................253

Address to the Republican National Convention

September 2, 2004 .......................................................................257

2005

The Second Inaugural Address

January 20, 2005 ........................................................................273

State of the Union Address to the 109th Congress

February 2, 2005 ........................................................................279

Remarks on Strengthening Social Security

April 18, 2005 .............................................................................295

Nomination of John Roberts to the Supreme Court of the United States

July 19, 2005 ...............................................................................309

Promoting the Central American Free Trade Agreement

July 21, 2005 ...............................................................................313

Address to the Nation on Hurricane Katrina

September 15, 2005 .....................................................................325

2006

State of the Union Address to the 109th Congress, Second Session

January 31, 2006 ........................................................................335

Remarks on the Advanced Energy Initiative

February 20, 2006 ......................................................................351

Address to the Nation on Immigration

May 15, 2006 ..............................................................................369

Address to the American Legion National Convention: The Ideological

Struggle of the 21st Century

August 31, 2006 ..........................................................................377

Remarks on the Global War on Terror: The Enemy in Their Own Words

September 5, 2006 .......................................................................393

Address on the Creation of Military Commissions to Try Suspected

Terrorists

September 6, 2006 .......................................................................409

Address to the Nation on the Fifth Anniversary of 9/11

September 11, 2006 .....................................................................423

Address to the United Nations General Assembly: A World Beyond

Terror

September 19, 2006 .....................................................................431

Christening Ceremony of the George H. W. Bush

October 7, 2006 ..........................................................................439

2007

Commemorating Gerald R. Ford, Thirty-Eighth President of the United

States

January 2, 2007 ..........................................................................443

Address to the Nation on Iraq

January 10, 2007 ........................................................................447

Medal of Honor Ceremony for Jason Dunham

January 11, 2007 .........................................................................457

State of the Union Address to the 110th Congress

January 23, 2007 ........................................................................461

Address to an International Conference on Democracy and Security in

Prague

June 5, 2007 ................................................................................477

Address to the Nation on the Way Forward in Iraq

September 13, 2007 .....................................................................487

Remarks on Energy Security and Climate Change

September 28, 2007 .....................................................................495

Remarks on Cuba

October 24, 2007 ........................................................................505

Address to the Annapolis Conference

November 27, 2007 .....................................................................515

Remarks at a Reception in Celebration of Hanukkah

December 10, 2007 .....................................................................523

2008

State of the Union Address to the 110th Congress, Second Session

January 28, 2008 ........................................................................525

Remarks on Africa

February 14, 2008 ......................................................................541

Remarks on the Visit of His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI

April 16, 2008 .............................................................................555

Address to the Members of the Knesset

May 15, 2008 ..............................................................................557

Remarks on Volunteerism

September 8, 2008 .......................................................................565

Address to the Nation on the Financial Crisis

September 24, 2008 .....................................................................575

Remarks on the United States Ocean Action Plan

September 26, 2008 .....................................................................581

Address to the White House Summit on International Development

October 21, 2008 ........................................................................589

Remarks at the Graduation Ceremony for Federal Bureau of

Investigation Special Agents

October 30, 2008 ........................................................................603

Remarks on the Presidential Election

November 5, 2008 .......................................................................609

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THE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FROM WEST FRONT, U.S. CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 20, 2001

Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush,

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet

common in our country. With a simple oath, we afﬁ rm old traditions

and make new beginnings.

As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our

nation.

And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with

spirit and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of

America’s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we

continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new

world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a

slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story

of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to

defend but not to conquer.

It is the American story—a story of ﬂ awed and fallible people,

united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise

that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no

insigniﬁ cant person was ever born.

Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and

in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and

sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America’s faith in freedom

and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the

wind, taking root in many nations.

Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is

————

the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own,

a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we

have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise,

even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some

Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and

the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run

so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity,

our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every

generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a

single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power

larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.

And we are conﬁ dent in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are

bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above

our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child

must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them.

And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country

more, not less, American.

Today, we afﬁ rm a new commitment to live out our nation’s

promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a

concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good

will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty

because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.

But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does

not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn

the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose

their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy

to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic

or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism,

————

of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a

way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and

war, when defending common dangers deﬁ ned our common good.

Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers

will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of

blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to

future generations.

Together, we will reclaim America’s schools, before ignorance

and apathy claim more young lives.

We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our

children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will

reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward

the effort and enterprise of working Americans.

We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness

invite challenge.

We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new

century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake:

America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice,

shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our

allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance.

We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength.

And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation

birth.

America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American

conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of

our nation’s promise.

And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children

at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God,

they are failures of love.

And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no

substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are

————

not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all

of us are diminished when any are hopeless.

Government has great responsibilities for public safety and

public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion

is the work of a nation, not just a government.

And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a

mentor’s touch or a pastor’s prayer. Church and charity, synagogue

and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will

have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can

listen to those who do.

And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that

wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the

other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is

valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is

a call to conscience. And though it requires sacriﬁ ce, it brings a

deeper fulﬁ llment. We ﬁ nd the fullness of life not only in options,

but in commitments. And we ﬁ nd that children and community are

the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty

and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts

of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint

of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things

with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done

by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my

convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage,

to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility

and try to live it as well.

In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care

of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask

————

you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed

reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with

your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators;

citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of

service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we

believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.

When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program

can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand

against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia

statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race

is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an

angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his

inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of

this day he would know: our nation’s grand story of courage and its

simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story’s author, who ﬁ lls time and eternity with

his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is

fulﬁ lled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never ﬁ nishing, we renew that

purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to

afﬁ rm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides

in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you all, and God bless America.

————

REMARKS TO NEW WHITE HOUSE STAFF

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 22, 2001

The First Lady and I are honored to be living here, and we’re

honored to be hosting this event—the ﬁ rst we’ve done in this

glorious room since the Inauguration.

I want to thank the family members who are here. Thank you

for your sacriﬁ ce. Thank you for the long hours, for accepting the

long hours that your loved one is about to put in on behalf of the

American people. Some of the folks that are here have worked in

past administrations. For some of us, this is a new experience. But

for all of us, it is an honor of a lifetime, and it is our privilege to

share this together.

I am here to lead the executive branch of government. You all

are here because you have my full conﬁ dence. And we are here with

the same basic purpose, to serve the American people. We have all

taken an oath, and from this moment on it is our job to honor it.

Today everything is so promising and new. My hope is that the

day will never come when any of us take this place for granted and

this honor for granted. As we serve, we must always remember

three things.

First, we must remember the high standards that come with

high ofﬁ ce. This begins with careful adherence to the rules. I

expect every member of this administration to stay well within

the boundaries that deﬁ ne legal and ethical conduct. This means

avoiding even the appearance of problems. This means checking

and, if need be, double-checking that the rules have been obeyed.

This means never compromising those rules. No one in the White

House should be afraid to confront the people they work for, for

ethical concerns. And no one should hesitate to confront me, as

well. We’re all accountable to one another. And above all, we’re

all accountable to the law and to the American people. My White

————

House Counsel, Al Gonzalez, is my point man on these issues. If

you have even a hint of ethical doubt, I urge you to talk to Al.

Second, we must remember that high standards of conduct

involve not only obeying the law but showing civility. As we go

about our work, there is no excuse for arrogance and never a reason

for disrespect toward others. People who work here are highly

visible throughout the government. In many ways, in many of your

dealings, you’ll be the face and voice of the White House staff. You

will be my representative. I expect each of you, as an ofﬁ cial of

this administration, to be an example of humility and decency and

fairness.

And ﬁ nally, we must all remember that we are here for a

reason. You and I and the Vice President share the same goals for

our country and the same commitment to achieving them. We are

here to make progress. We are not here just to mark time. During

the next few weeks, we’ll afﬁ rm the central policy goals of this

administration, beginning this week with education reform.

Everyone will know where we stand. Everyone will know where

we’re headed. Every morning I want you to remember these goals.

Every evening I want you to review the progress we have made.

I want it said of us, at the end of our service, that promises made

were promises kept.

On a mantelpiece in this great house is inscribed the prayer of

John Adams, that only the wise and honest may rule under this

roof. He was speaking of those who live here. But wisdom and

honesty are also required of those who work here. I know each of

you is capable of meeting that charge. This is only our second day,

but time moves fast around here. So let us begin the work we were

hired to do and leave this a better place than we found it.

————

REMARKS ON THE EDUCATION PLAN

UBMITTED TO CONGRESS

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 23, 2001

Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Appreciate you being here. And it’s

good to see a former secretary of Education here. Lamar, thank you

very much for coming. Surrounded by two ﬁ ne Texans, I might add.

You are in good position! I was going to say a rose between two

thorns - but Diane Natalisio is not a thorn, she’s a fabulous educator

in the great state of Texas. Miller, on the other hand... at any rate,

I’m glad you all are here. It’s good to see so many faces of friends.

Welcome you to our new temporary abode.

This is an important moment for my administration because I

spent such amount of — a long amount of time campaigning on

education reform. It’s been the hallmark of my time as governor of

Texas. My focus will be on making sure every child is educated, as

the president of the United States as well.

Both parties have been talking about education reform for quite

a while. It’s time to come together to get it done so that we can

truthfully say in America, “No child will be left behind — not one

single child.”

We share a moment of exceptional promise — a new

administration, a newly sworn-in Congress, and we have a chance

to think anew and act anew.

All of us are impatient with the old lines of division. All of us

want a different attitude here in the nation’s capital. All in this room,

as well as across the country, know things must change.

We must confront the scandal of illiteracy in America, seen most

clearly in high-poverty schools, where nearly 70 percent of fourth

graders are unable to read at a basic level. We must address the low

standing of America test scores amongst industrialized nations in

math and science, the very subjects most likely to affect our future

————

competitiveness. We must focus the spending of federal tax dollars

on things that work. Too often we have spent without regard for

results, without judging success or failure from year to year.

We must face up to the plague of school violence, with an

average of 3 million crimes committed against students and teachers

inside public schools every year. That’s unacceptable in our country.

Change will not come by adding a few new federal programs to the

old. If we work only at the edges, our inﬂ uence will be conﬁ ned to

the margins. We need real reform.

Change will not come by disdaining or dismantling the federal

role of education. I believe strongly in local control of schools. I

trust local folks to chart the path to excellence. But educational

excellence for all is a national issue, and at this moment is a

presidential priority. I’ve seen how real education reform can lift up

scores in schools and effectively change lives.

And real education reform reﬂ ects four basic commitments.

First, children must be tested every year in reading and math. Every

single year. Not just in the third grade or the eighth grade, but in the

third, fourth, ﬁ fth, sixth and seventh and eighth grade. I oppose a

national test, one designed here in Washington, D.C., because I now

it would undermine local control of schools and undermine state

curricula. But states should test each student each year. Without

yearly testing, we don’t know who is falling behind and who needs

help. Without yearly testing, too often we don’t ﬁ nd failure until it

is too late to ﬁ x.

Consider what some parents face under the current system in

some states. A child may pass the third grade reading test.

He or she gets in the eighth grade and, lo and behold, fails the

eighth grade test. And the parent says, “Who do I hold accountable?

What happened? My child was successful in the third, and here he

or she is in the eighth. What went wrong? How come? Where did

the system let me down?”

Too much precious time has lapsed in this case for us to achieve

what we want: every child being able to learn. Testing every child

every year is the way to stop the cycle. We must care enough to

————

ask how our children are doing. We must have the data to know

how poor and minority children are doing, to see if we’re closing

the achievement gap in America. Annual measurement is a special

concern of mine. I understand it’s crucial — it’s a crucial part of —

of a solid reform package.

But the good news is, I’m not alone. Take, for example,

Congressman George Miller from California. Some might think it

odd that the President — a Republican President be mentioning a

Democrat member of the House. But he and I have had discussions

already. He understands the importance of strong accountability.

And we’re going to work together to make sure this is an integral

part of a reform package coming through the House and Senate.

Secondly, the agents of reform must be schools and school

districts, not bureaucracies. Teachers and principals, local and state

leaders must have the responsibility to succeed and the ﬂ exibility

to innovate. One size does not ﬁ t all when it comes to educating the

children in America. School districts, school ofﬁ cials, educational

entrepreneurs should not be hindered by excessive rules and red

tape and regulation.

The principle here is a basic one. If local schools do not have the

freedom to change, they cannot be held accountable for failing to

change. Authority and accountability must be aligned at the local

level, or schools will have a convenient excuse for failure. “I would

have done it this way, but some central ofﬁ ce or Washington, D.C.,

caused me to do it another way.”

Flexibility in education spending is a special concern of

members of both parties with whom I’ve discussed. Today I had a

good meeting with the chairman of the Education Committee in the

House, John Boehner. I know he shares my passion for ﬂ exibility

at the local level, as with people like Senator Judd Gregg or Tim

Hutchinson.

Third, many of our schools, particularly low-income schools,

will need help in the transition to higher standards. When a state

sets standards, we must help schools achieve those standards.

We must measure, we must know; and if a school or school

————

district falls short, we must understand that help should be applied.

Senator Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico brought this up to our

attention, about the need to make sure there is a transition period

between the moment — the moment of consequence and the ﬁ rst

indication of failure. Once failing schools are identiﬁ ed, we will

help them improve. We’ll help them help themselves. Our goal is to

improve public education. We want success, and when schools are

willing to accept the reality that the accountability system points out

and are willing to change, we will help them.

Fourth, American children must not be left in persistently

dangerous or failing schools. When schools do not teach and will

not change, parents and students must have other meaningful

options. And when children or teenagers go to school afraid of

being threatened or attacked or worst, our society must make it clear

it’s the ultimate betrayal of adult responsibility.

Parents and children who have only bad options must eventually

get good options, if we are to succeed all across the country. There

are difference of opinions about what those options should be. I

made my opinion very clear in the course of the campaign, and will

take my opinion to the Hill and let folks debate it.

Today, I was pleased to see that Senator Joe Lieberman brought

up his plan that includes different options for parents. It’s a

great place to begin. He and I understand that an accountability

system must have a consequence; otherwise, it’s not much of an

accountability system.

These four principles are the guides to our education reform

package. Yet today I’m offering more than principles. I’m sending a

series of speciﬁ c proposals to the United States Congress; my own

blueprint for reform. I want to begin our discussion in detail with

the members of the House and the Senate, because I know we need

to act by this summer so that the people at the local level can take

our initiatives and plan for the school year beginning next fall.

I’m going to listen to suggestions from folks. If somebody’s got

a better idea, I hope they bring it forward, because the secretary and

I will listen.

————

We’ve got one thing in mind: an education system that’s

responsive to the children, an education system that educates every

child, an education system that I’m conﬁ dent can exist; one that’s

based upon sound fundamental curriculum, one that starts teaching

children to read early in life, one that focuses on systems that do

work, one that heralds our teachers and makes sure they’ve got the

necessary tools to teach, but one that says every child can learn.

And in this great land called America, no child will be left behind.

It’s an honor to be here. I’m so thrilled you all came. God bless.

————

FAITH-BASED AND COMMUNITY INITIATIVES

NNOUNCEMENT

INDIAN TREATY ROOM,

DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER EXECUTIVE OFFICE BUILDING

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 29, 2001

Good morning. Thank you all for coming. I take great joy

in making this announcement. It’s going to be one of the most

important initiatives that my administration not only discusses, but

implements.

First, it’s good to have so many groups represented here religious

and non-religious; Catholic, Jewish, Protestant, and Muslim;

foundations and other non-proﬁ ts. I want to thank you all for

coming.

This is a collection of some of the ﬁ nest America has got to

offer people who lead with their hearts, and in turn, have changed

the communities in which they live for the better. This meeting is a

picture of the strength and diversity and compassion of our country.

This is a diverse group, but we share things in common. They

provide more than practical help to people in need. They touch and

change hearts. And for this, America is deeply appreciative.

Everyone in this room knows ﬁ rsthand that there are still deep

needs and real suffering in the shadow of America’s afﬂ uence.

Problems like addiction and abandonment and gang violence,

domestic violence, mental illness and homelessness. We are called

by conscience to respond.

As I said in my inaugural address, compassion is the work

of a nation, not just a government. It is more than the calling of

politicians; it is the calling of citizens. It is citizens who turn mean

streets into good neighborhoods. It is citizens who turn cold cities

into real communities.

It is one of the great goals of my administration to invigorate the

spirit of involvement and citizenship. We will encourage faith-based

————

and community programs without changing their mission. We will

help all in their work to change hearts while keeping a commitment

to pluralism.

I approach this goal with some basic principles: Government has

important responsibilities for public health or public order and civil

rights. Yet government — and government will never be replaced

by charities and community groups. Yet when we see social needs in

America, my administration will look ﬁ rst to faith-based programs

and community groups, which have proven their power to save

and change lives. We will not fund the religious activities of any

group, but when people of faith provide social services, we will not

discriminate against them.

As long as there are secular alternatives, faith-based charities

should be able to compete for funding on an equal basis, and in a

manner that does not cause them to sacriﬁ ce their mission. And we

will make sure that help goes to large organizations and to small

ones as well. We value large organizations with generations of

experience. We also value neighborhood healers, who have only the

scars and testimony of their own experience.

Tomorrow I will begin turning these principles into a legislative

agenda. I will send to Congress a series of ideas and proposals.

Today, I want to raise the priority and proﬁ le of these issues within

my own administration. I want to ensure that faith-based and

community groups will always have a place at the table in our

deliberations.

In a few moments, I will sign two executive orders. The ﬁ rst

executive order will create a new ofﬁ ce, called the White House

Ofﬁ ce of Faith-based and Community Initiatives. The head of this

ofﬁ ce will report directly to me and be charged with important

responsibilities. He will oversee our initiatives on this issue. He will

make sure our government, where it works with private groups, is

fair and supportive. And he will highlight groups as national models

so others can learn from them.

The second executive order will clear away the bureaucratic

barriers in several important agencies that make private groups

————

hesitate to work with government. It will establish centers in ﬁ ve

agencies — Justice, HUD, HHS, Labor and Education — to ensure

greater cooperation between the government and the independent

sector. These centers will report back on regulatory barriers to

working with non-proﬁ t groups, and make recommendations on

how those barriers can be removed.

I have put this broad effort into the hands of two exceptional

people — ﬁ rst, Steve Goldsmith, known as one of the most

innovative mayors in America, who pioneered ways to promote

community efforts. He will continue to advise me on these issues.

And I have asked Steve to serve on the board of the Corporation for

National Service.

This organization has done some good work in mobilizing

volunteers of all ages. I’ve asked Steve to report to me on how we

can make the corporation do better, and to get help where it’s most

needed.

And secondly, Professor John Dilulio will head the new ofﬁ ce

I am announcing today. He is one of the most inﬂ uential social

entrepreneurs in America. I can’t tell you how honored I am for

him to leave his post in academia to join us. He is the author of a

respected textbook on American government. He has a servant’s

heart on the issues that we will confront. He’s worked with

disadvantaged children. He has been a major force in mobilizing the

city of Philadelphia to support faith-based and community groups.

It’s a fantastic team. I’m honored to have them on my team. I

look forward to hearing from them, as well as I look forward to

working with the people in this room and the social entrepreneurs

all across America who have heard the universal call to love a

neighbor like they’d like to be loved themselves; to exist and work

hard, not out of the love of money, but out of the love of their

fellow human beings. I’m absolutely convinced the great fabric of

the nation exists in neighborhoods, amongst unsung heroes who

do heroic acts on a daily and hourly basis. It’s the fabric of the

country that makes America unique. It is — the power of promise

that makes the future so promising is the power of the missions that

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stand behind me.

This is an effort that will be an effort from, now the second

week of my administration to the last week of my administration,

because I am conﬁ dent that this initiative, when fully implemented,

will help us realize the dream that America, its hopes, its promise,

its greatness, will extend its reach throughout every single

neighborhood, all across the land.

And now it is my honor to sign the two executive orders.

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REMARKS AT THE NATIONAL PRAYER BREAKFAST

WASHINGTON HILTON HOTEL

WASHINGTON. D.C.

FEBRUARY 1, 2001

Well, thank you all very much for that warm welcome. Laura and

I are honored to be here this morning. I did a pretty good job when

it came to picking my wife, by the way. She’s going to be a fabulous

First Lady.

Mr. Vice President, it’s good to see you; of course, your wife,

Lynn. And I want to thank the members of my Cabinet who are

here. I appreciate you, Senator Frist, for your commitment and

strong comments. And, Zach, thanks for your introduction. And

thank you both for organizing this important event.

I want to thank the members of the House and Senate who are

here. I appreciate the number of foreign dignitaries who are here. It

just goes to show that faith crosses every border, and touches every

heart in every nation.

Every President since the ﬁ rst one I can remember, Dwight

Eisenhower, has taken part in this great tradition. It’s a privilege

for me to speak where they have spoken, and to pray where they

have prayed. All Presidents of the United States have come to

the National Prayer Breakfast, regardless of their religious views.

No matter what our background, in prayer we share something

universal — a desire to speak and listen to our Maker, and to know

His plan for our lives.

America’s Constitution forbids a religious test for ofﬁ ce, and

that’s the way it should be. An American President serves people

of every faith, and serves some of no faith at all. Yet I have found

my faith helps me in the service to people. Faith teaches humility.

As Laura would say, I could use a dose occasionally. A recognition

that we are small in God’s universe, yet precious in His sight.

It has sustained me in moments of success, and in moments of

disappointment. Without it I would be a different person, and

————

without it I doubt I’d be here today.

There are many experiences of faith in this room. But most

of us share a belief that we are loved, and called to love; that our

choices matter, now and forever; that there are purposes deeper

than ambition and hopes greater than success. These beliefs shape

our lives and help sustain the life of our nation. Men and women

can be good without faith, but faith is a force of goodness. Men and

women can be compassionate without faith, but faith often inspires

compassion. Human beings can love without faith, but faith is a

great teacher of love.

Our country, from its beginnings has recognized the contribution

of faith. We do not impose any religion; we welcome all religions.

We do not prescribe any prayer, we welcome all prayers. This

is the tradition of our nation, and it will be the standard of my

administration. We will respect every creed. We will honor the

diversity of our country and the deep convictions of our people.

There’s a good reason why many in our nation embrace the faith

tradition. Throughout our history people of faith have often been

our nation’s voice of conscience. The foes of slavery could appeal

to the standard that all are created equal in the sight of our Lord.

The civil rights movement had the same conviction on its side —

that men and women bearing God’s image should not be exploited

and set aside, and treated as insigniﬁ cant. The same impulse over

the years has reformed prisons and mental institutions, hospitals,

hospices, and homeless shelters.

The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. said this: “The church

must be reminded that it is not the master or the servant of the

state, but rather the conscience of the state.” As in his case, that

sometimes means defying the times, challenging old ways and old

assumptions. This inﬂ uence has made our nation more just and

generous and decent. And our nation has need of that today.

Faith remains important to the compassion of our nation.

Millions of Americans serve their neighbor because they love their

God. Their lives are characterized by kindness and patience, and

service to others. They do for others what no government really can

————

ever do — no government program can really ever do: They provide

love for another human being. They provide hope even when hope

comes hard.

In my second week in ofﬁ ce we have set out to promote the work

of community and faith-based charities. We want to encourage the

inspired, to help the helper. Government cannot be replaced by

charities, but it can welcome them as partners instead of resenting

them as rivals.

My administration will put the federal government squarely on

the side of America’s armies of compassion. Our plan will not favor

religious institutions over non-religious institutions. As President,

I’m interested in what is constitutional, and I’m interested in what

works. The days of discriminating against religious institutions,

simply because they are religious, must come to an end.

Faith is also important to the civility of our country. It teaches us

not merely to tolerate one another, but to respect one another — to

show a regard for different views and the courtesy to listen. This

is essential to democracy. It is also the proper way to treat human

beings created in the divine image.

We’ll have our disagreements. Civility does not require us to

abandon deeply-held beliefs. Civility does not demand casual

creeds and colorless convictions. Americans have always believed

that civility and ﬁ rm resolve could live easily with one another.

But civility does mean that our public debate ought to be free from

bitterness and anger, rancor and ill-will. We have an obligation to

make our case, not to demonize our opponents. As the Book of

James reminds us, fresh water and salt water cannot ﬂ ow from the

same spring.

I am under no illusion that civility will triumph in this city all at

once. Old habits die hard — and sometimes they never die at all. I

can only pledge to you this; that I will do my very best to promote

civility, and ask for the same in return.

These are some of the crucial contributions of faith to our

nation: justice, and compassion, and a civil and generous society. I

thank you for displaying these values, and defending them, here in

————

America and across the world. You strengthen the ties of friendship

and the ties of nations. And I deeply appreciate your work.

I believe in the power of prayer. It’s been said: “I would rather

stand against the cannons of the wicked than against the prayers

of the righteous.” The prayers of a friend are one of life’s most

gracious gifts. My family and I are blessed by the prayers of

countless Americans. Over the last several months, Laura and I

have been touched by the number of people who come up and say,

“We pray for you.” Such comforting words. I hope Americans will

continue to pray that everyone in my administration ﬁ nds wisdom,

and always remembers the common good.

When President Harry Truman took ofﬁ ce in 1945, he said: “At

this moment, I have in my heart a prayer. I ask only to be a good

and faithful servant of my Lord and my people.” This has been the

prayer of many Presidents, and it is mine today. God bless.

————

ADDRESS TO THE JOINT SESSION OF THE 107TH CONGRESS

THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS

WASHINGTON, D.C.

FEBRUARY 27, 2001

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress: It’s

a great privilege to be here to outline a new budget and a new

approach for governing our great country. I thank you for your

invitation to speak here tonight. I know Congress had to formally

invite me, and it could have been a close vote. So, Mr. Vice

President, I appreciate you being here to break the tie.

I want to thank so many of you who have accepted my invitation

to come to the White House to discuss important issues. We’re off

to a good start. I will continue to meet with you and ask for your

input. You have been kind and candid, and I thank you for making a

new President feel welcome.

The last time I visited the Capitol, I came to take an oath on the

steps of this building. I pledged to honor our Constitution and laws.

And I asked you to join me in setting a tone of civility and respect

in Washington.

I hope America is noticing the difference, because we’re making

progress. Together, we are changing the tone in the Nation’s Capital.

And this spirit of respect and cooperation is vital, because, in the

end, we will be judged not only by what we say or how we say it,

we will be judged by what we’re able to accomplish.

America today is a nation with great challenges, but greater

resources. An artist using statistics as a brush could paint two

very different pictures of our country. One would have warning

signs: increasing layoffs, rising energy prices, too many failing

schools, persistent poverty, the stubborn vestiges of racism.

Another picture would be full of blessings: a balanced budget, big

surpluses, a military that is second to none, a country at peace with

its neighbors, technology that is revolutionizing the world, and our

greatest strength — concerned citizens who care for our country and

————

care for each other.

Neither picture is complete in and of itself. And tonight I

challenge and invite Congress to work with me to use the resources

of one picture to repaint the other; to direct the advantages of our

time to solve the problems of our people. Some of these resources

will come from government. Some, but not all.

Year after year in Washington, budget debates seem to come

down to an old, tired argument: on one side, those who want more

government, regardless of the cost; on the other, those who want

less government, regardless of the need. We should leave those

arguments to the last century, and chart a different course.

Government has a role, and an important role. Yet, too much

government crowds out initiative and hard work, private charity and

the private economy. Our new governing vision says government

should be active, but limited; engaged, but not overbearing. And my

budget is based on that philosophy.

It is reasonable, and it is responsible. It meets our obligations,

and funds our growing needs. We increase spending next year for

Social Security and Medicare, and other entitlement programs, by

$81 billion. We’ve increased spending for discretionary programs

by a very responsible 4 percent, above the rate of inﬂ ation. My plan

pays down an unprecedented amount of our national debt. And then,

when money is still left over, my plan returns it to the people who

earned it in the ﬁ rst place.

A budget’s impact is counted in dollars, but measured in lives.

Excellent schools, quality health care, a secure retirement, a cleaner

environment, a stronger defense — these are all important needs,

and we fund them. The highest percentage increase in our budget

should go to our children’s education. Education is not my top

priority — education is my top priority and, by supporting this

budget, you’ll make it yours, as well.

Reading is the foundation of all learning. So during the next

ﬁ ve years, we triple spending, adding $5 billion to help every child

in America learn to read. Values are important, so we’ve tripled

funding for character education to teach our children not only

————

reading and writing, but right from wrong.

We’ve increased funding to train and recruit teachers, because

we know a good education starts with a good teacher. And I have a

wonderful partner in this effort. I like teachers so much, I married

one. Laura has begun a new effort to recruit Americans to the

profession that will shape our future — teaching. She will travel

across America to promote sound teaching practices and early

reading skills in our schools and in programs such as Head Start.

When it comes to our schools, dollars alone do not always make

the difference. Funding is important, and so is reform. So we must

tie funding to higher standards and accountability for results.

I believe in local control of schools. We should not, and we will

not, run public schools from Washington, D.C. Yet when the federal

government spends tax dollars, we must insist on results. Children

should be tested on basic reading and math skills every year

between grades three and eight. Measuring is the only way to know

whether all our children are learning. And I want to know, because I

refuse to leave any child behind in America.

Critics of testing contend it distracts from learning. They talk

about teaching to the test. But let’s put that logic to the test. If you

test a child on basic math and reading skills, and you’re teaching

to the test, you’re teaching math and reading. And that’s the whole

idea. As standards rise, local schools will need more ﬂ exibility to

meet them. So we must streamline the dozens of federal education

programs into ﬁ ve, and let states spend money in those categories as

they see ﬁ t.

Schools will be given a reasonable chance to improve and the

support to do so. Yet, if they don’t, if they continue to fail, we must

give parents and students different options — a better public school,

a private school, tutoring or a charter school. In the end, every child

in a bad situation must be given a better choice because, when it

comes to our children, failure is simply not an option.

Another priority in my budget is to keep the vital promises

of Medicare and Social Security, and together we will do so. To

meet the health care needs of all America’s seniors, we double

————

the Medicare budget over the next 10 years. My budget dedicates

$238 billion to Medicare next year alone, enough to fund all

current programs and to begin a new prescription drug beneﬁ t for

low-income seniors. No senior in America should have to choose

between buying food and buying prescriptions.

To make sure the retirement savings of America’s seniors are not

diverted in any other program, my budget protects all $2.6 trillion

of the Social Security surplus for Social Security, and for Social

Security alone.

My budget puts a priority on access to health care, without

telling Americans what doctor they have to see or what coverage

they must choose. Many working Americans do not have health

care coverage, so we will help them buy their own insurance with

refundable tax credits. And to provide quality care in low-income

neighborhoods, over the next ﬁ ve years we will double the number

of people served at community health care centers.

And we will address the concerns of those who have health

coverage, yet worry their insurance company doesn’t care and won’t

pay. Together this Congress and this President will ﬁ nd common

ground to make sure doctors make medical decisions, and patients

get the health care they deserve with a patients’ bill of rights.

When it comes to their health, people want to get the medical

care they need, not be forced to go to court because they didn’t

get it. We will ensure access to the courts for those with legitimate

claims. But ﬁ rst, let’s put in place a strong, independent review so

we promote quality health care, not frivolous lawsuits.

My budget also increases funding for medical research, which

gives hope to many who struggle with serious disease. Our

prayers tonight are with one of your own who is engaged in his

own ﬁ ght against cancer — a ﬁ ne representative, and a good man,

Congressman Joe Moakley. I can think of no more appropriate

tribute to Joe than to have the Congress ﬁ nish the job of doubling

the budget for the National Institutes of Health.

My new Freedom Initiative for Americans with Disabilities

funds new technologies, expands opportunities to work, and

————

makes our society more welcoming. For the more than 50 million

Americans with disabilities, we need to break down barriers to

equality.

The budget I propose to you also supports the people who keep

our country strong and free, the men and women who serve in the

United States military. I’m requesting $5.7 billion in increased

military pay and beneﬁ ts, and health care and housing. Our men and

women in uniform give America their best and we owe them our

support.

America’s veterans honored their commitment to our country

through their military service. I will honor our commitment to them

with a million-dollar increase to ensure better access to quality care

and faster decisions on beneﬁ t claims.

My budget will improve our environment by accelerating the

cleanup of toxic brownﬁ elds. And I propose we make a major

investment in conservation by fully funding the Land and Water

Conservation Fund. Our national parks have a special place in

our country’s life. Our parks are places of great natural beauty and

history. As good stewards, we must leave them better than we found

them. So I propose providing $4.9 billion over ﬁ ve years for the

upkeep of these national treasures.

And my budget adopts a hopeful new approach to help the poor

and the disadvantaged. We must encourage and support the work

of charities and faith-based and community groups that offer help

and love one person at a time. These groups are working in every

neighborhood in America to ﬁ ght homelessness and addiction and

domestic violence; to provide a hot meal or a mentor or a safe haven

for our children. Government should welcome these groups to apply

for funds, not discriminate against them.

Government cannot be replaced by charities or volunteers.

Government should not fund religious activities. But our nation

should support the good works of these good people who are

helping their neighbors in need. So I propose allowing all

taxpayers, whether they itemize or not, to deduct their charitable

contributions. Estimates show this could encourage as much as $14

————

billion a year in new charitable giving, money that will save and

change lives.

Our budget provides more than $700 million over the next 10

years for a federal compassion capital fund, with a focused and

noble mission, to provide a mentor to the more than 100 million

children with a parent in prison, and to support other local efforts

to ﬁ ght illiteracy, teen pregnancy, drug addiction and other difﬁ cult

problems.

With us tonight is the Mayor of Philadelphia. Please help me

welcome Mayor John Street. Mayor Street has encouraged faith-

based and community organizations to make a signiﬁ cant difference

in Philadelphia. He’s invited me to his city this summer to see

compassionate action. I’m personally aware of just how effective

the Mayor is. Mayor Street’s a Democrat. Let the record show, I

lost his city, big time. But some things are bigger than politics.

So I look forward to coming to your city, to see your faith-based

programs in action.

As government promotes compassion, it also must promote

justice. Too many of our citizens have cause to doubt our nation’s

justice, when the law points a ﬁ nger of suspicion at groups, instead

of individuals. All our citizens are created equal, and must be

treated equally.

Earlier today, I asked John Ashcroft, the Attorney General, to

develop speciﬁ c recommendations to end racial proﬁ ling. It’s wrong

and we will end it in America. In so doing, we will not hinder the

work of our nation’s brave police ofﬁ cers. They protect us every day

— often at great risk. But by stopping the abuses of a few, we will

add to the public conﬁ dence our police ofﬁ cers earn and deserve.

My budget has funded a responsible increase in our ongoing

operations. It has funded our nation’s important priorities. It has

protected Social Security and Medicare. And our surpluses are big

enough that there is still money left over.

Many of you have talked about the need to pay down our

national debt. I listened, and I agree. We owe it to our children and

grandchildren to act now, and I hope you will join me to pay down

————

$2 trillion in debt during the next 10 years. At the end of those 10

years, we will have paid down all the debt that is available to retire.

That is more debt, repaid more quickly than has ever been repaid by

any nation at any time in history.

We should also prepare for the unexpected, for the uncertainties

of the future. We should approach our nation’s budget as any

prudent family would, with a contingency fund for emergencies or

additional spending needs. For example, after a strategic review, we

may need to increase defense spending. We may need to increase

spending for our farmers or additional money to reform Medicare.

And so, my budget sets aside almost a trillion dollars over 10 years

for additional needs. That is one trillion additional reasons you can

feel comfortable supporting this budget.

We have increased our budget at a responsible 4 percent. We

have funded our priorities. We paid down all the available debt. We

have prepared for contingencies. And we still have money left over.

Yogi Berra once said, “When you come to a fork in the road, take

it.” Now, we come to a fork in the road; we have two choices. Even

though we have already met our needs, we could spend the money

on more and bigger government. That’s the road our nation has

traveled in recent years.

Last year, government spending shot up 8 percent. That’s far

more than our economy grew, far more than personal income grew,

and far more than the rate of inﬂ ation. If you continue on that road,

you will spend the surplus and have to dip into Social Security to

pay other bills. Unrestrained government spending is a dangerous

road to deﬁ cits, so we must take a different path. The other choice

is to let the American people spend their own money to meet their

own needs.

I hope you will join me in standing ﬁ rmly on the side of the

people. You see, the growing surplus exists because taxes are too

high and government is charging more than it needs. The people

of America have been overcharged and, on their behalf, I am here

asking for a refund.

Some say my tax plan is too big. Others say it’s too small. I

————

respectfully disagree. This plan is just right. I didn’t throw darts

at the board to come up with a number for tax relief. I didn’t take a

poll or develop an arbitrary formula that might sound good. I looked

at problems in the Tax Code and calculated the cost to ﬁ x them.

A tax rate of 15 percent is too high for those who earn low

wages, so we must lower the rate to 10 percent. No one should pay

more than a third of the money they earn in federal income taxes, so

we lowered the top rate to 33 percent.

This reform will be welcome relief for America’s small

businesses, which often pay taxes at the highest rate. And help for

small business means jobs for Americans. We simpliﬁ ed the Tax

Code by reducing the number of tax rates from the current ﬁ ve rates

to four lower ones, 10 percent, 15, 25 and 33 percent. In my plan,

no one is targeted in or targeted out. Everyone who pays income

taxes will get relief.

Our government should not tax, and thereby discourage

marriage, so we reduced the marriage penalty. I want to help

families rear and support their children, so we doubled the child

credit to $1,000 per child. It’s not fair to tax the same earnings

twice — once when you earn them, and again when you die — so

we must repeal the death tax.

These changes add up to signiﬁ cant help. A typical family with

two children will save $1,600 a year on their federal income taxes.

Now, $1,600 may not sound like a lot to some, but it means a lot to

many families: $1,600 buys gas for two cars for an entire year; it

pays tuition for a year at a community college; it pays the average

family grocery bill for three months. That’s real money.

With us tonight representing many American families are

Steven and Joseﬁ na Ramos. They are from Pennsylvania. But

they could be from any one of your districts. Steven is the network

administrator for a school district. Joseﬁ na is a Spanish teacher at a

charter school. And they have a two-year-old daughter.

Steven and Joseﬁ na tell me they pay almost $8,000 a year in

federal income taxes. My plan will save them more than $2,000. Let

me tell you what Steven says: “Two thousand dollars a year means

————

a lot to my family. If we had this money, it would help us reach

our goal of paying off our personal debt in two years’ time.” After

that, Steven and Joseﬁ na want to start saving for Lianna’s college

education.

My attitude is, government should never stand in the way of

families achieving their dreams. And as we debate this issue,

always remember, the surplus is not the government’s money, the

surplus is the people’s money.

For lower-income families, my tax plan restores basic fairness.

Right now, complicated tax rules punish hard work. A waitress

supporting two children on $25,000 a year can lose nearly half of

every additional dollar she earns above the $25,000. Her overtime,

her hardest hours, are taxed at nearly 20 percent. This sends a

terrible message: you’ll never get ahead. But America’s message

must be different. We must honor hard work, never punish it.

With tax relief, overtime will no longer be over-taxed time for the

waitress. People with the smallest incomes will get the highest

percentage of reductions. And millions of additional American

families will be removed from the income tax rolls entirely.

Tax relief is right and tax relief is urgent. The long economic

expansion that began almost 10 years ago is faltering. Lower

interest rates will eventually help, but we cannot assume they will

do the job all by themselves.

Forty years ago, and then 20 years ago, two Presidents, one

Democrat, one Republican, John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan,

advocated tax cuts to, in President Kennedy’s words, get this

country moving again. They knew then what we must do now. To

create economic growth and opportunity, we must put money back

into the hands of the people who buy goods and create jobs.

We must act quickly. The Chairman of the Federal Reserve

has testiﬁ ed before Congress that tax cuts often come too late

to stimulate economic recovery. So I want to work with you to

give our economy an important jump-start by making tax relief

retroactive.

We must act now because it is the right thing to do. We must also

————

act now because we have other things to do. We must show courage

to confront and resolve tough challenges, to restructure our nation’s

defenses, to meet our growing need for energy, and to reform

Medicare and Social Security.

America has a window of opportunity to extend and secure our

present peace by promoting a distinctly American internationalism.

We will work with our allies and friends to be a force for good and a

champion of freedom. We will work for free markets, free trade and

freedom from oppression. Nations making progress toward freedom

will ﬁ nd America is their friend. We will promote our values. We

will promote the peace. And we need a strong military to keep the

peace.

But our military was shaped to confront the challenges of the

past. So I’ve asked the Secretary of Defense to review America’s

Armed Forces and prepare to transform them to meet emerging

threats. My budget makes a down payment on the research

and development that will be required. Yet, in our broader

transformation effort, we must put strategy ﬁ rst, then spending.

Our defense vision will drive our defense budget, not the other way

around.

Our nation also needs a clear strategy to confront the threats

of the 21st century — threats that are more widespread and less

certain. They range from terrorists who threaten with bombs to

tyrants in rogue nations intent upon developing weapons of mass

destruction. To protect our own people, our allies and friends, we

must develop and we must deploy effective missile defenses.

And as we transform our military, we can discard Cold War

relics, and reduce our own nuclear forces to reﬂ ect today’s needs. A

strong America is the world’s best hope for peace and freedom.

Yet the cause of freedom rests on more than our ability to defend

ourselves and our allies. Freedom is exported every day, as we ship

goods and products that improve the lives of millions of people.

Free trade brings greater political and personal freedom. Each of the

previous ﬁ ve Presidents has had the ability to negotiate far reaching

trade agreements. Tonight I ask you to give me the strong hand of

————

presidential trade promotion authority, and to do so quickly.

As we meet tonight, many citizens are struggling with the high

cost of energy. We have a serious energy problem that demands a

national energy policy. The West is confronting a major energy

shortage that has resulted in high prices and uncertainty. I’ve asked

federal agencies to work with California ofﬁ cials to help speed

construction of new energy sources, and I have direct Vice President

Cheney, Commerce Secretary Evans, Energy Secretary Abraham

and other senior members in my administration to develop a

national energy policy.

Our energy demand outstrips our supply. We can produce more

energy at home while protecting our environment, and we must. We

can produce more electricity to meet demand, and we must. We can

promote alternative energy sources and conservation, and we must.

America must become more energy-independent, and we will.

Perhaps the biggest test of our foresight and courage will be

reforming Medicare and Social Security. Medicare’s ﬁ nances

are strained and its coverage is outdated. Ninety-nine percent of

employer-provided health plans offer some form of prescription

drug coverage; Medicare does not. The framework for reform has

been developed by Senators Frist and Breaux and Congressman

Thomas, and now is the time to act.

Medicare must be modernized, and we must make sure that

every senior on Medicare can choose a health care plan that offers

prescription drugs.

Seven years from now, the baby boom generation will begin to

claim Social Security beneﬁ ts. Every one in this chamber knows

that Social Security is not prepared to fully fund their retirement.

And we only have a couple of years to get prepared. Without

reform, this country will one day awaken to a stark choice: either a

drastic rise in payroll taxes or a radical cut in retirement beneﬁ ts.

There is a better way. This spring I will form a presidential

commission to reform Social Security. The commission will make

its recommendations by next fall. Reform should be based on these

principles: It must preserve the beneﬁ ts of all current retirees and

————

those nearing retirement. It must return Social Security to sound

ﬁ nancial footing. And it must offer personal savings accounts to

younger workers who want them.

Social Security now offers workers a return of less than 2 percent

on the money they pay into the system. To save the system, we must

increase that by allowing younger workers to make safe, sound

investments that yield a higher rate of return. Ownership, access

to wealth and independence should not be the privilege of the few.

They are the hope of every American, and we must make them the

foundation of Social Security.

By confronting the tough challenge of reform, by being

responsible with our budget, we can earn the trust of the American

people. And we can add to that trust by enacting fair and balanced

election and campaign reforms.

The agenda I have set before you tonight is worthy of a great

nation. America is a nation at peace, but not a nation at rest.

Much has been given to us, and much is expected. Let us agree

to bridge old divides. But let us also agree that our goodwill must

be dedicated to great goals. Bipartisan is more than minding our

matters. It is doing our duty.

No one can speak in this Capitol and not be awed by its history.

As so many turning points, debates in these chambers have reﬂ ected

the collected or divided conscience of our country. And when

we walk through Statuary Hall and see those men and women of

marble, we’re reminded of their courage and achievement.

Yet America’s purpose is never found only in statues or history.

America’s purpose always stands before us. Our generation must

show courage in a time of blessing, as our nation has always

shown in times of crisis. And our courage, issue by issue, can

gather to greatness and serve our country. This is the privilege and

responsibility we share. And if we work together, we can prove that

public service is noble.

We all came here for a reason. We all have things we want to

accomplish and promises to keep. Juntos podemos — together we

can.

————

We can make Americans proud of their government. Together

we can share in the credit of making our country more prosperous

and generous and just, and earn from our conscience and from our

fellow citizens the highest possible praise: Well done, good and

faithful servants.

Thank you all. Good night and God bless.

————

DEDICATION OF THE POPE JOHN PAUL II

ULTURAL CENTER

CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY

WASHINGTON, D.C.

MARCH 22, 2001

Your Excellency, thank you very much. You will be pleased to

hear, my mother is still telling me what to do. And I’m listening

most of the time.

Cardinal Maida, thank you for your vision, and thank you

for your smile. What a great smile. Cardinal Szocha, thank you

very much for your hospitality and, Cardinal McCarrick, let me

congratulate you on becoming a cardinal last month. Though we’re

both new to our jobs, I’m the only one who is term-limited.

I may be just passing through and I may not be a parishioner,

but I’m proud to live in your archdiocese. I’m pleased to join with

all the church leaders and special guests here today to dedicate the

cultural center. It is my high honor to be here.

When Cardinal Wojtyla spoke here at Catholic University in

1976, few imagined the course his life would take, or the history his

life would shape. In 1978, most of the world knew him only as the

Polish Pope. There were signs of something different and deeper.

One journalist, after hearing the new Pope’s ﬁ rst blessing in St.

Peter’s Square wired back to his editors: “This is not a pope from

Poland, this is a pope from Galilee.” From that day to this, the

Pope’s life has written one of the great inspiring stories of our time.

We remember the Pope’s ﬁ rst visit to Poland in 1979 when faith

turned into resistance and began the swift collapse of imperial

communism. The gentle, young priests, once ordered into forced

labor by Nazis, became the foe of tyranny and a witness to hope.

The last leader of the Soviet Union would call him “the highest

moral authority on earth.” We remember his visit to a prison,

comforting the man who shot him. By answering violence with

forgiveness, the Pope became a symbol of reconciliation.

————

We remember the Pope’s visit to Manila in 1995, speaking to

one of the largest crowds in history, more than 5 million men and

women and children. We remember that as a priest 50 years ago, he

traveled by horse-cart to teach the children of small villages. Now

he’s kissed the ground of 123 countries and leads a ﬂ ock of 1 billion

into the Third Millennium.

We remember the Pope’s visit to Israel and his mission of

reconciliation and mutual respect between Christians and Jews. He

is the ﬁ rst modern Pope to enter a synagogue or visit an Islamic

country. He has always combined the practice of tolerance with a

passion for truth.

John Paul, himself, has often said, “In the designs of Providence,

there are no mere coincidences.” And maybe the reason this man

became Pope is that he bears the message our world needs to hear.

To the poor, sick and dying he carries a message of dignity and

solidarity with their suffering. Even when they are forgotten by

men, he reminds them they are never forgotten by God.

“Do not give in to despair,” he said, “in the South Bronx. God

has your lives and His care, goes with you, calls you to better

things, calls you to overcome.”

To the wealthy, this Pope carries the message that wealth alone

is a false comfort. The goods of the world, he teaches, are nothing

without goodness. We are called, each and every one of us, not only

to make our own way, but to ease the path of others.

To those with power, the Pope carries a message of justice and

human rights. And that message has caused dictators to fear and to

fall. His is not the power of armies or technology or wealth. It is the

unexpected power of a baby in a stable, of a man on a cross, of a

simple ﬁ sherman who carried a message of hope to Rome.

Pope John Paul II brings that message of liberation to every

corner of the world. When he arrived in Cuba in 1998, he was

greeted by signs that read, “Fidel is the Revolution!”. But as the

Pope’s biographer put it, “In the next four days Cuba belonged to

another revolutionary.” We are conﬁ dent that the revolution of hope

the Pope began in that nation will bear fruit in our time.

————

And we’re responsible to stand for human dignity and religious

freedom wherever they are denied, from Cuba to China to Southern

Sudan. And we, in our country, must not ignore the words the Pope

addresses to us. On his four pilgrimages to America, he has spoken

with wisdom and feeling about our strengths and our ﬂ aws, our

successes and our needs.

The Pope reminds us that while freedom deﬁ nes our nation,

responsibility must deﬁ ne our lives. He challenges us to live

up to our aspirations, to be a fair and just society where all are

welcomed, all are valued, and all are protected. And he is never

more eloquent than when he speaks for a culture of life. The culture

of life is a welcoming culture, never excluding, never dividing,

never despairing and always afﬁ rming the goodness of life in all its

seasons.

In the culture of life we must make room for the stranger.

We must comfort the sick. We must care for the aged. We must

welcome the immigrant. We must teach our children to be gentle

with one another. We must defend in love the innocent child waiting

to be born.

The center we dedicate today celebrates the Pope’s message, its

comfort and its challenge. This place stands for the dignity of the

human person, the value of every life and the splendor of truth. And,

above all, it stands, in the Pope’s words, for the “joy of faith in a

troubled world.”

I’m grateful that Pope John Paul II chose Washington as the site

of this center. It brings honor and it ﬁ lls a need. We are thankful

for the message. We are also thankful for the messenger, for his

personal warmth and prophetic strength; for his good humor and his

bracing honesty; for his spiritual and intellectual gifts; for his moral

courage, tested against tyranny and against our own complacency.

Always, the Pope points us to the things that last and the love

that saves. We thank God for this rare man, a servant of God and

a hero of history. And I thank all of you for building this center of

conscience and reﬂ ection in our Nation’s Capital.

God bless.

————

TAX RELIEF ADDRESS TO THE UNITED STATES

HAMBER OF COMMERCE

U.S. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

APRIL 16, 2001

Thank you very much. Kelly, thank you very much for that

kind introduction. It’s an honor for me to be here. Tom, thank you

for opening up this fantastic facility. I am thrilled to know that some

of my former governors are with members of the chambers in their

respective states, and I want to say hello to them. I thank all those

who are tuning in. It’s kind of nice to be able to speak to so many

folks in so many cities without having to ﬁ re up Air Force One.

I’m especially honored to be able to speak to the folks who really

help our economy grow, the entrepreneurs, the business folks of

America, the employers, the risk takers, the people who really work

hard to realize the great America Dream.

As Kelly said, this is tax day. All across America, husbands and

wives spent last weekend side-by-side at the kitchen table, trying to

ﬁ nish their 1040s. You have to say this for the income tax, it tends

to bring families together.

The Internal Revenue Service asks our families in America a lot

of questions: how much did you earn; did you move last year; how

big is your mortgage payment. You know, the truth of the matter

is, the IRS knows more about us than our neighbors do. In a lot of

cases, they know more about us than our families do.

But while the tax system knows a lot about our citizens, there’s

a lot our citizens may not know about our tax system. In 2001, the

federal government will take a bigger share of the U.S. economy in

taxes than in any year since 1944. And I remind you, in 1944, we

had 11.5 million people under arms.

The federal government will take more as a percentage of the

national economy this year than it did during World War II, except

for one year; more than any year of the Vietnam War or the Korean

————

conﬂ ict; more than it took to win World War I or prevail in the Cold

War.

Our country is at peace, but our government is charging wartime

prices. Enough is enough. The American people deserve tax relief.

You often hear it said, we cannot afford tax relief. But even

after adjusting for inﬂ ation, the U.S. government will collect twice

as much income tax revenue in 2001 as it did in 1981. Enough is

enough, folks. It’s time to give our folks some tax relief in America.

During the budget debates in Washington, some members of

Congress complained that they did not have enough money to

spend, but in 2001 the income tax will yield $2 billion in revenues

for each and every one of the 535 members of Congress. I think

they should be able to get by on that. Even the senators. No,

enough’s enough. People in America deserve tax relief.

Thanks to the help of a lot of folks here and all around the

country, tax relief is on the way. The American taxpayer won

some important victories a couple of weeks ago. The House of

Representatives voted in favor of a plan that I think is an important

plan, $1.6 trillion in tax relief over the next 10 years. The Senate

approved most of my tax plan, but wants the government to spend

far more.

Some members of the Senate are, unfortunately, proving the

point I make all across the country — if you send it, they will

spend it. Federal discretionary spending rose by 8 percent in 2001.

The Senate has just voted to increase the discretionary spending

by another 8 percent in 2002. At that rate, federal discretionary

spending will double by 2010. Think about that. If we keep

spending at the pace the Senate wants, in only nine years’ time,

government operations will cost twice as much as they do today.

Now, senators are in their home states this week listening to the

taxpayers. I hope Americans will send a clear message: excessive

federal spending threatens economic vitality. What we want is a

stronger economy, not larger federal government.

There’s a better way: increase discretionary spending by a

moderate

————

and responsible 4 percent — by the way, at a rate larger than

inﬂ ation — and then reduces — and then reduce taxes for everyone

who pays taxes.

My plan does not puncture the tax code with loopholes. It

doesn’t give special treatment to special interests. My plan targets

only one interest, the public interest. It directs help to individuals

and families and small businesses. It is a plan for real people, and it

will help produce real prosperity.

Let me tell you a little bit about what tax relief means for

American families. My plan, when fully implemented, returns

about $1,600 to the typical family of four. Sixteen-hundred dollars

pays the typical mortgage for more than a month. Sixteen-hundred

dollars will buy the typical family nearly three months worth of

groceries. Sixteen-hundred dollars will fuel two cars for a year.

There are a lot of American mothers and dads who wake up in

America today anxious over bills they have to pay. Their worries

don’t get any easier when the federal government takes more of

their income in taxes than they pay for food, shelter and clothing.

For families with children to raise and debts to pay, tax relief will

lift burdens and ease worries.

For small businesses, tax relief means more customers and

improved cash ﬂ ow, more money to hire more workers, more

money to expand beneﬁ ts, more money to invest in new technology.

Tax relief will create new jobs. Tax relief will generate new wealth.

And tax relief will open new opportunities.

If you read some of the news accounts of this budget debate,

if you listen to what some of the members of Congress say, you’d

think that little of value can ever happen in America unless the

government makes it happen. You’d think that when we return

money to the taxpayers it evaporates into the air.

Let me tell you some of the things $1.6 trillion could mean to

the private economy. It could buy 10 million new middle income

homes. It could pay the tuitions of 26 million young people at a

private college or university for four years each. It could purchase

76 million new automobiles. These are the kinds of things

————

Americans do with their own money. And there are many others.

Just ask Tommy and Sharen Winﬁ eld, for example. They’re

watching via closed circuit here from Atlanta, Georgia. The

Winﬁ elds have three children. Tommy has been working as an

operating engineer at Children’s Hospital of Atlanta for the past

three years. They pay $1,380 in federal income taxes. Under my

plan, they’d pay nothing.

I ﬁ rst met Tommy a few weeks ago, and we were having a

round-table discussion about tax relief. I asked him whether he

thought the relief would make a difference to his family — you see,

there are some who say, $1,380, that’s nothing, that’s not enough

money for anybody.

But let me tell you what Tommy said loud and clear, and I hope

the members of the United States Congress hear it. Tommy said,

sir, if they don’t believe you — meaning, whether or not tax relief

means anything then they should just ask me. One thousand three

hundred and eighty dollars means a lot to Tommy. It means a lot to a

lot of folks in America: those who are struggling with higher energy

bills, because we hadn’t had an energy policy; those who have got

big credit card debts.

We’ve got the Brake family with us from Alexandria, Virginia,

Kelly and Pam. One less son. They pay $4,000 in federal income

tax. Under my plan, they will save $1,700. That’s real money for

this hard-working couple. They and their two sons, I can assure

you, will ﬁ nd good use for that tax relief. And whatever they do, I

strongly believe they will spend it better and more productively than

the federal government can.

This is an important debate for our country. It’s a debate about

how to make sure our economy continues to grow. But it’s really a

debate about who do we trust. Who do those of us who have been

honored to serve our country at the federal level, who do we trust

with the people’s money? Do we trust our government, or do we

trust the people? I believe after we meet priorities — and we meet

priorities by growing the discretionary budget by 4 percent — that

we always have got to remember whose money it is we’re talking

————

about. It’s not the government’s money, it’s the people’s money.

And we’ve always got to remember, the role of government

is not to create wealth. It’s to create an environment in which the

entrepreneur can ﬂ ourish, in which the small business can grow to

become a big business. That’s the role of government. And that’s

why it’s vital at this point in American history that we return money

back to the people. Instead of returning money, we ought not to take

it in the ﬁ rst place, with real meaningful tax relief.

I’ve learned that the people can make a big difference in a lot of

debates, particularly the tax relief debate. We’re making some pretty

good progress. I saw a good Democrat Senator out of Georgia, the

other day. Max Cleland said that he is interested in — when he

comes back, interested in supporting the $1.6 trillion plan. I think

that’s what he said. It certainly sounded like it to me. And that’s a

good sign. I appreciate the Senator going home and listening to the

people.

You see, I think we’ve ﬁ nally made the case that we can meet the

obligations of the federal government, that we don’t have to grow

at 8 percent in order to meet obligations. We’ve also made the case

that sending money back to the people is important for our economy

and important for the American Dream. And I want to thank your

help for it.

I want to invite all Americans to take a look at the budget

plan, themselves. You can order the little book by calling 202-512-

1800, and ask for the Citizen’s Guide to the Federal Budget. Or you

can download it for free at www.whitehouse.gov.

It’s important for you to follow your government closely. It’s

important for you to not let the ﬁ lter decide what’s reality and

what’s not reality. It’s important to get the facts. And it’s always

important to understand that tax relief will stimulate creativity and

enterprise for individual Americans.

I ﬁ rmly believe tax relief means a better life in a more

prosperous America. So let the members of Congress know when

they come back that you’re watching, that you care for what they do

because it will affect your life in a positive way.

————

I can’t thank you all enough for your support, and I can’t thank

you enough for letting me come by and make my case. God bless

you all.

————

DAYS OF REMEMBRANCE OBSERVANCE

UNITED STATES CAPITOL ROTUNDA

WASHINGTON, D.C.

APRIL 19, 2001

Members of Congress, members of my Cabinet, Ambassador

Ivry, Elie Wiesel, Benjamin Meed and other survivors, Rabbi

Greenberg and Dr. Mandel, ladies and gentlemen: Laura and I thank

you for asking us to join you on this Day of Remembrance.

Some days are set aside to recall the great and hopeful moments

of human experience. Other days, like today, we turn our minds

to painful events. In doing so, we honor the courage and suffering

of martyrs and heroes. We also seek the wisdom and courage to

prevent future tragedies and future evils.

World War II ended and camps were liberated before many of

us were born. The events we recall today have the safe distance

of history. And there will come a time when the eye-witnesses are

gone. And that is why we are bound by conscience to remember

what happened, and to whom it happened.

During the war, a Nazi guard told Simon Wiesenthal that in time

no one would believe his account of what he saw. Evil on so grand a

scale would seem incredible. Yet, we do not just believe, we know.

We know because the evidence has been kept, the record has been

preserved.

It is ﬁ tting to remember the Holocaust under the dome of our

Nation’s Capital, with members of the United States Congress who

are here. Some members had relatives among the victims. Some

of you played a part in the liberation of Europe. One Congressman

here today fought in the underground, and he, himself, was put into

forced labor by the Nazis. We are honored by the presence of the

gentleman from California, Tom Lantos.

We remember at the Capitol because the United States has

accepted a special role; we strive to be a refuge for the persecuted.

We are called by history and by conscience to defend the oppressed.

————

Our country stands on watch for the rise of tyranny, and history’s

worst tyrants have always reserved a special hatred for the Jewish

people. Tyrants and dictators will accept no other gods before them.

They require disobedience to the First Commandment. They seek

absolute control and are threatened by faith in God. They fear only

the power they cannot possess, the power of truth.

So they resent the living example of the devout, especially the

devotion of a unique people, chosen by God. Through centuries

of struggle, Jews across the world have been witnesses not only

against the crimes of men, but for faith in God, and God alone.

Theirs is a story of deﬁ ance and oppression, and patience and

tribulation, reaching back to the Exodus and their exile. That story

continued in the founding of the state of Israel. That story continues

in the defense of the state of Israel.

When we remember the Holocaust and to whom it happened, we

also must remember where it happened. It didn’t happen in some

remote or unfamiliar place; it happened right in the middle of the

Western world. Trains carrying men, women, and children in cattle

cars departed from Paris and Vienna, Frankfurt and Warsaw. And

the orders came not from crude and uneducated men, but from men

who regard themselves as cultured and well-schooled, modern and

even forward-looking. They had all the outward traits of cultured

men — except for conscience.

Their crimes show the world that evil can slip in and blend in,

amid the most civilized of surroundings. In the end, only conscience

can stop it, and moral discernment and decency and tolerance.

These can never be assured in any time or in any society. They must

always be taught.

Yesterday I had the honor of visiting the United States Holocaust

Memorial Museum, surrounded by the familiar buildings and

symbols of our democratic government. Outside the museum are

expressions of the best of mankind’s earthly aspirations; inside are

images realized of the worst possibilities of the human mind, the

attempted elimination of a people and the millions more targeted for

destruction. The pictures, the clothes, the toys all tell of genocide —

————

our word for 6 million acts of murder.

This Day of Remembrance marks more than a single historic

tragedy, but 6 million important lives — all the possibilities, all the

dreams, and all the innocence that died with them.

The Holocaust is deﬁ ned as much by the courage of the lost as

by the cruelty of the guilty. As Victor Frankel observed, man is that

being who invented the gas chambers of Auschwitz. However, he’s

also the being who entered those chambers upright, with the Lord’s

Prayer or Shema Israel on his lips. When all the crimes are ﬁ nished,

the fears realized and the cries silenced, that was the hope that

remained — to be remembered by the living and raised up by the

living God. God bless.

————

STEM CELL ADDRESS TO THE NATION

THE BUSH RANCH

CRAWFORD, TEXAS

AUGUST 9, 2001

Good evening. I appreciate you giving me a few minutes of your

time tonight so I can discuss with you a complex and difﬁ cult issue,

an issue that is one of the most profound of our time.

The issue of research involving stem cells derived from human

embryos is increasingly the subject of a national debate and dinner

table discussions. The issue is confronted every day in laboratories

as scientists ponder the ethical ramiﬁ cations of their work. It is

agonized over by parents and many couples as they try to have

children, or to save children already born.

The issue is debated within the church, with people of different

faiths, even many of the same faith coming to different conclusions.

Many people are ﬁ nding that the more they know about stem cell

research, the less certain they are about the right ethical and moral

conclusions.

My administration must decide whether to allow federal funds,

your tax dollars, to be used for scientiﬁ c research on stem cells

derived from human embryos. A large number of these embryos

already exist. They are the product of a process called in vitro

fertilization, which helps so many couples conceive children. When

doctors match sperm and egg to create life outside the womb, they

usually produce more embryos than are planted in the mother. Once

a couple successfully has children, or if they are unsuccessful, the

additional embryos remain frozen in laboratories.

Some will not survive during long storage; others are destroyed.

A number have been donated to science and used to create privately

funded stem cell lines. And a few have been implanted in an

adoptive mother and born, and are today healthy children.

Based on preliminary work that has been privately funded,

scientists believe further research using stem cells offers great

————

promise that could help improve the lives of those who suffer from

many terrible diseases — from juvenile diabetes to Alzheimer’s,

from Parkinson’s to spinal cord injuries. And while scientists

admit they are not yet certain, they believe stem cells derived from

embryos have unique potential.

You should also know that stem cells can be derived from

sources other than embryos — from adult cells, from umbilical

cords that are discarded after babies are born, from human placenta.

And many scientists feel research on these type of stem cells is also

promising. Many patients suffering from a range of diseases are

already being helped with treatments developed from adult stem

cells.

However, most scientists, at least today, believe that research on

embryonic stem cells offer the most promise because these cells

have the potential to develop in all of the tissues in the body.

Scientists further believe that rapid progress in this research will

come only with federal funds. Federal dollars help attract the best

and brightest scientists. They ensure new discoveries are widely

shared at the largest number of research facilities and that the

research is directed toward the greatest public good.

The United States has a long and proud record of leading the

world toward advances in science and medicine that improve

human life. And the United States has a long and proud record of

upholding the highest standards of ethics as we expand the limits

of science and knowledge. Research on embryonic stem cells

raises profound ethical questions, because extracting the stem cell

destroys the embryo, and thus destroys its potential for life. Like a

snowﬂ ake, each of these embryos is unique, with the unique genetic

potential of an individual human being.

As I thought through this issue, I kept returning to two

fundamental questions: First, are these frozen embryos human life,

and therefore, something precious to be protected? And second, if

they’re going to be destroyed anyway, shouldn’t they be used for a

greater good, for research that has the potential to save and improve

other lives?

————

I’ve asked those questions and others of scientists, scholars,

bioethicists, religious leaders, doctors, researchers, members

of Congress, my Cabinet, and my friends. I have read heartfelt

letters from many Americans. I have given this issue a great deal

of thought, prayer and considerable reﬂ ection. And I have found

widespread disagreement.

On the ﬁ rst issue, are these embryos human life — well, one

researcher told me he believes this ﬁ ve-day-old cluster of cells is

not an embryo, not yet an individual, but a pre-embryo. He argued

that it has the potential for life, but it is not a life because it cannot

develop on its own.

An ethicist dismissed that as a callous attempt at rationalization.

Make no mistake, he told me, that cluster of cells is the same way

you and I, and all the rest of us, started our lives. One goes with a

heavy heart if we use these, he said, because we are dealing with the

seeds of the next generation.

And to the other crucial question, if these are going to be

destroyed anyway, why not use them for good purpose — I also

found different answers. Many argue these embryos are byproducts

of a process that helps create life, and we should allow couples to

donate them to science so they can be used for good purpose instead

of wasting their potential. Others will argue there’s no such thing as

excess life, and the fact that a living being is going to die does not

justify experimenting on it or exploiting it as a natural resource.

At its core, this issue forces us to confront fundamental questions

about the beginnings of life and the ends of science. It lies at a

difﬁ cult moral intersection, juxtaposing the need to protect life in all

its phases with the prospect of saving and improving life in all its

stages.

As the discoveries of modern science create tremendous hope,

they also lay vast ethical mine ﬁ elds. As the genius of science

extends the horizons of what we can do, we increasingly confront

complex questions about what we should do. We have arrived at

that brave new world that seemed so distant in 1932, when Aldous

Huxley wrote about human beings created in test tubes in what he

————

called a “hatchery.”

In recent weeks, we learned that scientists have created human

embryos in test tubes solely to experiment on them. This is deeply

troubling, and a warning sign that should prompt all of us to think

through these issues very carefully.

Embryonic stem cell research is at the leading edge of a series of

moral hazards. The initial stem cell researcher was at ﬁ rst reluctant

to begin his research, fearing it might be used for human cloning.

Scientists have already cloned a sheep. Researchers are telling us

the next step could be to clone human beings to create individual

designer stem cells, essentially to grow another you, to be available

in case you need another heart or lung or liver.

I strongly oppose human cloning, as do most Americans. We

recoil at the idea of growing human beings for spare body parts,

or creating life for our convenience. And while we must devote

enormous energy to conquering disease, it is equally important that

we pay attention to the moral concerns raised by the new frontier of

human embryo stem cell research. Even the most noble ends do not

justify any means.

My position on these issues is shaped by deeply held beliefs.

I’m a strong supporter of science and technology, and believe they

have the potential for incredible good — to improve lives, to save

life, to conquer disease. Research offers hope that millions of our

loved ones may be cured of a disease and rid of their suffering. I

have friends whose children suffer from juvenile diabetes. Nancy

Reagan has written me about President Reagan’s struggle with

Alzheimer’s. My own family has confronted the tragedy of

childhood leukemia. And, like all Americans, I have great hope for

cures.

I also believe human life is a sacred gift from our Creator.

I worry about a culture that devalues life, and believe as your

President I have an important obligation to foster and encourage

respect for life in America and throughout the world. And while

we’re all hopeful about the potential of this research, no one can be

certain that the science will live up to the hope it has generated.

————

Eight years ago, scientists believed fetal tissue research offered

great hope for cures and treatments — yet, the progress to date has

not lived up to its initial expectations. Embryonic stem cell research

offers both great promise and great peril. So I have decided we

must proceed with great care.

As a result of private research, more than 60 genetically diverse

stem cell lines already exist. They were created from embryos that

have already been destroyed, and they have the ability to regenerate

themselves indeﬁ nitely, creating ongoing opportunities for research.

I have concluded that we should allow federal funds to be used for

research on these existing stem cell lines, where the life and death

decision has already been made.

Leading scientists tell me research on these 60 lines has great

promise that could lead to breakthrough therapies and cures. This

allows us to explore the promise and potential of stem cell research

without crossing a fundamental moral line, by providing taxpayer

funding that would sanction or encourage further destruction of

human embryos that have at least the potential for life.

I also believe that great scientiﬁ c progress can be made through

aggressive federal funding of research on umbilical cord placenta,

adult and animal stem cells which do not involve the same moral

dilemma. This year, your government will spend $250 million on

this important research.

I will also name a President’s council to monitor stem cell

research, to recommend appropriate guidelines and regulations,

and to consider all of the medical and ethical ramiﬁ cations of

biomedical innovation. This council will consist of leading

scientists, doctors, ethicists, lawyers, theologians and others, and

will be chaired by Dr. Leon Kass, a leading biomedical ethicist from

the University of Chicago.

This council will keep us apprised of new developments and

give our nation a forum to continue to discuss and evaluate these

important issues. As we go forward, I hope we will always be

guided by both intellect and heart, by both our capabilities and our

conscience.

————

I have made this decision with great care, and I pray it is the

right one.

Thank you for listening. Good night, and God bless America.

————

ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON THE SEPTEMBER 11 ATTACKS

THE OVAL OFFICE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 11, 2001

Good evening. Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our

very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly

terrorist acts. The victims were in airplanes, or in their ofﬁ ces;

secretaries, businessmen and women, military and federal workers;

moms and dads, friends and neighbors. Thousands of lives were

suddenly ended by evil, despicable acts of terror.

The pictures of airplanes ﬂ ying into buildings, ﬁ res burning,

huge structures collapsing, have ﬁ lled us with disbelief, terrible

sadness, and a quiet, unyielding anger. These acts of mass murder

were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat. But they

have failed; our country is strong.

A great people has been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist

attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they

cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shattered steel,

but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve.

America was targeted for attack because we’re the brightest

beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will

keep that light from shining.

Today, our nation saw evil, the very worst of human nature. And

we responded with the best of America — with the daring of our

rescue workers, with the caring for strangers and neighbors who

came to give blood and help in any way they could.

Immediately following the ﬁ rst attack, I implemented our

government’s emergency response plans. Our military is powerful,

and it’s prepared. Our emergency teams are working in New York

City and Washington, D.C. to help with local rescue efforts.

Our ﬁ rst priority is to get help to those who have been injured,

and to take every precaution to protect our citizens at home and

around the world from further attacks.

————

The functions of our government continue without interruption.

Federal agencies in Washington which had to be evacuated today

are reopening for essential personnel tonight, and will be open for

business tomorrow. Our ﬁ nancial institutions remain strong, and the

American economy will be open for business, as well.

The search is underway for those who are behind these evil acts.

I’ve directed the full resources of our intelligence and law

enforcement communities to ﬁ nd those responsible and to bring

them to justice. We will make no distinction between the terrorists

who committed these acts and those who harbor them.

I appreciate so very much the members of Congress who have

joined me in strongly condemning these attacks. And on behalf of

the American people, I thank the many world leaders who have

called to offer their condolences and assistance.

America and our friends and allies join with all those who want

peace and security in the world, and we stand together to win the

war against terrorism. Tonight, I ask for your prayers for all those

who grieve, for the children whose worlds have been shattered, for

all whose sense of safety and security has been threatened. And

I pray they will be comforted by a power greater than any of us,

spoken through the ages in Psalm 23: “Even though I walk through

the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil, for You are with

me.”

This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in

our resolve for justice and peace. America has stood down enemies

before, and we will do so this time. None of us will ever forget this

day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and

just in our world.

Thank you. Good night, and God bless America.

————

NATIONAL DAY OF PRAYER AND REMEMBRANCE SERVICE

THE NATIONAL CATHEDRAL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 14, 2001

We are here in the middle hour of our grief. So many have

suffered so great a loss, and today we express our nation’s sorrow.

We come before God to pray for the missing and the dead, and for

those who love them.

On Tuesday, our country was attacked with deliberate and

massive cruelty. We have seen the images of ﬁ re and ashes, and

bent steel.

Now come the names, the list of casualties we are only

beginning to read. They are the names of men and women who

began their day at a desk or in an airport, busy with life. They are

the names of people who faced death, and in their last moments

called home to say, be brave, and I love you.

They are the names of passengers who deﬁ ed their murderers,

and prevented the murder of others on the ground. They are the

names of men and women who wore the uniform of the United

States, and died at their posts.

They are the names of rescuers, the ones whom death found

running up the stairs and into the ﬁ res to help others. We will read

all these names. We will linger over them, and learn their stories,

and many Americans will weep.

To the children and parents and spouses and families and friends

of the lost, we offer the deepest sympathy of the nation. And I

assure you, you are not alone.

Just three days removed from these events, Americans do not

yet have the distance of history. But our responsibility to history is

already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil.

War has been waged against us by stealth and deceit and murder.

This nation is peaceful, but ﬁ erce when stirred to anger. This

conﬂ ict was begun on the timing and terms of others. It will end in

————

a way, and at an hour, of our choosing.

Our purpose as a nation is ﬁ rm. Yet our wounds as a people are

recent and unhealed, and lead us to pray. In many of our prayers

this week, there is a searching, and an honesty. At St. Patrick’s

Cathedral in New York on Tuesday, a woman said, “I prayed to God

to give us a sign that He is still here.” Others have prayed for the

same, searching hospital to hospital, carrying pictures of those still

missing.

God’s signs are not always the ones we look for. We learn in

tragedy that his purposes are not always our own. Yet the prayers

of private suffering, whether in our homes or in this great cathedral,

are known and heard, and understood.

There are prayers that help us last through the day, or endure

the night. There are prayers of friends and strangers, that give us

strength for the journey. And there are prayers that yield our will to

a will greater than our own.

This world He created is of moral design. Grief and tragedy and

hatred are only for a time. Goodness, remembrance, and love have

no end. And the Lord of life holds all who die, and all who mourn.

It is said that adversity introduces us to ourselves. This is true of

a nation as well. In this trial, we have been reminded, and the

world has seen, that our fellow Americans are generous and kind,

resourceful and brave. We see our national character in rescuers

working past exhaustion; in long lines of blood donors; in thousands

of citizens who have asked to work and serve in any way possible.

And we have seen our national character in eloquent acts of

sacriﬁ ce. Inside the World Trade Center, one man who could have

saved himself stayed until the end at the side of his quadriplegic

friend. A beloved priest died giving the last rites to a ﬁ reﬁ ghter.

Two ofﬁ ce workers, ﬁ nding a disabled stranger, carried her down

sixty-eight ﬂ oors to safety. A group of men drove through the night

from Dallas to Washington to bring skin grafts for burn victims.

In these acts, and in many others, Americans showed a deep

commitment to one another, and an abiding love for our country.

Today, we feel what Franklin Roosevelt called the warm courage of

————

national unity. This is a unity of every faith, and every background.

It has joined together political parties in both houses of

Congress. It is evident in services of prayer and candlelight vigils,

and American ﬂ ags, which are displayed in pride, and wave in

deﬁ ance.

Our unity is a kinship of grief, and a steadfast resolve to prevail

against our enemies. And this unity against terror is now extending

across the world.

America is a nation full of good fortune, with so much to be

grateful for. But we are not spared from suffering. In every

generation, the world has produced enemies of human freedom.

They have attacked America, because we are freedom’s home and

defender. And the commitment of our fathers is now the calling of

our time.

On this national day of prayer and remembrance, we ask

almighty God to watch over our nation, and grant us patience and

resolve in all that is to come. We pray that He will comfort and

console those who now walk in sorrow. We thank Him for each life

we now must mourn, and the promise of a life to come.

As we have been assured, neither death nor life, nor angels

nor principalities nor powers, nor things present nor things to come,

nor height nor depth, can separate us from God’s love. May He

bless the souls of the departed. May He comfort our own. And may

He always guide our country.

God bless America.

————

REMARKS TO NEW YORK RESCUE WORKERS

MURRAY AND WEST STREETS

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

SEPTEMBER 14, 2001

CROWD: U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. I want you all to know —

Q Can’t hear you.

THE PRESIDENT: I can’t talk any louder.

I want you all to know that America today — that America today

is on bended knee in prayer for the people whose lives were lost

here, for the workers who work here, for the families who mourn.

This nation stands with the good people of New York City, and New

Jersey and Connecticut, as we mourn the loss of thousands of our

citizens.

Q I can’t hear you.

THE PRESIDENT: I can hear you. I can hear you. The rest of

the world hears you. And the people who knocked these buildings

down will hear all of us soon.

CROWD: U.S.A.! U.S.A.!

THE PRESIDENT: The nation sends its love and compassion to

everybody who is here. Thank you for your hard work. Thank you

for making the nation proud. And may God bless America.

————

ADDRESS TO THE JOINT SESSION OF THE 107TH CONGRESS

UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 20, 2001

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore, members of Congress,

and fellow Americans:

In the normal course of events, Presidents come to this chamber

to report on the state of the Union. Tonight, no such report is

needed. It has already been delivered by the American people.

We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed

terrorists to save others on the ground — passengers like an

exceptional man named Todd Beamer. And would you please help

me to welcome his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight.

We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers,

working past exhaustion. We have seen the unfurling of ﬂ ags, the

lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers — in

English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving

and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own.

My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has

seen for itself the state of our Union — and it is strong.

Tonight we are a country awakened to danger and called to

defend freedom. Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to

resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring

justice to our enemies, justice will be done.

I thank the Congress for its leadership at such an important

time. All of America was touched on the evening of the tragedy

to see Republicans and Democrats joined together on the steps

of this Capitol, singing “God Bless America.” And you did more

than sing; you acted, by delivering $40 billion to rebuild our

communities and meet the needs of our military.

Speaker Hastert, Minority Leader Gephardt, Majority Leader

Daschle and Senator Lott, I thank you for your friendship, for your

leadership and for your service to our country.

————

And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world for its

outpouring of support. America will never forget the sounds of our

National Anthem playing at Buckingham Palace, on the streets of

Paris, and at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate.

We will not forget South Korean children gathering to pray

outside our embassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sympathy offered at

a mosque in Cairo. We will not forget moments of silence and days

of mourning in Australia and Africa and Latin America.

Nor will we forget the citizens of 80 other nations who died

with our own: dozens of Pakistanis; more than 130 Israelis; more

than 250 citizens of India; men and women from El Salvador, Iran,

Mexico and Japan; and hundreds of British citizens. America

has no truer friend than Great Britain. Once again, we are joined

together in a great cause — so honored the British Prime Minister

has crossed an ocean to show his unity of purpose with America.

Thank you for coming, friend.

On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act

of war against our country. Americans have known wars — but

for the past 136 years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except

for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of

war — but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning.

Americans have known surprise attacks — but never before on

thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single

day — and night fell on a different world, a world where freedom

itself is under attack.

Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking:

Who attacked our country? The evidence we have gathered all

points to a collection of loosely afﬁ liated terrorist organizations

known as al Qaeda. They are the same murderers indicted

for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and

responsible for bombing the USS Cole.

Al Qaeda is to terror what the maﬁ a is to crime. But its goal is

not making money; its goal is remaking the world — and imposing

its radical beliefs on people everywhere.

The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that

————

has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of

Muslim clerics — a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful

teachings of Islam. The terrorists’ directive commands them to kill

Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and make no distinction

among military and civilians, including women and children.

This group and its leader — a person named Osama bin Laden

— are linked to many other organizations in different countries,

including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and the Islamic Movement

of Uzbekistan. There are thousands of these terrorists in more

than 60 countries. They are recruited from their own nations and

neighborhoods and brought to camps in places like Afghanistan,

where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They are sent back to

their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to plot evil

and destruction.

The leadership of al Qaeda has great inﬂ uence in Afghanistan

and supports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country.

In Afghanistan, we see al Qaeda’s vision for the world.

Afghanistan’s people have been brutalized — many are starving

and many have ﬂ ed. Women are not allowed to attend school. You

can be jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced

only as their leaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if

his beard is not long enough.

The United States respects the people of Afghanistan — after

all, we are currently its largest source of humanitarian aid — but

we condemn the Taliban regime. It is not only repressing its own

people, it is threatening people everywhere by sponsoring and

sheltering and supplying terrorists. By aiding and abetting murder,

the Taliban regime is committing murder.

And tonight, the United States of America makes the following

demands on the Taliban: Deliver to United States authorities

all the leaders of al Qaeda who hide in your land. Release all

foreign nationals, including American citizens, you have unjustly

imprisoned. Protect foreign journalists, diplomats and aid workers

in your country. Close immediately and permanently every terrorist

training camp in Afghanistan, and hand over every terrorist, and

————

every person in their support structure, to appropriate authorities.

Give the United States full access to terrorist training camps, so we

can make sure they are no longer operating.

These demands are not open to negotiation or discussion. The

Taliban must act, and act immediately. They will hand over the

terrorists, or they will share in their fate.

I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the

world. We respect your faith. It’s practiced freely by many millions

of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America

counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those

who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah.

The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to

hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim

friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical

network of terrorists, and every government that supports them.

Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there.

It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been

found, stopped and defeated.

Americans are asking, why do they hate us? They hate what

we see right here in this chamber — a democratically elected

government. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our

freedoms — our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our

freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.

They want to overthrow existing governments in many Muslim

countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. They want to

drive Israel out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians

and Jews out of vast regions of Asia and Africa.

These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and

end a way of life. With every atrocity, they hope that America

grows fearful, retreating from the world and forsaking our friends.

They stand against us, because we stand in their way.

We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen

their kind before. They are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies

of the 20th century. By sacriﬁ cing human life to serve their radical

visions — by abandoning every value except the will to power —

————

they follow in the path of fascism, and Nazism, and totalitarianism.

And they will follow that path all the way, to where it ends: in

history’s unmarked grave of discarded lies.

Americans are asking: How will we ﬁ ght and win this war?

We will direct every resource at our command — every means

of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law

enforcement, every ﬁ nancial inﬂ uence, and every necessary weapon

of war — to the disruption and to the defeat of the global terror

network.

This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with

a decisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not

look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground

troops were used and not a single American was lost in combat.

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and

isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a

lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may

include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret

even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them

one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is

no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid

or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now

has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with

the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to

harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as

a hostile regime.

Our nation has been put on notice: We are not immune from

attack. We will take defensive measures against terrorism to protect

Americans. Today, dozens of federal departments and agencies, as

well as state and local governments, have responsibilities affecting

homeland security. These efforts must be coordinated at the highest

level. So tonight I announce the creation of a Cabinet-level position

reporting directly to me — the Ofﬁ ce of Homeland Security.

And tonight I also announce a distinguished American to lead

this effort, to strengthen American security: a military veteran, an

effective governor, a true patriot, a trusted friend — Pennsylvania’s

————

Tom Ridge. He will lead, oversee and coordinate a comprehensive

national strategy to safeguard our country against terrorism, and

respond to any attacks that may come.

These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat

terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and

destroy it where it grows.

Many will be involved in this effort, from FBI agents to

intelligence operatives to the reservists we have called to active

duty. All deserve our thanks, and all have our prayers. And tonight,

a few miles from the damaged Pentagon, I have a message for our

military: Be ready. I’ve called the Armed Forces to alert, and there

is a reason. The hour is coming when America will act, and you

will make us proud.

This is not, however, just America’s ﬁ ght. And what is at stake

is not just America’s freedom. This is the world’s ﬁ ght. This is

civilization’s ﬁ ght. This is the ﬁ ght of all who believe in progress

and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.

We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need,

the help of police forces, intelligence services, and banking systems

around the world. The United States is grateful that many nations

and many international organizations have already responded —

with sympathy and with support. Nations from Latin America, to

Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO

Charter reﬂ ects best the attitude of the world: An attack on one is

an attack on all.

The civilized world is rallying to America’s side. They

understand that if this terror goes unpunished, their own cities,

their own citizens may be next. Terror, unanswered, can not only

bring down buildings, it can threaten the stability of legitimate

governments. And you know what — we’re not going to allow it.

Americans are asking: What is expected of us? I ask you to live

your lives, and hug your children. I know many citizens have fears

tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a

continuing threat.

I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why

————

so many have come here. We are in a ﬁ ght for our principles, and

our ﬁ rst responsibility is to live by them. No one should be singled

out for unfair treatment or unkind words because of their ethnic

background or religious faith.

I ask you to continue to support the victims of this tragedy with

your contributions. Those who want to give can go to a central

source of information, libertyunites.org, to ﬁ nd the names of groups

providing direct help in New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

The thousands of FBI agents who are now at work in this

investigation may need your cooperation, and I ask you to give it.

I ask for your patience, with the delays and inconveniences that

may accompany tighter security; and for your patience in what will

be a long struggle.

I ask your continued participation and conﬁ dence in the

American economy. Terrorists attacked a symbol of American

prosperity. They did not touch its source. America is successful

because of the hard work, and creativity, and enterprise of our

people. These were the true strengths of our economy before

September 11th, and they are our strengths today.

And, ﬁ nally, please continue praying for the victims of terror

and their families, for those in uniform, and for our great country.

Prayer has comforted us in sorrow, and will help strengthen us for

the journey ahead.

Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already

done and for what you will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the

Congress, I thank you, their representatives, for what you have

already done and for what we will do together. Tonight, we face

new and sudden national challenges. We will come together

to improve air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air

marshals on domestic ﬂ ights, and take new measures to prevent

hijacking. We will come together to promote stability and keep our

airlines ﬂ ying, with direct assistance during this emergency.

We will come together to give law enforcement the additional

tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come

together to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans

————

of terrorists before they act, and ﬁ nd them before they strike.

We will come together to take active steps that strengthen

America’s economy, and put our people back to work.

Tonight we welcome two leaders who embody the extraordinary

spirit of all New Yorkers: Governor George Pataki, and Mayor

Rudolph Giuliani. As a symbol of America’s resolve, my

administration will work with Congress, and these two leaders, to

show the world that we will rebuild New York City.

After all that has just passed — all the lives taken, and all the

possibilities and hopes that died with them — it is natural to wonder

if America’s future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror.

I know there are struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this

country will deﬁ ne our times, not be deﬁ ned by them. As long as

the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not

be an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the

world.

Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss.

And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our

moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human

freedom — the great achievement of our time, and the great hope

of every time — now depends on us. Our nation — this generation

— will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future.

We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage.

We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail.

It is my hope that in the months and years ahead, life will return

almost to normal. We’ll go back to our lives and routines, and that

is good. Even grief recedes with time and grace. But our resolve

must not pass. Each of us will remember what happened that day,

and to whom it happened. We’ll remember the moment the news

came — where we were and what we were doing. Some will

remember an image of a ﬁ re, or a story of rescue. Some will carry

memories of a face and a voice gone forever.

And I will carry this: It is the police shield of a man named

George Howard, who died at the World Trade Center trying to save

others. It was given to me by his mom, Arlene, as a proud memorial

————

to her son. This is my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that

does not end.

I will not forget this wound to our country or those who inﬂ icted

it. I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this

struggle for freedom and security for the American people.

The course of this conﬂ ict is not known, yet its outcome is

certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at

war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.

Fellow citizens, we’ll meet violence with patient justice —

assured of the rightness of our cause, and conﬁ dent of the victories

to come. In all that lies before us, may God grant us wisdom, and

may He watch over the United States of America.

————

ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON OPERATIONS IN AFGHANISTAN

THE TREATY ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

OCTOBER 7, 2001

Good afternoon. On my orders, the United States military has

begun strikes against al Qaeda terrorist training camps and military

installations of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. These carefully

targeted actions are designed to disrupt the use of Afghanistan as a

terrorist base of operations, and to attack the military capability of

the Taliban regime.

We are joined in this operation by our staunch friend, Great

Britain. Other close friends, including Canada, Australia, Germany

and France, have pledged forces as the operation unfolds. More

than 40 countries in the Middle East, Africa, Europe and across Asia

have granted air transit or landing rights. Many more have shared

intelligence. We are supported by the collective will of the world.

More than two weeks ago, I gave Taliban leaders a series of clear

and speciﬁ c demands: Close terrorist training camps; hand over

leaders of the al Qaeda network; and return all foreign nationals,

including American citizens, unjustly detained in your country.

None of these demands were met. And now the Taliban will pay

a price. By destroying camps and disrupting communications,

we will make it more difﬁ cult for the terror network to train new

recruits and coordinate their evil plans.

Initially, the terrorists may burrow deeper into caves and other

entrenched hiding places. Our military action is also designed to

clear the way for sustained, comprehensive and relentless operations

to drive them out and bring them to justice.

At the same time, the oppressed people of Afghanistan will know

the generosity of America and our allies. As we strike military

targets, we’ll also drop food, medicine and supplies to the starving

and suffering men and women and children of Afghanistan.

The United States of America is a friend to the Afghan people,

————

and we are the friends of almost a billion worldwide who practice

the Islamic faith. The United States of America is an enemy of

those who aid terrorists and of the barbaric criminals who profane a

great religion by committing murder in its name.

This military action is a part of our campaign against terrorism,

another front in a war that has already been joined through

diplomacy, intelligence, the freezing of ﬁ nancial assets and the

arrests of known terrorists by law enforcement agents in 38

countries. Given the nature and reach of our enemies, we will win

this conﬂ ict by the patient accumulation of successes, by meeting a

series of challenges with determination and will and purpose.

Today we focus on Afghanistan, but the battle is broader. Every

nation has a choice to make. In this conﬂ ict, there is no neutral

ground. If any government sponsors the outlaws and killers of

innocents, they have become outlaws and murderers, themselves.

And they will take that lonely path at their own peril.

I’m speaking to you today from the Treaty Room of the White

House, a place where American Presidents have worked for peace.

We’re a peaceful nation. Yet, as we have learned, so suddenly and

so tragically, there can be no peace in a world of sudden terror. In

the face of today’s new threat, the only way to pursue peace is to

pursue those who threaten it.

We did not ask for this mission, but we will fulﬁ ll it. The name

of today’s military operation is Enduring Freedom. We defend

not only our precious freedoms, but also the freedom of people

everywhere to live and raise their children free from fear.

I know many Americans feel fear today. And our government

is taking strong precautions. All law enforcement and intelligence

agencies are working aggressively around America, around the

world and around the clock. At my request, many governors have

activated the National Guard to strengthen airport security. We

have called up Reserves to reinforce our military capability and

strengthen the protection of our homeland.

In the months ahead, our patience will be one of our strengths

patience with the long waits that will result from tighter security;

————

patience and understanding that it will take time to achieve our

goals; patience in all the sacriﬁ ces that may come.

Today, those sacriﬁ ces are being made by members of our Armed

Forces who now defend us so far from home, and by their proud and

worried families. A Commander-in-Chief sends America’s sons and

daughters into a battle in a foreign land only after the greatest care

and a lot of prayer. We ask a lot of those who wear our uniform.

We ask them to leave their loved ones, to travel great distances, to

risk injury, even to be prepared to make the ultimate sacriﬁ ce of

their lives. They are dedicated, they are honorable; they represent

the best of our country. And we are grateful.

To all the men and women in our military — every sailor, every

soldier, every airman, every coastguardsman, every Marine — I say

this: Your mission is deﬁ ned; your objectives are clear; your goal is

just. You have my full conﬁ dence, and you will have every tool you

need to carry out your duty.

I recently received a touching letter that says a lot about the state

of America in these difﬁ cult times — a letter from a 4th-grade girl,

with a father in the military: “As much as I don’t want my Dad to

ﬁ ght,” she wrote, “I’m willing to give him to you.”

This is a precious gift, the greatest she could give. This young

girl knows what America is all about. Since September 11, an entire

generation of young Americans has gained new understanding of

the value of freedom, and its cost in duty and in sacriﬁ ce.

The battle is now joined on many fronts. We will not waver;

we will not tire; we will not falter; and we will not fail. Peace and

freedom will prevail.

Thank you. May God continue to bless America.

————

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE SERVICE OF REMEMBRANCE

AT THE PENTAGON

THE PENTAGON

ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA

OCTOBER 11, 2001

Please be seated. President and Senator Clinton, thank you all

for being here. We have come here to pay our respects to 125 men

and women who died in the service of America. We also remember

64 passengers on a hijacked plane; those men and women, boys and

girls who fell into the hands of evildoers, and also died here exactly

one month ago.

On September 11th, great sorrow came to our country. And

from that sorrow has come great resolve. Today, we are a nation

awakened to the evil of terrorism, and determined to destroy it.

That work began the moment we were attacked; and it will continue

until justice is delivered.

Americans are returning, as we must, to the normal pursuits of

life. Americans are returning, as we must, to the normal pursuits

of life. But we know that if you lost a son or daughter here, or a

husband, or a wife, or a mom or dad, life will never again be as it

was. The loss was sudden, and hard, and permanent. So difﬁ cult to

explain. So difﬁ cult to accept.

Three schoolchildren traveling with their teacher. An Army

general. A budget analyst who reported to work here for 30 years. A

lieutenant commander in the Naval Reserve who left behind a wife,

a four-year-old son, and another child on the way.

One life touches so many others. One death can leave sorrow

that seems almost unbearable. But to all of you who lost someone

here, I want to say: You are not alone. The American people will

never forget the cruelty that was done here and in New York, and in

the sky over Pennsylvania.

We will never forget all the innocent people killed by the hatred

of a few. We know the loneliness you feel in your loss. The entire

————

nation, entire nation shares in your sadness. And we pray for you

and your loved ones. And we will always honor their memory.

The hijackers were instruments of evil who died in vain.

Behind them is a cult of evil which seeks to harm the innocent and

thrives on human suffering. Theirs is the worst kind of cruelty,

the cruelty that is fed, not weakened, by tears. Theirs is the worst

kind of violence, pure malice, while daring to claim the authority

of God. We cannot fully understand the designs and power of evil.

It is enough to know that evil, like goodness, exists. And in the

terrorists, evil has found a willing servant.

In New York, the terrorists chose as their target a symbol of

America’s freedom and conﬁ dence. Here, they struck a symbol

of our strength in the world. And the attack on the Pentagon, on

that day, was more symbolic than they knew. It was on another

September 11th — September 11th, 1941 — that construction

on this building ﬁ rst began. America was just then awakening to

another menace: The Nazi terror in Europe.

And on that very night, President Franklin Roosevelt spoke to

the nation. The danger, he warned, has long ceased to be a mere

possibility. The danger is here now. Not only from a military

enemy, but from an enemy of all law, all liberty, all morality, all

religion.

For us too, in the year 2001, an enemy has emerged that rejects

every limit of law, morality, and religion. The terrorists have no

true home in any country, or culture, or faith. They dwell in dark

corners of earth. And there, we will ﬁ nd them.

This week, I have called the Armed Forces into action. One

by one, we are eliminating power centers of a regime that harbors

al Qaeda terrorists. We gave that regime a choice: Turn over the

terrorists, or face your ruin. They chose unwisely.

The Taliban regime has brought nothing but fear and misery to

the people of Afghanistan. These rulers call themselves holy men,

even with their record of drawing money from heroin trafﬁ cking.

They consider themselves pious and devout, while subjecting

women to ﬁ erce brutality.

————

The Taliban has allied itself with murderers and gave them

shelter. But today, for al Qaeda and the Taliban, there is no shelter.

As Americans did 60 years ago, we have entered a struggle of

uncertain duration. But now, as then, we can be certain of the

outcome, because we have a number of decisive assets.

We have a uniﬁ ed country. We have the patience to ﬁ ght and

win on many fronts: Blocking terrorist plans, seizing their funds,

arresting their networks, disrupting their communications, opposing

their sponsors. And we have one more great asset in this cause: The

brave men and women of the United States military.

From my ﬁ rst days in this ofﬁ ce, I have felt and seen the strong

spirit of the Armed Forces. I saw it at Fort Stewart, Georgia, when

I ﬁ rst reviewed our troops as Commander-in-Chief, and looked into

the faces of proud and determined soldiers. I saw it in Annapolis on

a graduation day, at Camp Pendleton in California, Camp Bondsteel

in Kosovo. And I have seen this spirit at the Pentagon, before and

after the attack on this building.

You’ve responded to a great emergency with calm and courage.

And for that, your country honors you. A Commander-in-Chief

must know, must know that he can count on the skill and readiness

of servicemen and women at every point in the chain of command.

You have given me that conﬁ dence.

And I give you these commitments. The wound to this building

will not be forgotten, but it will be repaired. Brick by brick, we will

quickly rebuild the Pentagon. In the missions ahead for the military,

you will have everything you need, every resource, every weapon,

every means to assure full victory for the United States and the

cause of freedom.

And I pledge to you that America will never relent on this war

against terror. There will be times of swift, dramatic action. There

will be times of steady, quiet progress. Over time, with patience,

and precision, the terrorists will be pursued. They will be isolated,

surrounded, cornered, until there is no place to run, or hide, or rest.

As military and civilian personnel in the Pentagon, you are an

important part of the struggle we have entered. You know the risks

————

of your calling, and you have willingly accepted them. You believe

in our country, and our country believes in you.

Within sight of this building is Arlington Cemetery, the ﬁ nal

resting place of many thousands who died for our country over the

generations. Enemies of America have now added to these graves,

and they wish to add more. Unlike our enemies, we value every

life, and we mourn every loss.

Yet we’re not afraid. Our cause is just, and worthy of sacriﬁ ce.

Our nation is strong of heart, ﬁ rm of purpose. Inspired by all the

courage that has come before, we will meet our moment and we will

prevail.

May God bless you all, and may God bless America.

————

ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

UNITED NATIONS HEADQUARTERS

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

NOVEMBER 10, 2001

Thank you. Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, distinguished

delegates, and ladies and gentlemen. We meet in a hall devoted to

peace, in a city scarred by violence, in a nation awakened to danger,

in a world uniting for a long struggle. Every civilized nation here

today is resolved to keep the most basic commitment of civilization:

We will defend ourselves and our future against terror and lawless

violence.

The United Nations was founded in this cause. In a second

world war, we learned there is no isolation from evil. We afﬁ rmed

that some crimes are so terrible they offend humanity, itself. And

we resolved that the aggressions and ambitions of the wicked must

be opposed early, decisively, and collectively, before they threaten

us all. That evil has returned, and that cause is renewed.

A few miles from here, many thousands still lie in a tomb of

rubble. Tomorrow, the Secretary General, the President of the

General Assembly, and I will visit that site, where the names of

every nation and region that lost citizens will be read aloud. If we

were to read the names of every person who died, it would take

more than three hours.

Those names include a citizen of Gambia, whose wife spent their

fourth wedding anniversary, September the 12th, searching in vain

for her husband. Those names include a man who supported his

wife in Mexico, sending home money every week. Those names

include a young Pakistani who prayed toward Mecca ﬁ ve times a

day, and died that day trying to save others.

The suffering of September the 11th was inﬂ icted on people

of many faiths and many nations. All of the victims, including

Muslims, were killed with equal indifference and equal satisfaction

by the terrorist leaders. The terrorists are violating the tenets of

————

every religion, including the one they invoke.

Last week, the Sheikh of Al-Azhar University, the world’s oldest

Islamic institution of higher learning, declared that terrorism is a

disease, and that Islam prohibits killing innocent civilians. The

terrorists call their cause holy, yet, they fund it with drug dealing;

they encourage murder and suicide in the name of a great faith that

forbids both. They dare to ask God’s blessing as they set out to

kill innocent men, women and children. But the God of Isaac and

Ishmael would never answer such a prayer. And a murderer is not a

martyr; he is just a murderer.

Time is passing. Yet, for the United States of America, there

will be no forgetting September the 11th. We will remember every

rescuer who died in honor. We will remember every family that

lives in grief. We will remember the ﬁ re and ash, the last phone

calls, the funerals of the children.

And the people of my country will remember those who have

plotted against us. We are learning their names. We are coming

to know their faces. There is no corner of the Earth distant or dark

enough to protect them. However long it takes, their hour of justice

will come.

Every nation has a stake in this cause. As we meet, the terrorists

are planning more murder — perhaps in my country, or perhaps

in yours. They kill because they aspire to dominate. They seek to

overthrow governments and destabilize entire regions.

Last week, anticipating this meeting of the General Assembly,

they denounced the United Nations. They called our Secretary

General a criminal and condemned all Arab nations here as traitors

to Islam.

Few countries meet their exacting standards of brutality and

oppression. Every other country is a potential target. And all

the world faces the most horrifying prospect of all: These same

terrorists are searching for weapons of mass destruction, the tools

to turn their hatred into holocaust. They can be expected to use

chemical, biological and nuclear weapons the moment they are

capable of doing so. No hint of conscience would prevent it.

————

This threat cannot be ignored. This threat cannot be appeased.

Civilization, itself, the civilization we share, is threatened. History

will record our response, and judge or justify every nation in this

hall.

The civilized world is now responding. We act to defend

ourselves and deliver our children from a future of fear. We choose

the dignity of life over a culture of death. We choose lawful change

and civil disagreement over coercion, subversion, and chaos. These

commitments — hope and order, law and life — unite people across

cultures and continents. Upon these commitments depend all peace

and progress. For these commitments, we are determined to ﬁ ght.

The United Nations has risen to this responsibility. On the 12th

of September, these buildings opened for emergency meetings of

the General Assembly and the Security Council. Before the sun had

set, these attacks on the world stood condemned by the world. And

I want to thank you for this strong and principled stand.

I also thank the Arab Islamic countries that have condemned

terrorist murder. Many of you have seen the destruction of terror in

your own lands. The terrorists are increasingly isolated by their own

hatred and extremism. They cannot hide behind Islam. The authors

of mass murder and their allies have no place in any culture, and no

home in any faith.

The conspiracies of terror are being answered by an expanding

global coalition. Not every nation will be a part of every action

against the enemy. But every nation in our coalition has duties.

These duties can be demanding, as we in America are learning. We

have already made adjustments in our laws and in our daily lives.

We’re taking new measures to investigate terror and to protect

against threats.

The leaders of all nations must now carefully consider their

responsibilities and their future. Terrorist groups like al Qaeda

depend upon the aid or indifference of governments. They need the

support of a ﬁ nancial infrastructure, and safe havens to train and

plan and hide.

Some nations want to play their part in the ﬁ ght against terror,

————

but tell us they lack the means to enforce their laws and control

their borders. We stand ready to help. Some governments still

turn a blind eye to the terrorists, hoping the threat will pass them

by. They are mistaken. And some governments, while pledging

to uphold the principles of the U.N., have cast their lot with the

terrorists. They support them and harbor them, and they will ﬁ nd

that their welcome guests are parasites that will weaken them, and

eventually consume them.

For every regime that sponsors terror, there is a price to be paid.

And it will be paid. The allies of terror are equally guilty of murder

and equally accountable to justice.

The Taliban are now learning this lesson — that regime and

the terrorists who support it are now virtually indistinguishable.

Together they promote terror abroad and impose a reign of terror on

the Afghan people. Women are executed in Kabal’s soccer stadium.

They can be beaten for wearing socks that are too thin. Men are

jailed for missing prayer meetings.

The United States, supported by many nations, is bringing

justice to the terrorists in Afghanistan. We’re making progress

against military targets, and that is our objective. Unlike the enemy,

we seek to minimize, not maximize, the loss of innocent life.

I’m proud of the honorable conduct of the American military. And

my country grieves for all the suffering the Taliban have brought

upon Afghanistan, including the terrible burden of war. The Afghan

people do not deserve their present rulers. Years of Taliban misrule

have brought nothing but misery and starvation. Even before this

current crisis, 4 million Afghans depended on food from the United

States and other nations, and millions of Afghans were refugees

from Taliban oppression.

I make this promise to all the victims of that regime:

The Taliban’s days of harboring terrorists and dealing in heroin and

brutalizing women are drawing to a close. And when that regime is

gone, the people of Afghanistan will say with the rest of the world:

good riddance.

I can promise, too, that America will join the world in helping

————

the people of Afghanistan rebuild their country. Many nations,

including mine, are sending food and medicine to help Afghans

through the winter. America has air-dropped over 1.3 million

packages of rations into Afghanistan. Just this week, we air-lifted

20,000 blankets and over 200 tons of provisions into the region. We

continue to provide humanitarian aid, even while the Taliban tried

to steal the food we send.

More help eventually will be needed. The United States will

work closely with the United Nations and development banks to

reconstruct Afghanistan after hostilities there have ceased and the

Taliban are no longer in control. And the United States will work

with the U.N. to support a post-Taliban government that represents

all of the Afghan people.

In this war on terror, each of us must answer for what we have

done or what we have left undone. After tragedy, there is a time for

sympathy and condolence. And my country has been very grateful

for both. The memorials and vigils around the world will not be

forgotten. But the time for sympathy has now passed; the time for

action has now arrived.

The most basic obligations in this new conﬂ ict have already

been deﬁ ned by the United Nations. On September the 28th, the

Security Council adopted Resolution 1373. Its requirements are

clear: Every United Nations member has a responsibility to crack

down on terrorist ﬁ nancing. We must pass all necessary laws in our

own countries to allow the conﬁ scation of terrorist assets. We must

apply those laws to every ﬁ nancial institution in every nation.

We have a responsibility to share intelligence and coordinate

the efforts of law enforcement. If you know something, tell us.

If we know something, we’ll tell you. And when we ﬁ nd the

terrorists, we must work together to bring them to justice. We

have a responsibility to deny any sanctuary, safe haven or transit

to terrorists. Every known terrorist camp must be shut down, its

operators apprehended, and evidence of their arrest presented to

the United Nations. We have a responsibility to deny weapons to

terrorists and to actively prevent private citizens from providing

————

them.

These obligations are urgent and they are binding on every

nation with a place in this chamber. Many governments are taking

these obligations seriously, and my country appreciates it. Yet, even

beyond Resolution 1373, more is required, and more is expected of

our coalition against terror.

We’re asking for a comprehensive commitment to this ﬁ ght. We

must unite in opposing all terrorists, not just some of them. In this

world there are good causes and bad causes, and we may disagree

on where the line is drawn. Yet, there is no such thing as a good

terrorist. No national aspiration, no remembered wrong can ever

justify the deliberate murder of the innocent. Any government that

rejects this principle, trying to pick and choose its terrorist friends,

will know the consequences.

We must speak the truth about terror. Let us never tolerate

outrageous conspiracy theories concerning the attacks of September

the 11th; malicious lies that attempt to shift the blame away from

the terrorists, themselves, away from the guilty. To inﬂ ame ethnic

hatred is to advance the cause of terror.

The war against terror must not serve as an excuse to persecute

ethnic and religious minorities in any country. Innocent people

must be allowed to live their own lives, by their own customs, under

their own religion. And every nation must have avenues for the

peaceful expression of opinion and dissent. When these avenues are

closed, the temptation to speak through violence grows.

We must press on with our agenda for peace and prosperity in

every land. My country is pledged to encouraging development and

expanding trade. My country is pledged to investing in education

and combating AIDS and other infectious diseases around the

world. Following September 11th, these pledges are even more

important. In our struggle against hateful groups that exploit

poverty and despair, we must offer an alternative of opportunity and

hope.

The American government also stands by its commitment to a

just peace in the Middle East. We are working toward a day when

————

two states, Israel and Palestine, live peacefully together within

secure and recognize borders as called for by the Security Council

resolutions. We will do all in our power to bring both parties back

into negotiations. But peace will only come when all have sworn

off, forever, incitement, violence and terror.

And, ﬁ nally, this struggle is a deﬁ ning moment for the United

Nations, itself. And the world needs its principled leadership. It

undermines the credibility of this great institution, for example,

when the Commission on Human Rights offers seats to the world’s

most persistent violators of human rights. The United Nations

depends, above all, on its moral authority — and that authority must

be preserved.

The steps I described will not be easy. For all nations, they will

require effort. For some nations, they will require great courage.

Yet, the cost of inaction is far greater. The only alternative to

victory is a nightmare world where every city is a potential killing

ﬁ eld.

As I’ve told the American people, freedom and fear are at war.

We face enemies that hate not our policies, but our existence; the

tolerance of openness and creative culture that deﬁ nes us. But the

outcome of this conﬂ ict is certain: There is a current in history and

it runs toward freedom. Our enemies resent it and dismiss it, but

the dreams of mankind are deﬁ ned by liberty — the natural right

to create and build and worship and live in dignity. When men

and women are released from oppression and isolation, they ﬁ nd

fulﬁ llment and hope, and they leave poverty by the millions.

These aspirations are lifting up the peoples of Europe, Asia,

Africa and the Americas, and they can lift up all of the Islamic

world.

We stand for the permanent hopes of humanity, and those hopes

will not be denied. We’re conﬁ dent, too, that history has an author

who ﬁ lls time and eternity with his purpose. We know that evil is

real, but good will prevail against it. This is the teaching of many

faiths, and in that assurance we gain strength for a long journey.

It is our task — the task of this generation — to provide the

————

response to aggression and terror. We have no other choice,

because there is no other peace.

We did not ask for this mission, yet there is honor in history’s

call. We have a chance to write the story of our times, a story of

courage defeating cruelty and light overcoming darkness. This

calling is worthy of any life, and worthy of every nation. So let us

go forward, conﬁ dent, determined, and unafraid.

Thank you very much.

————

ADDRESS AT THE CITADEL

THE CITADEL

CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA

DECEMBER 11, 2001

Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thank you for that

warm welcome. I’m glad to be back here at The Citadel.

I have come to talk about the future security of our country, in a

place where I took up this subject two years ago when I was

candidate for President. In September 1999, I said here at the

Citadel that America was entering a period of consequences

that would be deﬁ ned by the threat of terror, and that we faced a

challenge of military transformation. That threat has now revealed

itself, and that challenge is now the military and moral necessity of

our time.

So, today, I will set forth the commitments essential to victory in

our war against terror.

I want to thank Major General John Grinalds for his hospitality.

I want to thank the Citadel Board of Visitors, the staff, and the

faculty. I understand the Governor is here. And I know my friends,

the Lt. Governor, the Speaker and the Attorney General are here,

and it was great to have seen them at the airport. I thank my friend,

Adjutant General Stan Spears for being here.

I’m grateful that Senator Hollings and members of the South

Carolina congressional delegation ﬂ ew down on Air Force One. I

only wish that the senior Senator was on the airplane so I could

have wished him a happy 99th birthday.

But most of all, most of all, I want to say how much I appreciate

being in the presence of some of America’s ﬁ nest, the South

Carolina Corp of Cadets of Citadel.

Four days ago, I joined the men and women of the USS

Enterprise to mark the 60th anniversary of Pearl Harbor. December

7th, 1941 was a decisive day that changed our nation forever. In a

single moment, America’s “splendid isolation” was ended. And the

————

four years that followed transformed the American way of war.

The age of battleships gave way to the offensive capability of

aircraft carriers. The tank, once used only to protect infantry, now

served to cut through enemy lines. At Guadalcanal, and Normandy,

and Iwo Jima, amphibious warfare proved its worth. And by war’s

end, no one would ever again doubt the value of strategic air power.

Even more importantly, an American President and his

successors shaped a world beyond a war. They rebuilt Europe with

the Marshall Plan, formed a great alliance for freedom in NATO,

and expressed the hope of collective security in the United Nations.

America took the lead, becoming freedom’s defender and assuming

responsibilities that only we could bear.

September 11th, 2001 — three months and a long time ago —

set another dividing line in our lives and in the life of our nation.

An illusion of immunity was shattered. A faraway evil became

a present danger. And a great cause became clear: We will ﬁ ght

terror and those who sponsor it, to save our children from a future

of fear.

To win this war, we have to think differently. The enemy who

appeared on September 11th seeks to evade our strength and

constantly searches for our weaknesses. So America is required

once again to change the way our military thinks and ﬁ ghts. And

starting on October 7th, the enemy in Afghanistan got the ﬁ rst

glimpses of a new American military that cannot, and will not, be

evaded.

When I committed U.S. forces to this battle, I had every

conﬁ dence that they would be up to the task. And they have proven

me right. The Taliban and the terrorists set out to dominate a

country and intimidate the world. Today, from their caves, it’s all

looking a little different. And no cave is deep enough to escape the

patient justice of the United States of America.

We are also beginning to see the possibilities of a world beyond

the war on terror. We have a chance, if we take it, to write a hopeful

chapter in human history. All at once, a new threat to civilization is

erasing old lines of rivalry and resentment between nations. Russia

————

and America are building a new cooperative relationship. India

and the United States are increasingly aligned across a range of

issues, even as we work closely with Pakistan. Germany and Japan

are assuming new military roles, appropriate to their status as great

democracies.

The vast majority of countries are now on the same side of a

moral and ideological divide. We’re making common cause with

every nation that chooses lawful change over chaotic violence —

every nation that values peace and safety and innocent life.

Staring across this divide are bands of murderers, supported by

outlaw regimes. They are a movement deﬁ ned by their hatreds.

They hate progress, and freedom, and choice, and culture, and

music, and laughter, and women, and Christians, and Jews, and

all Muslims who reject their distorted doctrines. They love only

one thing — they love power. And when they have it, they use it

without mercy.

The great threat to civilization is not that the terrorists will

inspire millions. Only the terrorists themselves would want to live

in their brutal and joyless world. The great threat to civilization is

that a few evil men will multiply their murders, and gain the means

to kill on a scale equal to their hatred. We know they have this mad

intent, and we’re determined to stop them.

Our lives, our way of life, and our every hope for the world

depend on a single commitment: The authors of mass murder must

be defeated, and never allowed to gain or use the weapons of mass

destruction.

America and our friends will meet this threat with every method

at our disposal. We will discover and destroy sleeper cells. We will

track terrorist movements, trace their communications, disrupt their

funding, and take their network apart, piece by piece.

Above all, we’re acting to end the state sponsorship of terror.

Rogue states are clearly the most likely sources of chemical and

biological and nuclear weapons for terrorists. Every nation now

knows that we cannot accept — and we will not accept — states

that harbor, ﬁ nance, train, or equip the agents of terror. Those

————

nations that violate this principle will be regarded as hostile

regimes. They have been warned, they are being watched, and

they will be held to account.

Preventing mass terror will be the responsibilities of

Presidents far into the future. And this obligation sets three

urgent and enduring priorities for America. The ﬁ rst priority is to

speed the transformation of our military.

When the Cold War ended, some predicted that the era of

direct threats to our nation was over. Some thought our military

would be used overseas — not to win wars, but mainly to police

and pacify, to control crowds and contain ethnic conﬂ ict. They

were wrong.

While the threats to America have changed, the need for

victory has not. We are ﬁ ghting shadowy, entrenched enemies —

enemies using the tools of terror and guerrilla war — yet we are

ﬁ nding new tactics and new weapons to attack and defeat them.

This revolution in our military is only beginning, and it promises

to change the face of battle.

Afghanistan has been a proving ground for this new approach.

These past two months have shown that an innovative doctrine

and high-tech weaponry can shape and then dominate an

unconventional conﬂ ict. The brave men and women of our

military are rewriting the rules of war with new technologies

and old values like courage and honor. And they have made this

nation proud.

Our commanders are gaining a real-time picture of the entire

battleﬁ eld, and are able to get targeting information from sensor

to shooter almost instantly. Our intelligence professionals and

special forces have cooperated in battle-friendly — with battle-

friendly Afghan forces — ﬁ ghters who know the terrain, who

know the Taliban, and who understand the local culture. And

our special forces have the technology to call in precision air

strikes — along with the ﬂ exibility to direct those strikes from

horseback, in the ﬁ rst cavalry charge of the 21st century.

This combination — real-time intelligence, local allied forces,

————

special forces, and precision air power — has really never been

used before. The conﬂ ict in Afghanistan has taught us more about

the future of our military than a decade of blue ribbon panels and

think-tank symposiums.

The Predator is a good example. This unmanned aerial vehicle is

able to circle over enemy forces, gather intelligence, transmit

information instantly back to commanders, then ﬁ re on targets with

extreme accuracy.

Before the war, the Predator had skeptics, because it did not ﬁ t

the old ways. Now it is clear the military does not have enough

unmanned vehicles. We’re entering an era in which unmanned

vehicles of all kinds will take on greater importance — in space, on

land, in the air, and at sea.

Precision-guided munitions also offer great promise. In the Gulf

War, these weapons were the exception — while in Afghanistan,

they have been the majority of the munitions we have used. We’re

striking with greater effectiveness, at greater range, with fewer

civilian casualties. More and more, our weapons can hit moving

targets. When all of our military can continuously locate and track

moving targets — with surveillance from air and space — warfare

will be truly revolutionized.

The need for military transformation was clear before the

conﬂ ict in Afghanistan, and before September the 11th. Here at the

Citadel in 1999, I spoke of keeping the peace by redeﬁ ning war on

our terms. The same recommendation was made in the strategic

review that Secretary Rumsfeld briefed me on last August — a

review that I fully endorse. What’s different today is our sense

of urgency — the need to build this future force while ﬁ ghting a

present war. It’s like overhauling an engine while you’re going at

80 miles an hour. Yet we have no other choice.

Our military has a new and essential mission. For states that

support terror, it’s not enough that the consequences be costly —

they must be devastating. The more credible this reality, the more

likely that regimes will change their behavior — making it less

likely that America and our friends will need to use overwhelming

————

force against them.

To build our future force, the Armed Services must continue

to attract America’s best people, with good pay and good living

conditions. Our military culture must reward new thinking,

innovation, and experimentation. Congress must give defense

leaders the freedom to innovate, instead of micromanaging the

Defense Department. And every service and every constituency

of our military must be willing to sacriﬁ ce some of their own pet

projects. Our war on terror cannot be used to justify obsolete bases,

obsolete programs, or obsolete weapon systems. Every dollar of

defense spending must meet a single test: It must help us build the

decisive power we will need to win the wars of the future.

Our country is united in supporting a great cause — and in

supporting those who ﬁ ght for it. We will give our men and women

in uniform every resource, every weapon, every tool they need to

win the long battle that lies ahead.

America’s next priority to prevent mass terror is to protect

against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the

means to deliver them. I wish I could report to the American people

that this threat does not exist — that our enemy is content with car

bombs and box cutters — but I cannot.

One former al Qaeda member has testiﬁ ed in court that he was

involved in an effort 10 years ago to obtain nuclear materials.

And the leader of al Qaeda calls that effort “a religious duty.”

Abandoned al Qaeda houses in Kabul contained diagrams for

crude weapons of mass destruction. And as we all know, terrorists

have put anthrax into the U.S. mail, and used sarin gas in a Tokyo

subway.

And almost every state that actively sponsors terror is known to

be seeking weapons of mass destruction and the missiles to deliver

them at longer and longer ranges. Their hope is to blackmail the

United States into abandoning our war on terror, and forsaking

our friends and allies and security commitments around the world.

Our enemies are bound for disappointment. America will never be

blackmailed, and we will never forsake our commitment to liberty.

————

To meet our new threats, I have directed my National Security

Advisor and my Homeland Security Director to develop a

comprehensive strategy on proliferation. Working with other

countries, we will strengthen nonproliferation treaties and

toughen export controls. Together, we must keep the world’s

most dangerous technologies out of the hands of the world’s most

dangerous people.

A crucial partner in this effort is Russia — a nation we are

helping to dismantle strategic weapons, reduce nuclear material, and

increase security at nuclear sites. Our two countries will expand

efforts to provide peaceful employment for scientists who formerly

worked in Soviet weapons facilities. The United States will also

work with Russia to build a facility to destroy tons of nerve agent.

I’ll request an over-all increase in funding to support this vital

mission.

Even as we ﬁ ght to prevent proliferation, we must prepare for

every possibility. At home, we must be better prepared to detect,

protect against, and respond to the potential use of weapons of mass

destruction. Abroad, our military forces must have the ability to

ﬁ ght and win against enemies who would use such weapons against

us.

Biodefense has become a major initiative of ours. This year

we’ve already requested nearly $3 billion additional dollars for

biodefense, more than doubling the level of funding prior to

September the 11th.

The attacks on our nation made it even more clear that we need

to build limited and effective defenses against a missile attack.

Our enemies seek every chance and every means to do harm to our

country, our forces, and our friends. And we will not permit it.

Suppose the Taliban and the terrorists had been able to strike

America or important allies with a ballistic missile. Our coalition

would have become fragile, the stakes in our war much, much

higher. We must protect Americans and our friends against all

forms of terror, including the terror that could arrive on a missile.

Last week we conducted another promising test of our missile

————

defense technology. For the good of peace, we’re moving forward

with an active program to determine what works and what does

not work. In order to do so, we must move beyond the 1972 Anti-

Ballistic Missile Treaty, a treaty that was written in a different era,

for a different enemy.

America and our allies must not be bound to the past. We must

be able to build the defenses we need against the enemies of the

21st century.

Our third and ﬁ nal priority in the ﬁ ght against mass terror is to

strengthen the advantage that good intelligence gives our country.

Every day I make decisions inﬂ uenced by the intelligence brieﬁ ng

of that morning. To reach decisions, a President needs more than

data and information. A President needs real and current knowledge

and analysis of the plans, intentions, and capabilities of our

enemies.

The last several months have shown that there is no substitute

for good intelligence ofﬁ cers, people on the ground. These are the

people who ﬁ nd the targets, follow our enemies, and help us disrupt

their evil plans.

The United States must rebuild our network of human

intelligence. And we will apply the best new technology to gather

intelligence on the new threats. Sophisticated systems like Global

Hawk, an unmanned surveillance plane, are transforming our

intelligence capabilities. Our technological strengths produce great

advantages, and we will build on them.

Our intelligence services and federal law enforcement agencies

must work more closely together, and share timely information

with our state and local authorities. The more we know, the more

terrorist plans we can prevent and disrupt, and the better we’ll be

able to protect the American people.

And in all they do, our intelligence agencies must attract the best

people — the best collectors, the best analysts, the best linguists.

We will give them the training they need and the compensation they

deserve.

There have been times here in America when our intelligence

————

services were held in suspicion, and even contempt. Now, when we

face this new war, we know how much we need them. And for their

dedication and for their service, America is grateful.

We’re also grateful to you, the students of the Citadel. Your

uniforms symbolize a tradition of honor and sacriﬁ ce, renewed

in your own lives. Many of you will enter our military — taking

your place in the war against terror. That struggle may continue for

many years, and it may bring great costs. But you will have chosen

a great calling at a crucial hour for our nation.

The course we follow is a matter of profound consequence to

many nations. If America wavers, the world will lose heart. If

America leads, the world will show its courage. America will never

waver. America will lead the world to peace.

Our cause is necessary. Our cause is just. And no matter how

long it takes, we will defeat the enemies of freedom.

In all that is to come, I know the graduates of the Citadel will

bring credit to America, to the military, and to this great institution.

In the words of your school song, you will go where you’ve always

gone — “in the paths our fathers showed us. Peace and Honor, God

and Country — we will ﬁ ght for thee.”

God bless.

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100

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101

THE WORLD WILL ALWAYS REMEMBER SEPTEMBER 11

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

DECEMBER 11, 2001

A great writer has said that the struggle of humanity against

tyranny is the struggle of memory against forgetting. When we ﬁ ght

terror, we ﬁ ght tyranny; and so we remember. We remember the

perfect blueness of the sky that Tuesday morning. We remember

the children traveling without their mothers when their planes were

hijacked.

We remember the cruelty of the murderers and the pain and

anguish of the murdered. Every one of the innocents who died

on September the 11th was the most important person on earth to

somebody. Every death extinguished a world.

We remember the courage of the rescue workers and the

outpouring of friendship and sympathy from nations around the

world. We remember how we felt that day: our sadness, the surge of

love for our country, our anger, and our determination to right this

huge wrong.

Today, the wrong is being righted and justice is being done. We

still have far to go. And many dangers lie ahead. Yet, there can be

no doubt how this conﬂ ict will end. Our enemies have made the

mistake that America’s enemies always make. They saw liberty and

thought they saw weakness. And now, they see defeat.

In time, this war will end. But our remembrance never will.

All around this beautiful city are statues of our heroes, memorials,

museums and archives that preserve our national experience, our

achievements and our failures, our defeats and our victories.

This republic is young, but its memory is long. Now, we have

inscribed a new memory alongside those others. It’s a memory of

tragedy and shock, of loss and mourning. But not only of loss and

mourning. It’s also a memory of bravery and self-sacriﬁ ce, and the

love that lays down its life for a friend — even a friend whose name

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102

it never knew.

We are privileged to have with us the families of many of the

heroes on September the 11th, including the family of Jeremy

Glick of Flight 93. His courage and self-sacriﬁ ce may have saved

the White House. It is right and ﬁ tting that it is here we pay our

respects.

In time, perhaps, we will mark the memory of September the

11th in stone and metal — something we can show children as yet

unborn to help them understand what happened on this minute and

on this day.

But for those of us who lived through these events, the only

marker we’ll ever need is the tick of a clock at the 46th minute of

the eighth hour of the 11th day. We will remember where we were

and how we felt. We will remember the dead and what we owe

them. We will remember what we lost and what we found.

And in our time, we will honor the memory of the 11th day by

doing our duty as citizens of this great country, freedom’s home and

freedoms defender. God bless.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 107TH CONGRESS

THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 29, 2002

Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney,

members of Congress, distinguished guests, fellow citizens: As we

gather tonight, our nation is at war, our economy is in recession, and

the civilized world faces unprecedented dangers. Yet the state of

our Union has never been stronger.

We last met in an hour of shock and suffering. In four short

months, our nation has comforted the victims, begun to rebuild New

York and the Pentagon, rallied a great coalition, captured, arrested,

and rid the world of thousands of terrorists, destroyed Afghanistan’s

terrorist training camps, saved a people from starvation, and freed a

country from brutal oppression.

The American ﬂ ag ﬂ ies again over our embassy in Kabul.

Terrorists who once occupied Afghanistan now occupy cells at

Guantanamo Bay. And terrorist leaders who urged followers to

sacriﬁ ce their lives are running for their own.

America and Afghanistan are now allies against terror. We’ll be

partners in rebuilding that country. And this evening we welcome

the distinguished interim leader of a liberated Afghanistan:

Chairman Hamid Karzai.

The last time we met in this chamber, the mothers and daughters

of Afghanistan were captives in their own homes, forbidden from

working or going to school. Today women are free, and are part of

Afghanistan’s new government. And we welcome the new Minister

of Women’s Affairs, Doctor Sima Samar.

Our progress is a tribute to the spirit of the Afghan people, to the

resolve of our coalition, and to the might of the United States

military. When I called our troops into action, I did so with

complete conﬁ dence in their courage and skill. And tonight, thanks

to them, we are winning the war on terror. The man and women

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104

of our Armed Forces have delivered a message now clear to every

enemy of the United States: Even 7,000 miles away, across oceans

and continents, on mountaintops and in caves — you will not

escape the justice of this nation.

For many Americans, these four months have brought sorrow,

and pain that will never completely go away. Every day a retired

ﬁ reﬁ ghter returns to Ground Zero, to feel closer to his two sons who

died there. At a memorial in New York, a little boy left his football

with a note for his lost father: Dear Daddy, please take this to

heaven. I don’t want to play football until I can play with you again

some day.

Last month, at the grave of her husband, Michael, a CIA ofﬁ cer

and Marine who died in Mazur-e-Sharif, Shannon Spann said these

words of farewell: “Semper Fi, my love.” Shannon is with us

tonight.

Shannon, I assure you and all who have lost a loved one that

our cause is just, and our country will never forget the debt we

owe Michael and all who gave their lives for freedom. Our cause

is just, and it continues. Our discoveries in Afghanistan conﬁ rmed

our worst fears, and showed us the true scope of the task ahead.

We have seen the depth of our enemies’ hatred in videos, where

they laugh about the loss of innocent life. And the depth of their

hatred is equaled by the madness of the destruction they design. We

have found diagrams of American nuclear power plants and public

water facilities, detailed instructions for making chemical weapons,

surveillance maps of American cities, and thorough descriptions of

landmarks in America and throughout the world.

What we have found in Afghanistan conﬁ rms that, far from

ending there, our war against terror is only beginning. Most of the

19 men who hijacked planes on September the 11th were trained

in Afghanistan’s camps, and so were tens of thousands of others.

Thousands of dangerous killers, schooled in the methods of murder,

often supported by outlaw regimes, are now spread throughout the

world like ticking time bombs, set to go off without warning.

Thanks to the work of our law enforcement ofﬁ cials and

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105

coalition partners, hundreds of terrorists have been arrested. Yet,

tens of thousands of trained terrorists are still at large. These

enemies view the entire world as a battleﬁ eld, and we must pursue

them wherever they are. So long as training camps operate, so long

as nations harbor terrorists, freedom is at risk. And America and

our allies must not, and will not, allow it.

Our nation will continue to be steadfast and patient and

persistent in the pursuit of two great objectives. First, we will shut

down terrorist camps, disrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to

justice. And, second, we must prevent the terrorists and regimes

who seek chemical, biological or nuclear weapons from threatening

the United States and the world.

Our military has put the terror training camps of Afghanistan

out of business, yet camps still exist in at least a dozen countries. A

terrorist underworld — including groups like Hamas, Hezbollah,

Islamic Jihad, Jaish-i-Mohammed — operates in remote jungles and

deserts, and hides in the centers of large cities.

While the most visible military action is in Afghanistan, America

is acting elsewhere. We now have troops in the Philippines, helping

to train that country’s armed forces to go after terrorist cells that

have executed an American, and still hold hostages. Our soldiers,

working with the Bosnian government, seized terrorists who were

plotting to bomb our embassy. Our Navy is patrolling the coast of

Africa to block the shipment of weapons and the establishment of

terrorist camps in Somalia.

My hope is that all nations will heed our call, and eliminate the

terrorist parasites who threaten their countries and our own. Many

nations are acting forcefully. Pakistan is now cracking down on

terror, and I admire the strong leadership of President Musharraf.

But some governments will be timid in the face of terror. And

make no mistake about it: If they do not act, America will.

Our second goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from

threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass

destruction. Some of these regimes have been pretty quiet since

September the 11th. But we know their true nature. North Korea

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106

is a regime arming with missiles and weapons of mass destruction,

while starving its citizens.

Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror,

while an unelected few repress the Iranian people’s hope for

freedom.

Iraq continues to ﬂ aunt its hostility toward America and to

support terror. The Iraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax, and

nerve gas, and nuclear weapons for over a decade. This is a regime

that has already used poison gas to murder thousands of its own

citizens — leaving the bodies of mothers huddled over their dead

children. This is a regime that agreed to international inspections —

then kicked out the inspectors. This is a regime that has something

to hide from the civilized world. States like these, and their terrorist

allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the

world. By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes

pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to

terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could

attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States. In any of

these cases, the price of indifference would be catastrophic.

We will work closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and

their state sponsors the materials, technology, and expertise to make

and deliver weapons of mass destruction. We will develop and

deploy effective missile defenses to protect America and our allies

from sudden attack. And all nations should know: America will do

what is necessary to ensure our nation’s security.

We’ll be deliberate, yet time is not on our side. I will not wait

on events, while dangers gather. I will not stand by, as peril draws

closer and closer. The United States of America will not permit

the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world’s

most destructive weapons.

Our war on terror is well begun, but it is only begun. This

campaign may not be ﬁ nished on our watch — yet it must be and it

will be waged on our watch.

We can’t stop short. If we stop now — leaving terror camps

intact and terror states unchecked — our sense of security would

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107

be false and temporary. History has called America and our allies

to action, and it is both our responsibility and our privilege to ﬁ ght

freedom’s ﬁ ght.

Our ﬁ rst priority must always be the security of our nation, and

that will be reﬂ ected in the budget I send to Congress. My budget

supports three great goals for America: We will win this war; we’ll

protect our homeland; and we will revive our economy.

September the 11th brought out the best in America, and the best

in this Congress. And I join the American people in applauding your

unity and resolve. Now Americans deserve to have this same spirit

directed toward addressing problems here at home. I’m a proud

member of my party — yet as we act to win the war, protect our

people, and create jobs in America, we must act, ﬁ rst and foremost,

not as Republicans, not as Democrats, but as Americans.

It costs a lot to ﬁ ght this war. We have spent more than a billion

dollars a month — over $30 million a day — and we must be

prepared for future operations. Afghanistan proved that expensive

precision weapons defeat the enemy and spare innocent lives, and

we need more of them. We need to replace aging aircraft and make

our military more agile, to put our troops anywhere in the world

quickly and safely. Our men and women in uniform deserve the

best weapons, the best equipment, the best training — and they also

deserve another pay raise.

My budget includes the largest increase in defense spending in

two decades — because while the price of freedom and security is

high, it is never too high. Whatever it costs to defend our country,

we will pay.

The next priority of my budget is to do everything possible to

protect our citizens and strengthen our nation against the ongoing

threat of another attack. Time and distance from the events of

September the 11th will not make us safer unless we act on its

lessons. America is no longer protected by vast oceans. We are

protected from attack only by vigorous action abroad, and increased

vigilance at home.

My budget nearly doubles funding for a sustained strategy

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108

of homeland security, focused on four key areas: bioterrorism,

emergency response, airport and border security, and improved

intelligence. We will develop vaccines to ﬁ ght anthrax and

other deadly diseases. We’ll increase funding to help states and

communities train and equip our heroic police and ﬁ reﬁ ghters. We

will improve intelligence collection and sharing, expand patrols at

our borders, strengthen the security of air travel, and use technology

to track the arrivals and departures of visitors to the United States.

Homeland security will make America not only stronger, but, in

many ways, better. Knowledge gained from bioterrorism research

will improve public health. Stronger police and ﬁ re departments

will mean safer neighborhoods. Stricter border enforcement will

help combat illegal drugs. And as government works to better

secure our homeland, America will continue to depend on the eyes

and ears of alert citizens.

A few days before Christmas, an airline ﬂ ight attendant spotted

a passenger lighting a match. The crew and passengers quickly

subdued the man, who had been trained by al Qaeda and was armed

with explosives. The people on that plane were alert and, as a

result, likely saved nearly 200 lives. And tonight we welcome and

thank ﬂ ight attendants Hermis Moutardier and Christina Jones.

Once we have funded our national security and our homeland

security, the ﬁ nal great priority of my budget is economic security

for the American people. To achieve these great national objectives

— to win the war, protect the homeland, and revitalize our economy

— our budget will run a deﬁ cit that will be small and short-term,

so long as Congress restrains spending and acts in a ﬁ scally

responsible manner. We have clear priorities and we must act at

home with the same purpose and resolve we have shown overseas:

We’ll prevail in the war, and we will defeat this recession.

Americans who have lost their jobs need our help and I support

extending unemployment beneﬁ ts and direct assistance for

health care coverage. Yet, American workers want more than

unemployment checks — they want a steady paycheck. When

America works, America prospers, so my economic security plan

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109

can be summed up in one word: jobs.

Good jobs begin with good schools, and here we’ve made a

ﬁ ne start. Republicans and Democrats worked together to achieve

historic education reform so that no child is left behind. I was

proud to work with members of both parties: Chairman John

Boehner and Congressman George Miller. Senator Judd Gregg.

And I was so proud of our work, I even had nice things to say about

my friend, Ted Kennedy. I know the folks at the Crawford coffee

shop couldn’t believe I’d say such a thing, but our work on this

bill shows what is possible if we set aside posturing and focus on

results.

There is more to do. We need to prepare our children to read and

succeed in school with improved Head Start and early childhood

development programs. We must upgrade our teacher colleges and

teacher training and launch a major recruiting drive with a great

goal for America: a quality teacher in every classroom.

Good jobs also depend on reliable and affordable energy.

This Congress must act to encourage conservation, promote

technology, build infrastructure, and it must act to increase energy

production at home so America is less dependent on foreign oil.

Good jobs depend on expanded trade. Selling into new markets

creates new jobs, so I ask Congress to ﬁ nally approve trade

promotion authority. On these two key issues, trade and energy, the

House of Representatives has acted to create jobs, and I urge the

Senate to pass this legislation.

Good jobs depend on sound tax policy. Last year, some in this

hall thought my tax relief plan was too small; some thought it was

too big. But when the checks arrived in the mail, most Americans

thought tax relief was just about right. Congress listened to the

people and responded by reducing tax rates, doubling the child

credit, and ending the death tax. For the sake of long-term growth

and to help Americans plan for the future, let’s make these tax cuts

permanent.

The way out of this recession, the way to create jobs, is to grow

the economy by encouraging investment in factories and equipment,

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110

and by speeding up tax relief so people have more money to spend.

For the sake of American workers, let’s pass a stimulus package.

Good jobs must be the aim of welfare reform. As we reauthorize

these important reforms, we must always remember the goal is to

reduce dependency on government and offer every American the

dignity of a job.

Americans know economic security can vanish in an instant

without health security. I ask Congress to join me this year to enact

a patients’ bill of rights to give uninsured workers credits to help

buy health coverage, to approve an historic increase in the spending

for veterans’ health, and to give seniors a sound and modern

Medicare system that includes coverage for prescription drugs.

A good job should lead to security in retirement. I ask Congress

to enact new safeguards for 401K and pension plans. Employees

who have worked hard and saved all their lives should not have

to risk losing everything if their company fails. Through stricter

accounting standards and tougher disclosure requirements,

corporate America must be made more accountable to employees

and shareholders and held to the highest standards of conduct.

Retirement security also depends upon keeping the commitments

of Social Security, and we will. We must make Social Security

ﬁ nancially stable and allow personal retirement accounts for

younger workers who choose them.

Members, you and I will work together in the months ahead

on other issues: productive farm policy, a cleaner environment,

broader home ownership, especially among minorities, and ways to

encourage the good work of charities and faith-based groups. I ask

you to join me on these important domestic issues in the same spirit

of cooperation we’ve applied to our war against terrorism.

During these last few months, I’ve been humbled and privileged

to see the true character of this country in a time of testing. Our

enemies believed America was weak and materialistic, that we

would splinter in fear and selﬁ shness. They were as wrong as they

are evil.

The American people have responded magniﬁ cently, with

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111

courage and compassion, strength and resolve. As I have met

the heroes, hugged the families, and looked into the tired faces of

rescuers, I have stood in awe of the American people.

And I hope you will join me — I hope you will join me in

expressing thanks to one American for the strength and calm and

comfort she brings to our nation in crisis, our First Lady, Laura

Bush.

None of us would ever wish the evil that was done on September

the 11th. Yet after America was attacked, it was as if our entire

country looked into a mirror and saw our better selves. We were

reminded that we are citizens, with obligations to each other, to our

country, and to history. We began to think less of the goods we can

accumulate, and more about the good we can do.

For too long our culture has said, “If it feels good, do it.” Now

America is embracing a new ethic and a new creed: “Let’s roll.” In

the sacriﬁ ce of soldiers, the ﬁ erce brotherhood of ﬁ reﬁ ghters, and

the bravery and generosity of ordinary citizens, we have glimpsed

what a new culture of responsibility could look like. We want to

be a nation that serves goals larger than self. We’ve been offered a

unique opportunity, and we must not let this moment pass.

My call tonight is for every American to commit at least two

years — 4,000 hours over the rest of your lifetime — to the service

of your neighbors and your nation. Many are already serving, and I

thank you. If you aren’t sure how to help, I’ve got a good place to

start. To sustain and extend the best that has emerged in America,

I invite you to join the new USA Freedom Corps. The Freedom

Corps will focus on three areas of need: responding in case of crisis

at home; rebuilding our communities; and extending American

compassion throughout the world.

One purpose of the USA Freedom Corps will be homeland

security. America needs retired doctors and nurses who can be

mobilized in major emergencies; volunteers to help police and

ﬁ re departments; transportation and utility workers well-trained in

spotting danger.

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112

Our country also needs citizens working to rebuild our

communities. We need mentors to love children, especially children

whose parents are in prison. And we need more talented teachers in

troubled schools. USA Freedom Corps will expand and improve the

good efforts of AmeriCorps and Senior Corps to recruit more than

200,000 new volunteers.

And America needs citizens to extend the compassion of our

country to every part of the world. So we will renew the promise of

the Peace Corps, double its volunteers over the next ﬁ ve years, and

ask it to join a new effort to encourage development and education

and opportunity in the Islamic world.

This time of adversity offers a unique moment of opportunity

— a moment we must seize to change our culture. Through the

gathering momentum of millions of acts of service and decency and

kindness, I know we can overcome evil with greater good. And we

have a great opportunity during this time of war to lead the world

toward the values that will bring lasting peace.

All fathers and mothers, in all societies, want their children to be

educated, and live free from poverty and violence. No people on

Earth yearn to be oppressed, or aspire to servitude, or eagerly await

the midnight knock of the secret police.

If anyone doubts this, let them look to Afghanistan, where

the Islamic “street” greeted the fall of tyranny with song and

celebration. Let the skeptics look to Islam’s own rich history, with

its centuries of learning, and tolerance and progress. America will

lead by defending liberty and justice because they are right and true

and unchanging for all people everywhere.

No nation owns these aspirations, and no nation is exempt from

them. We have no intention of imposing our culture. But America

will always stand ﬁ rm for the non-negotiable demands of human

dignity: the rule of law; limits on the power of the state; respect for

women; private property; free speech; equal justice; and religious

tolerance.

America will take the side of brave men and women who

advocate these values around the world, including the Islamic

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world, because we have a greater objective than eliminating threats

and containing resentment. We seek a just and peaceful world

beyond the war on terror.

In this moment of opportunity, a common danger is erasing old

rivalries. America is working with Russia and China and India,

in ways we have never before, to achieve peace and prosperity.

In every region, free markets and free trade and free societies

are proving their power to lift lives. Together with friends and

allies from Europe to Asia, and Africa to Latin America, we will

demonstrate that the forces of terror cannot stop the momentum of

freedom.

The last time I spoke here, I expressed the hope that life would

return to normal. In some ways, it has. In others, it never will.

Those of us who have lived through these challenging times have

been changed by them. We’ve come to know truths that we will

never question: evil is real, and it must be opposed. Beyond all

differences of race or creed, we are one country, mourning together

and facing danger together. Deep in the American character, there is

honor, and it is stronger than cynicism. And many have discovered

again that even in tragedy — especially in tragedy — God is near.

In a single instant, we realized that this will be a decisive decade

in the history of liberty, that we’ve been called to a unique role in

human events. Rarely has the world faced a choice more clear or

consequential.

Our enemies send other people’s children on missions of suicide

and murder. They embrace tyranny and death as a cause and a

creed. We stand for a different choice, made long ago, on the day of

our founding. We afﬁ rm it again today. We choose freedom and the

dignity of every life.

Steadfast in our purpose, we now press on. We have known

freedom’s price. We have shown freedom’s power. And in this

great conﬂ ict, my fellow Americans, we will see freedom’s victory.

Thank you all. May God bless.

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PROMOTING COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATISM

PARKSIDE HALL

SAN JOSE, CALIFORNIA

APRIL 30, 2002

Well, thank you very much for that warm welcome. I am so

grateful for the Commonwealth Club and the Churchill Club for

inviting me here. I appreciate you all coming, and I appreciate your

hospitality.

I want to thank Dr. Gloria Duffy for her generous introduction

and for her invitation. I want to thank Silvia Fernandez, who’s the

President of the Churchill Club, for joining the Commonwealth

Club to host this event. I want to thank all the elected ofﬁ cials who

are here. I want to thank my fellow citizens for coming.

Whenever I visit California, I’m impressed by the beauty of this

state and by the spirit of the people. Because of its size, the health of

the California economy inﬂ uences every American. And California

has got a culture of optimism and energy that touches all of us, as

well. This is a vital and a vibrant place. And I’m glad to be back.

The last time I visited San Jose, Silicon Valley was still in an

economic boom, and America was at peace. For many in this

valley, and across our country, those times are a world away. After a

recession made worse by a national emergency, we have seen some

good news. Our economy is beginning to grow. Just last week, we

had the good news about strong growth in the ﬁ rst quarter. Yet this

vital region reminds us that a lot of work remains to be done.

Business investment and job creation are not what they should

be. We cannot be content with one quarter’s news. We cannot be

complacent. My attitude is that we’ll let the statisticians talk about

the numbers. But so long as somebody who wants to work can’t ﬁ nd

work, that’s a problem for America.

We have a great task ahead of us. We must turn our short-term

recovery into long-lasting expansion that reaches every part of our

country. Our economy grows when trade barriers fall. I ask the

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Senate to join the United States House of Representatives in giving

me what’s called trade promotion authority.

It’s important to be a conﬁ dent country. And I’m conﬁ dent in the

ability of American entrepreneurs and producers to compete in the

world. I’m conﬁ dent that our farmers and ranchers can compete in

the world. And I know American technology companies are the best

in the world. And we must open new markets so they can sell to the

world.

Our economy grows when the tax burden goes down, and stays

down. Much of the growth we have seen this quarter is the result

of consumer spending, fueled by well-timed tax deductions. To

encourage growth in job creation, we must protect the lower tax

rates we’ve enacted, and we must make them permanent. And

to make sure there is economic vitality around our country, our

government must control its appetite for excessive spending.

Our economy grows entrepreneurs are rewarded for their

success, not hounded by regulations and needless litigation. We

must enact reforms that free entrepreneurs from pointless regulation

and endless litigation, and to restore trust in our economy. Corporate

leaders must be held to the highest ethical standards. And, as your

state knows, our economy grows when we have steady, stable and

affordable sources of energy.

In Washington, we must adopt — ﬁ nally adopt — a

comprehensive strategy to conserve more, to produce more, and to

deliver the energy that keeps our economy running. Both Houses

have passed energy legislation. I expect them to get a bill to my

desk soon for the good of American economy and American jobs.

By acting in the above way, we conﬁ rm that the role of government

is not to create wealth; the role of government is to create the

conditions for economic growth.

Since I was last here, America has also accepted a great

challenge in the world: to wage a relentless and systematic

campaign against global terror. The security of the American

people is the central commitment of the American government. We

are in for a long and difﬁ cult war. It will be conducted on many

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fronts. But as long as it takes, we will prevail.

In the ﬁ rst phase of our military operation, American and

coalition forces have liberated — have liberated — the people of

Afghanistan from a barbaric regime. Our Armed Forces performed

with skill and success and honor. A regime has fallen. Terrorists in

that country are now scattered, and the children of Afghanistan have

returned to school, boys and girls. Our work in that country is not

over. We are helping the Afghan people to rebuild their nation. And

in every cave, in every dark corner of that country, we will hunt

down the killers and bring them to justice.

We have entered the next phase of the war, with a sustained

international effort, to rout out terrorists in other countries, and deny

al Qaeda the chance to regroup in other places. Across the world,

governments have heard this message: You’re either with us, or

you’re with the terrorists.

And for the long-term security of America and civilization

itself, we must confront the great threat of biological and chemical

and nuclear weapons in the hands of terrorists or hostile regimes.

We will not allow the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten

America or our friends and allies with the world’s most destructive

weapons.

History has called us to these responsibilities, and we accept

them. America has always had a special mission to defend justice

and advance freedom around the world. Whatever the difﬁ culties

ahead, we are conﬁ dent about the outcome of this struggle. Tyranny

and terror and lawless violence will not decide the world’s future.

As Ronald Reagan said and as every generation of Americans has

believed, the future belongs to the free.

In a time of war, we reassert the essential values and beliefs of

our country. In the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln pointed toward a

new birth of freedom. Leading America into global war, Franklin

D. Roosevelt deﬁ ned the four freedoms: freedom of speech and

religion, freedom from fear and want. Whenever America ﬁ ghts

for the security of our country, we also ﬁ ght for the values of our

country. In our time, we will defend the land we love and we will

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act on the ideals that gave it birth.

In America, we’ve not always lived up to our ideals, yet we

always reached for them. We believe that everyone deserves a

chance, that everyone has value, that no insigniﬁ cant person was

ever born. We believe that all are diminished when any are hopeless.

We are one people, committed to building a single nation of justice

and opportunity.

America rejects bigotry. We reject every act of hatred against

people of Arab background or Muslim faith. We reject the ancient

evil of anti-Semitism, whether it is practiced by the killers of Daniel

Pearl, or by those who burn synagogues in France.

America values and welcomes peaceful people of all faiths —

Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, Hindu and many others. Every

faith is practiced and protected here, because we are one country.

Every immigrant can be fully and equally American because we’re

one country. Race and color should not divide us, because America

is one country.

These American ideals of opportunity and equality come to us

across the generations. And they have attracted millions from across

the world. Yet there are young Americans growing up here, under

this ﬂ ag, who doubt the promise and justice of our country. They

live in neighborhoods occupied by gangs and ruled by fear. They

are entitled by law to an education, yet do not receive an education.

They hear talk of opportunity and see little evidence of opportunity

around them.

Every American must believe in the promise of America. And

to reach this noble, necessary goal, there is a role for government.

America doesn’t need more big government, and we’ve learned

that more money is not always the answer. If a program is failing to

serve people, it makes little difference if we spend twice as much or

half as much. The measure of true compassion is results.

Yet we cannot have an indifferent government either. We are a

generous and caring people. We don’t believe in a sink-or-swim

society. The policies of our government must heed the universal

call of all faiths to love a neighbor as we would want to be loved

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ourselves. We need a different approach than either big government

or indifferent government. We need a government that is focused,

effective, and close to the people; a government that does a few

things, and does them well.

Government cannot solve every problem, but it can encourage

people and communities to help themselves and to help one another.

Often the truest kind of compassion is to help citizens build lives

of their own. I call my philosophy and approach “compassionate

conservatism.” It is compassionate to actively help our fellow

citizens in need. It is conservative to insist on responsibility and

on results. And with this hopeful approach, we can make a real

difference in people’s lives.

Compassionate conservatism places great hope and conﬁ dence in

public education. Our economy depends on higher and higher skills,

requiring every American to have the basic tools of learning. Every

public school should be the path of upward mobility.

Yet, sadly enough, many are the dead-end of dreams. Public

schools are some of the most important institutions of democracy.

They take children of every background, from every part of the

world, and prepare them for the obligations and opportunities of a

free society. Public schools are Americans great hope, and making

them work for every child is America’s great duty.

The new education reforms we have passed in Washington give

the federal government a new role in public education. Schools

must meet new and high standards of performance in reading and

math that will be proven on tests and posted on the Internet for

parents and everyone to see. And we’re giving local schools and

teachers unprecedented freedom and resources and training to meet

these goals.

It is conservative to let local communities chart their own path to

excellence. It is compassionate to insist that every child learns, so

that no child is left behind. By insisting on results, and challenging

failure where we ﬁ nd it, we’ll make an incredible difference in the

lives of every child in America.

Compassionate conservatism offers a new vision for ﬁ ghting

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poverty in America. For decades, our nation has devoted enormous

resources to helping the poor, with some great successes to show

for it: basic medical care for those in need, a better life for elderly

Americans. However, for millions of younger Americans, welfare

became a static and destructive way of life.

In 1996, we began transforming welfare with time limits and job

training and work requirements. And the nation’s welfare rolls have

been cut by more than half. But even more importantly, many lives

have been dramatically improved.

One former welfare recipient here in California, happened to

be a mother of a chronically-ill child and the victim of domestic

violence, describes her experience upon leaving welfare. She said,

“I feel like an adult again. I have my dignity back.”

We need to continue to fully transform welfare in America. As

Congress takes up welfare reform again in the coming weeks, we

must strengthen the work requirements that prevent dependency and

despair. Millions of Americans once on welfare are ﬁ nding that a

job is more than a source of income. It is a source of dignity. And

by helping people ﬁ nd work, by helping them prepare for work, we

practice compassion.

Welfare reform must also, wherever possible, encourage the

commitments of family. Not every child has two devoted parents at

home — I understand that. And not every marriage can, or should

be saved. But the evidence shows that strong marriages are good for

children.

When a couple on welfare wants to break bad patterns and start

or strengthen a marriage, we should help local groups give them

counseling that teaches commitment and respect. By encouraging

family, we practice compassion.

In overcoming poverty and dependence, we must also promote

the work of charities and community groups and faith-based

institutions. These organizations, such as shelters for battered

women or mentoring programs for fatherless children or drug

treatment centers, inspire hope in a way that government never can.

Often, they inspire life-changing faith in a way that government

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never should.

Our government should view the good Americans that work in

faith-based charities as partners, not rivals. We must provide new

incentives for charitable giving and, when it comes to providing

federal resources to effective programs, we should not discriminate

against private and religious groups.

I urge the Senate to pass the faith-based initiative for the good

of America. It is compassionate to aggressively ﬁ ght poverty in

America. It is conservative to encourage work and community spirit

and responsibility and the values that often come from faith. And

with this approach, we can change lives one soul at a time, and

make a real difference in the lives of our citizens.

The same principles of compassion and responsibility apply

when America offers assistance to other nations. Nearly half of

the world’s people still live on less than $2 a day. When we help

them, we show our values, our belief in universal human dignity.

We serve our interests and gain economic partners. And by helping

the developing nations of the world, we offer an alternative to

resentment and conﬂ ict and terror.

Yet the old way of pouring vast amounts of money into

development aid without any concern for results has failed, often

leaving behind misery and poverty and corruption. America’s

offering a new compact for global development. Greater aid

contributions from America must be and will be linked to greater

responsibility from developing nations.

I have proposed a 50-percent increase in our core development

assistance over the next three budget years. Money that will be

placed in a new Millennium Challenge Account. At the end of this

three-year period, the level of our annual development assistance

will be $5 billion higher than current levels.

This is a record amount of spending. And in return for these

funds, we expect nations to rout out corruption, to open their

markets, to respect human rights, and to adhere to the rule of law.

And these are the keys to progress in any nation, and they will be

the conditions for any new American aid.

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It is compassionate to increase our international aid. It is

conservative to require the hard reforms that lead to prosperity and

independence. And with this approach, we’ll make a real difference

in the lives of people around the world.

Compassionate conservatism guides my administration in

many other areas. Our health care policies must help low-income

Americans to buy health insurance they choose, they own and

they control. Our environmental policy set high standards for

stewardship, while allowing local cooperation and innovation

to meet those standards. Our housing programs moved beyond

rental assistance to the pride and stability of home ownership. Our

reforms in Social Security must allow and encourage and help

working Americans to build up their own asset base and achieve

independence for their retirement years.

All of these policies and all of these areas serve the same vision.

We are using an active government to promote self-government.

We’re encouraging individuals and communities and families

to take more and more responsibility for themselves, for their

neighbors, for our nation. The aim of these policies is not to spend

more money or spend less money; it is to spend on what works.

The measure of compassion is more than good intentions, it

is good results. Sympathy is not enough. We need solutions in

America, and we know where solutions are found. When schools

are teaching, when families are strong, when neighbors look after

their neighbors, when our people have the tools and the skills and

the resources they need to improve their lives, there is no problem

that cannot be solved in America.

By being involved and by taking responsibility upon ourselves,

we gain something else, as well: We contribute to the life of our

country. We become more than taxpayers and occasional voters, we

become citizens. Citizens, not spectators. Citizens who hear the call

of duty, who stand up for their beliefs, who care for their families,

who control their lives, and who treat their neighbors with respect

and compassion. We discover a satisfaction that is only found in

service, and we show our gratitude to America and to those who

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came before us.

In the last seven months, we’ve been tested, and the struggle of

our time has revealed the spirit of our people. Since September the

11th, we have been the kind of nation our founders had in mind,

a nation of strong and conﬁ dent and self-governing people. And

we’ve been the kind of nation our fathers and mothers defended

in World War II; a great and diverse country, united by common

dangers and by common resolve.

We in our time will defend our nation, and we will deliver our

nation’s promise to all who seek it. In our war on terror, we are

showing the world the strength of our country, and by our unity and

tolerance and compassion, we will show the world the soul of our

country. May God bless America.

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WEST POINT COMMENCEMENT

UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY

WEST POINT, NEW YORK

JUNE 1, 2002

Thank you very much, General Lennox. Mr. Secretary, Governor

Pataki, members of the United States Congress, Academy staff and

faculty, distinguished guests, proud family members, and graduates:

I want to thank you for your welcome. Laura and I are especially

honored to visit this great institution in your bicentennial year.

In every corner of America, the words “West Point” command

immediate respect. This place where the Hudson River bends is

more than a ﬁ ne institution of learning. The United States Military

Academy is the guardian of values that have shaped the soldiers

who have shaped the history of the world.

A few of you have followed in the path of the perfect West Point

graduate, Robert E. Lee, who never received a single demerit in four

years. Some of you followed in the path of the imperfect graduate,

Ulysses S. Grant, who had his fair share of demerits, and said the

happiest day of his life was “the day I left West Point.” During my

college years I guess you could say I was — During my college

years I guess you could say I was a Grant man.

You walk in the tradition of Eisenhower and MacArthur, Patton

and Bradley - the commanders who saved a civilization. And you

walk in the tradition of second lieutenants who did the same, by

ﬁ ghting and dying on distant battleﬁ elds.

Graduates of this academy have brought creativity and courage

to every ﬁ eld of endeavor. West Point produced the chief engineer

of the Panama Canal, the mind behind the Manhattan Project, the

ﬁ rst American to walk in space. This ﬁ ne institution gave us the

man they say invented baseball, and other young men over the years

who perfected the game of football.

You know this, but many in America don’t — George C.

Marshall, a VMI graduate, is said to have given this order: “I want

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an ofﬁ cer for a secret and dangerous mission. I want a West Point

football player.”

As you leave here today, I know there’s one thing you’ll never

miss about this place: Being a plebe. But even a plebe at West Point

is made to feel he or she has some standing in the world. I’m told

that plebes, when asked whom they outrank, are required to answer

this: “Sir, the Superintendent’s dog, the Commandant’s cat, and all

the admirals in the whole damn Navy.” I probably won’t be sharing

that with the Secretary of the Navy.

West Point is guided by tradition, and in honor of the “Golden

Children of the Corps,” I will observe one of the traditions you

cherish most. As the Commander-in-Chief, I hereby grant amnesty

to all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.

Those of you in the end zone might have cheered a little early.

Because, you see, I’m going to let General Lennox deﬁ ne exactly

what “minor” means.

Every West Point class is commissioned to the Armed Forces.

Some West Point classes are also commissioned by history, to take

part in a great new calling for their country. Speaking here to the

class of 1942 — six months after Pearl Harbor — General Marshall

said, “We’re determined that before the sun sets on this terrible

struggle, our ﬂ ag will be recognized throughout the world as a

symbol of freedom on the one hand, and of overwhelming power on

the other.”

Ofﬁ cers graduating that year helped fulﬁ ll that mission, defeating

Japan and Germany, and then reconstructing those nations as allies.

West Point graduates of the 1940s saw the rise of a deadly new

challenge — the challenge of imperial communism — and opposed

it from Korea to Berlin, to Vietnam, and in the Cold War, from

beginning to end. And as the sun set on their struggle, many of those

West Point ofﬁ cers lived to see a world transformed.

History has also issued its call to your generation. In your last

year, America was attacked by a ruthless and resourceful enemy.

You graduate from this Academy in a time of war, taking your place

in an American military that is powerful and is honorable. Our war

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on terror is only begun, but in Afghanistan it was begun well.

I am proud of the men and women who have fought on my

orders. America is profoundly grateful for all who serve the cause of

freedom, and for all who have given their lives in its defense. This

nation respects and trusts our military, and we are conﬁ dent in your

victories to come.

This war will take many turns we cannot predict. Yet I am certain

of this: Wherever we carry it, the American ﬂ ag will stand not only

for our power, but for freedom. Our nation’s cause has always been

larger than our nation’s defense. We ﬁ ght, as we always ﬁ ght, for a

just peace — a peace that favors human liberty. We will defend the

peace against threats from terrorists and tyrants. We will preserve

the peace by building good relations among the great powers. And

we will extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on

every continent.

Building this just peace is America’s opportunity, and America’s

duty. From this day forward, it is your challenge, as well, and we

will meet this challenge together. You will wear the uniform of a

great and unique country. America has no empire to extend or utopia

to establish. We wish for others only what we wish for ourselves

— safety from violence, the rewards of liberty, and the hope for a

better life.

In defending the peace, we face a threat with no precedent.

Enemies in the past needed great armies and great industrial

capabilities to endanger the American people and our nation. The

attacks of September the 11th required a few hundred thousand

dollars in the hands of a few dozen evil and deluded men. All of the

chaos and suffering they caused came at much less than the cost of a

single tank. The dangers have not passed. This government and the

American people are on watch, we are ready, because we know the

terrorists have more money and more men and more plans.

The gravest danger to freedom lies at the perilous crossroads

of radicalism and technology. When the spread of chemical and

biological and nuclear weapons, along with ballistic missile

technology — when that occurs, even weak states and small

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groups could attain a catastrophic power to strike great nations.

Our enemies have declared this very intention, and have been

caught seeking these terrible weapons. They want the capability to

blackmail us, or to harm us, or to harm our friends — and we will

oppose them with all our power.

For much of the last century, America’s defense relied on

the Cold War doctrines of deterrence and containment. In some

cases, those strategies still apply. But new threats also require new

thinking. Deterrence — the promise of massive retaliation against

nations — means nothing against shadowy terrorist networks with

no nation or citizens to defend. Containment is not possible when

unbalanced dictators with weapons of mass destruction can deliver

those weapons on missiles or secretly provide them to terrorist

allies.

We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping for the

best. We cannot put our faith in the word of tyrants, who solemnly

sign non-proliferation treaties, and then systemically break them.

If we wait for threats to fully materialize, we will have waited too

long.

Homeland defense and missile defense are part of stronger

security, and they’re essential priorities for America. Yet the war on

terror will not be won on the defensive. We must take the battle to

the enemy, disrupt his plans, and confront the worst threats before

they emerge. In the world we have entered, the only path to safety

is the path of action. And this nation will act.

Our security will require the best intelligence, to reveal threats

hidden in caves and growing in laboratories. Our security will

require modernizing domestic agencies such as the FBI, so they’re

prepared to act, and act quickly, against danger. Our security will

require transforming the military you will lead — a military that

must be ready to strike at a moment’s notice in any dark corner

of the world. And our security will require all Americans to be

forward-looking and resolute, to be ready for preemptive action

when necessary to defend our liberty and to defend our lives.

The work ahead is difﬁ cult. The choices we will face are

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complex. We must uncover terror cells in 60 or more countries,

using every tool of ﬁ nance, intelligence and law enforcement.

Along with our friends and allies, we must oppose proliferation and

confront regimes that sponsor terror, as each case requires. Some

nations need military training to ﬁ ght terror, and we’ll provide it.

Other nations oppose terror, but tolerate the hatred that leads to

terror — and that must change. We will send diplomats where

they are needed, and we will send you, our soldiers, where you’re

needed.

All nations that decide for aggression and terror will pay a price.

We will not leave the safety of America and the peace of the planet

at the mercy of a few mad terrorists and tyrants. We will lift this

dark threat from our country and from the world.

Because the war on terror will require resolve and patience, it

will also require ﬁ rm moral purpose. In this way our struggle is

similar to the Cold War. Now, as then, our enemies are totalitarians,

holding a creed of power with no place for human dignity. Now, as

then, they seek to impose a joyless conformity, to control every life

and all of life.

America confronted imperial communism in many different

ways — diplomatic, economic, and military. Yet moral clarity was

essential to our victory in the Cold War. When leaders like John F.

Kennedy and Ronald Reagan refused to gloss over the brutality of

tyrants, they gave hope to prisoners and dissidents and exiles, and

rallied free nations to a great cause.

Some worry that it is somehow undiplomatic or impolite to

speak the language of right and wrong. I disagree. Different

circumstances require different methods, but not different

moralities. Moral truth is the same in every culture, in every time,

and in every place. Targeting innocent civilians for murder is always

and everywhere wrong. Brutality against women is always and

everywhere wrong. There can be no neutrality between justice and

cruelty, between the innocent and the guilty. We are in a conﬂ ict

between good and evil, and America will call evil by its name. By

confronting evil and lawless regimes, we do not create a problem,

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we reveal a problem. And we will lead the world in opposing it.

As we defend the peace, we also have an historic opportunity to

preserve the peace. We have our best chance since the rise of the

nation state in the 17th century to build a world where the great

powers compete in peace instead of prepare for war. The history

of the last century, in particular, was dominated by a series of

destructive national rivalries that left battleﬁ elds and graveyards

across the Earth. Germany fought France, the Axis fought the

Allies, and then the East fought the West, in proxy wars and tense

standoffs, against a backdrop of nuclear Armageddon.

Competition between great nations is inevitable, but armed

conﬂ ict in our world is not. More and more, civilized nations

ﬁ nd ourselves on the same side — united by common dangers

of terrorist violence and chaos. America has, and intends to

keep, military strengths beyond challenge, thereby making the

destabilizing arms races of other eras pointless, and limiting

rivalries to trade and other pursuits of peace.

Today the great powers are also increasingly united by common

values, instead of divided by conﬂ icting ideologies. The United

States, Japan and our Paciﬁ c friends, and now all of Europe,

share a deep commitment to human freedom, embodied in strong

alliances such as NATO. And the tide of liberty is rising in many

other nations.

Generations of West Point ofﬁ cers planned and practiced for

battles with Soviet Russia. I’ve just returned from a new Russia,

now a country reaching toward democracy, and our partner in the

war against terror. Even in China, leaders are discovering that

economic freedom is the only lasting source of national wealth. In

time, they will ﬁ nd that social and political freedom is the only true

source of national greatness.

When the great powers share common values, we are better

able to confront serious regional conﬂ icts together, better able to

cooperate in preventing the spread of violence or economic chaos.

In the past, great power rivals took sides in difﬁ cult regional

problems, making divisions deeper and more complicated. Today,

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from the Middle East to South Asia, we are gathering broad

international coalitions to increase the pressure for peace. We must

build strong and great power relations when times are good; to

help manage crisis when times are bad. America needs partners to

preserve the peace, and we will work with every nation that shares

this noble goal.

And ﬁ nally, America stands for more than the absence of war.

We have a great opportunity to extend a just peace, by replacing

poverty, repression, and resentment around the world with hope

of a better day. Through most of history, poverty was persistent,

inescapable, and almost universal. In the last few decades, we’ve

seen nations from Chile to South Korea build modern economies

and freer societies, lifting millions of people out of despair and

want. And there’s no mystery to this achievement.

The 20th century ended with a single surviving model of human

progress, based on non-negotiable demands of human dignity, the

rule of law, limits on the power of the state, respect for women and

private property and free speech and equal justice and religious

tolerance. America cannot impose this vision — yet we can support

and reward governments that make the right choices for their own

people. In our development aid, in our diplomatic efforts, in our

international broadcasting, and in our educational assistance, the

United States will promote moderation and tolerance and human

rights. And we will defend the peace that makes all progress

possible.

When it comes to the common rights and needs of men and

women, there is no clash of civilizations. The requirements of

freedom apply fully to Africa and Latin America and the entire

Islamic world. The peoples of the Islamic nations want and deserve

the same freedoms and opportunities as people in every nation. And

their governments should listen to their hopes.

A truly strong nation will permit legal avenues of dissent

for all groups that pursue their aspirations without violence. An

advancing nation will pursue economic reform, to unleash the great

entrepreneurial energy of its people. A thriving nation will respect

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the rights of women, because no society can prosper while denying

opportunity to half its citizens. Mothers and fathers and children

across the Islamic world, and all the world, share the same fears

and aspirations. In poverty, they struggle. In tyranny, they suffer.

And as we saw in Afghanistan, in liberation they celebrate.

America has a greater objective than controlling threats and

containing resentment. We will work for a just and peaceful world

beyond the war on terror.

The bicentennial class of West Point now enters this drama.

With all in the United States Army, you will stand between your

fellow citizens and grave danger. You will help establish a peace

that allows millions around the world to live in liberty and to grow

in prosperity. You will face times of calm, and times of crisis. And

every test will ﬁ nd you prepared — because you’re the men and

women of West Point. You leave here marked by the character of

this Academy, carrying with you the highest ideals of our nation.

Toward the end of his life, Dwight Eisenhower recalled the ﬁ rst

day he stood on the plain at West Point. “The feeling came over

me,” he said, “that the expression ‘the United States of America’

would now and henceforth mean something different than it had

ever before. From here on, it would be the nation I would be

serving, not myself.”

Today, your last day at West Point, you begin a life of service in

a career unlike any other. You’ve answered a calling to hardship

and purpose, to risk and honor. At the end of every day you will

know that you have faithfully done your duty. May you always

bring to that duty the high standards of this great American

institution. May you always be worthy of the long gray line that

stretches two centuries behind you.

On behalf of the nation, I congratulate each one of you for

the commission you’ve earned and for the credit you bring to the

United States of America. May God bless you all.

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MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS

THE ROSE GARDEN OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JUNE 24, 2002

For too long, the citizens of the Middle East have lived in the

midst of death and fear. The hatred of a few holds the hopes of

many hostage. The forces of extremism and terror are attempting

to kill progress and peace by killing the innocent. And this casts a

dark shadow over an entire region. For the sake of all humanity,

things must change in the Middle East.

It is untenable for Israeli citizens to live in terror. It is untenable

for Palestinians to live in squalor and occupation. And the current

situation offers no prospect that life will improve. Israeli citizens

will continue to be victimized by terrorists, and so Israel will

continue to defend herself.

In the situation the Palestinian people will grow more and more

miserable. My vision is two states, living side by side in peace

and security. There is simply no way to achieve that peace until all

parties ﬁ ght terror. Yet, at this critical moment, if all parties will

break with the past and set out on a new path, we can overcome the

darkness with the light of hope. Peace requires a new and different

Palestinian leadership, so that a Palestinian state can be born.

I call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders

not compromised by terror. I call upon them to build a practicing

democracy, based on tolerance and liberty. If the Palestinian people

actively pursue these goals, America and the world will actively

support their efforts. If the Palestinian people meet these goals,

they will be able to reach agreement with Israel and Egypt and

Jordan on security and other arrangements for independence.

And when the Palestinian people have new leaders, new

institutions and new security arrangements with their neighbors, the

United States of America will support the creation of a Palestinian

state whose borders and certain aspects of its sovereignty will be

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provisional until resolved as part of a ﬁ nal settlement in the Middle

East.

In the work ahead, we all have responsibilities. The Palestinian

people are gifted and capable, and I am conﬁ dent they can achieve

a new birth for their nation. A Palestinian state will never be created

by terror — it will be built through reform. And reform must be

more than cosmetic change, or veiled attempt to preserve the status

quo. True reform will require entirely new political and economic

institutions, based on democracy, market economics and action

against terrorism.

Today, the elected Palestinian legislature has no authority, and

power is concentrated in the hands of an unaccountable few. A

Palestinian state can only serve its citizens with a new constitution

which separates the powers of government. The Palestinian

parliament should have the full authority of a legislative body. Local

ofﬁ cials and government ministers need authority of their own and

the independence to govern effectively.

The United States, along with the European Union and

Arab states, will work with Palestinian leaders to create a new

constitutional framework, and a working democracy for the

Palestinian people. And the United States, along with others in the

international community will help the Palestinians organize and

monitor fair, multi-party local elections by the end of the year, with

national elections to follow.

Today, the Palestinian people live in economic stagnation,

made worse by ofﬁ cial corruption. A Palestinian state will require a

vibrant economy, where honest enterprise is encouraged by honest

government. The United States, the international donor community

and the World Bank stand ready to work with Palestinians on a

major project of economic reform and development. The United

States, the EU, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund

are willing to oversee reforms in Palestinian ﬁ nances, encouraging

transparency and independent auditing.

And the United States, along with our partners in the developed

world, will increase our humanitarian assistance to relieve

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Palestinian suffering. Today, the Palestinian people lack effective

courts of law and have no means to defend and vindicate their

rights. A Palestinian state will require a system of reliable justice

to punish those who prey on the innocent. The United States and

members of the international community stand ready to work with

Palestinian leaders to establish ﬁ nance — establish ﬁ nance and

monitor a truly independent judiciary.

Today, Palestinian authorities are encouraging, not opposing,

terrorism. This is unacceptable. And the United States will not

support the establishment of a Palestinian state until its leaders

engage in a sustained ﬁ ght against the terrorists and dismantle their

infrastructure. This will require an externally supervised effort to

rebuild and reform the Palestinian security services. The security

system must have clear lines of authority and accountability and a

uniﬁ ed chain of command.

America is pursuing this reform along with key regional states.

The world is prepared to help, yet ultimately these steps toward

statehood depend on the Palestinian people and their leaders. If

they energetically take the path of reform, the rewards can come

quickly. If Palestinians embrace democracy, confront corruption

and ﬁ rmly reject terror, they can count on American support for the

creation of a provisional state of Palestine.

With a dedicated effort, this state could rise rapidly, as it comes

to terms with Israel, Egypt and Jordan on practical issues, such

as security. The ﬁ nal borders, the capital and other aspects of this

state’s sovereignty will be negotiated between the parties, as part

of a ﬁ nal settlement. Arab states have offered their help in this

process, and their help is needed.

I’ve said in the past that nations are either with us or against us

in the war on terror. To be counted on the side of peace, nations

must act. Every leader actually committed to peace will end

incitement to violence in ofﬁ cial media, and publicly denounce

homicide bombings. Every nation actually committed to peace

will stop the ﬂ ow of money, equipment and recruits to terrorist

groups seeking the destruction of Israel — including Hamas,

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Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah. Every nation actually committed to

peace must block the shipment of Iranian supplies to these groups,

and oppose regimes that promote terror, like Iraq. And Syria must

choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps

and expelling terrorist organizations.

Leaders who want to be included in the peace process must show

by their deeds an undivided support for peace. And as we move

toward a peaceful solution, Arab states will be expected to build

closer ties of diplomacy and commerce with Israel, leading to full

normalization of relations between Israel and the entire Arab world.

Israel also has a large stake in the success of a democratic

Palestine. Permanent occupation threatens Israel’s identity and

democracy. A stable, peaceful Palestinian state is necessary to

achieve the security that Israel longs for. So I challenge Israel to

take concrete steps to support the emergence of a viable, credible

Palestinian state.

As we make progress towards security, Israel forces need

to withdraw fully to positions they held prior to September 28,

2000. And consistent with the recommendations of the Mitchell

Committee, Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territories

must stop.

The Palestinian economy must be allowed to develop. As

violence subsides, freedom of movement should be restored,

permitting innocent Palestinians to resume work and normal life.

Palestinian legislators and ofﬁ cials, humanitarian and international

workers, must be allowed to go about the business of building a

better future. And Israel should release frozen Palestinian revenues

into honest, accountable hands.

I’ve asked Secretary Powell to work intensively with Middle

Eastern and international leaders to realize the vision of a

Palestinian state, focusing them on a comprehensive plan to support

Palestinian reform and institution-building.

Ultimately, Israelis and Palestinians must address the core issues

that divide them if there is to be a real peace, resolving all claims

and ending the conﬂ ict between them. This means that the Israeli

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occupation that began in 1967 will be ended through a settlement

negotiated between the parties, based on U.N. Resolutions 242 and

338, with Israeli withdrawal to secure and recognize borders.

We must also resolve questions concerning Jerusalem, the

plight and future of Palestinian refugees, and a ﬁ nal peace between

Israel and Lebanon, and Israel and a Syria that supports peace and

ﬁ ghts terror.

All who are familiar with the history of the Middle East realize

that there may be setbacks in this process. Trained and determined

killers, as we have seen, want to stop it. Yet the Egyptian and

Jordanian peace treaties with Israel remind us that with determined

and responsible leadership progress can come quickly.

As new Palestinian institutions and new leaders emerge,

demonstrating real performance on security and reform, I expect

Israel to respond and work toward a ﬁ nal status agreement. With

intensive effort by all, this agreement could be reached within

three years from now. And I and my country will actively lead

toward that goal.

I can understand the deep anger and anguish of the Israeli

people. You’ve lived too long with fear and funerals, having to

avoid markets and public transportation, and forced to put armed

guards in kindergarten classrooms. The Palestinian Authority has

rejected your offer at hand, and trafﬁ cked with terrorists. You have

a right to a normal life; you have a right to security; and I deeply

believe that you need a reformed, responsible Palestinian partner

to achieve that security.

I can understand the deep anger and despair of the Palestinian

people. For decades you’ve been treated as pawns in the

Middle East conﬂ ict. Your interests have been held hostage to

a comprehensive peace agreement that never seems to come, as

your lives get worse year by year. You deserve democracy and the

rule of law. You deserve an open society and a thriving economy.

You deserve a life of hope for your children. An end to occupation

and a peaceful democratic Palestinian state may seem distant, but

America and our partners throughout the world stand ready to

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help, help you make them possible as soon as possible.

If liberty can blossom in the rocky soil of the West Bank and

Gaza, it will inspire millions of men and women around the globe

who are equally weary of poverty and oppression, equally entitled

to the beneﬁ ts of democratic government.

I have a hope for the people of Muslim countries. Your

commitments to morality, and learning, and tolerance led to great

historical achievements. And those values are alive in the Islamic

world today. You have a rich culture, and you share the aspirations

of men and women in every culture. Prosperity and freedom and

dignity are not just American hopes, or Western hopes. They are

universal, human hopes. And even in the violence and turmoil of

the Middle East, America believes those hopes have the power to

transform lives and nations.

This moment is both an opportunity and a test for all parties in

the Middle East: an opportunity to lay the foundations for future

peace; a test to show who is serious about peace and who is not. The

choice here is stark and simple. The Bible says, “I have set before

you life and death; therefore, choose life.” The time has arrived for

everyone in this conﬂ ict to choose peace, and hope, and life.

Thank you very much.

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ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

UNITED NATIONS HEADQUARTERS

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

SEPTEMBER 12, 2002

Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, distinguished delegates,

and ladies and gentlemen: We meet one year and one day after

a terrorist attack brought grief to my country, and brought grief

to many citizens of our world. Yesterday, we remembered the

innocent lives taken that terrible morning. Today, we turn to the

urgent duty of protecting other lives, without illusion and without

fear.

We’ve accomplished much in the last year — in Afghanistan

and beyond. We have much yet to do — in Afghanistan and

beyond. Many nations represented here have joined in the ﬁ ght

against global terror, and the people of the United States are

grateful.

The United Nations was born in the hope that survived a world

war — the hope of a world moving toward justice, escaping old

patterns of conﬂ ict and fear. The founding members resolved

that the peace of the world must never again be destroyed by the

will and wickedness of any man. We created the United Nations

Security Council, so that, unlike the League of Nations, our

deliberations would be more than talk, our resolutions would be

more than wishes. After generations of deceitful dictators and

broken treaties and squandered lives, we dedicated ourselves

to standards of human dignity shared by all, and to a system of

security defended by all.

Today, these standards, and this security, are challenged. Our

commitment to human dignity is challenged by persistent poverty

and raging disease. The suffering is great, and our responsibilities

are clear. The United States is joining with the world to supply

aid where it reaches people and lifts up lives, to extend trade

and the prosperity it brings, and to bring medical care where it is

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desperately needed.

As a symbol of our commitment to human dignity, the United

States will return to UNESCO. This organization has been

reformed and America will participate fully in its mission to

advance human rights and tolerance and learning.

Our common security is challenged by regional conﬂ icts —

ethnic and religious strife that is ancient, but not inevitable. In the

Middle East, there can be no peace for either side without freedom

for both sides. America stands committed to an independent and

democratic Palestine, living side by side with Israel in peace and

security. Like all other people, Palestinians deserve a government

that serves their interests and listens to their voices. My nation will

continue to encourage all parties to step up to their responsibilities

as we seek a just and comprehensive settlement to the conﬂ ict.

Above all, our principles and our security are challenged today

by outlaw groups and regimes that accept no law of morality and

have no limit to their violent ambitions. In the attacks on America

a year ago, we saw the destructive intentions of our enemies. This

threat hides within many nations, including my own. In cells and

camps, terrorists are plotting further destruction, and building new

bases for their war against civilization. And our greatest fear is that

terrorists will ﬁ nd a shortcut to their mad ambitions when an outlaw

regime supplies them with the technologies to kill on a massive

scale.

In one place — in one regime — we ﬁ nd all these dangers,

in their most lethal and aggressive forms, exactly the kind of

aggressive threat the United Nations was born to confront.

Twelve years ago, Iraq invaded Kuwait without provocation.

And the regime’s forces were poised to continue their march to

seize other countries and their resources. Had Saddam Hussein been

appeased instead of stopped, he would have endangered the peace

and stability of the world. Yet this aggression was stopped — by the

might of coalition forces and the will of the United Nations.

To suspend hostilities, to spare himself, Iraq’s dictator accepted

a series of commitments. The terms were clear, to him and to all.

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And he agreed to prove he is complying with every one of those

obligations.

He has proven instead only his contempt for the United Nations,

and for all his pledges. By breaking every pledge — by his

deceptions, and by his cruelties — Saddam Hussein has made the

case against himself.

In 1991, Security Council Resolution 688 demanded that

the Iraqi regime cease at once the repression of its own people,

including the systematic repression of minorities — which the

Council said, threatened international peace and security in the

region. This demand goes ignored.

Last year, the U.N. Commission on Human Rights found that

Iraq continues to commit extremely grave violations of human

rights, and that the regime’s repression is all pervasive. Tens of

thousands of political opponents and ordinary citizens have been

subjected to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, summary execution,

and torture by beating and burning, electric shock, starvation,

mutilation, and rape. Wives are tortured in front of their husbands,

children in the presence of their parents — and all of these horrors

concealed from the world by the apparatus of a totalitarian state.

In 1991, the U.N. Security Council, through Resolutions 686

and 687, demanded that Iraq return all prisoners from Kuwait and

other lands. Iraq’s regime agreed. It broke its promise. Last year the

Secretary General’s high-level coordinator for this issue reported

that Kuwait, Saudi, Indian, Syrian, Lebanese, Iranian, Egyptian,

Bahraini, and Omani nationals remain unaccounted for — more

than 600 people. One American pilot is among them.

In 1991, the U.N. Security Council, through Resolution 687,

demanded that Iraq renounce all involvement with terrorism, and

permit no terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq. Iraq’s regime

agreed. It broke this promise. In violation of Security Council

Resolution 1373, Iraq continues to shelter and support terrorist

organizations that direct violence against Iran, Israel, and Western

governments. Iraqi dissidents abroad are targeted for murder.

In 1993, Iraq attempted to assassinate the Emir of Kuwait and a

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former American President. Iraq’s government openly praised the

attacks of September the 11th. And al Qaeda terrorists escaped from

Afghanistan and are known to be in Iraq.

In 1991, the Iraqi regime agreed to destroy and stop developing

all weapons of mass destruction and long-range missiles, and to

prove to the world it has done so by complying with rigorous

inspections. Iraq has broken every aspect of this fundamental

pledge.

From 1991 to 1995, the Iraqi regime said it had no biological

weapons. After a senior ofﬁ cial in its weapons program defected

and exposed this lie, the regime admitted to producing tens of

thousands of liters of anthrax and other deadly biological agents

for use with Scud warheads, aerial bombs, and aircraft spray tanks.

U.N. inspectors believe Iraq has produced two to four times the

amount of biological agents it declared, and has failed to account

for more than three metric tons of material that could be used to

produce biological weapons. Right now, Iraq is expanding and

improving facilities that were used for the production of biological

weapons.

United Nations’ inspections also revealed that Iraq likely

maintains stockpiles of VX, mustard and other chemical agents,

and that the regime is rebuilding and expanding facilities capable of

producing chemical weapons.

And in 1995, after four years of deception, Iraq ﬁ nally admitted

it had a crash nuclear weapons program prior to the Gulf War. We

know now, were it not for that war, the regime in Iraq would likely

have possessed a nuclear weapon no later than 1993.

Today, Iraq continues to withhold important information about

its nuclear program — weapons design, procurement logs,

experiment data, an accounting of nuclear materials and

documentation of foreign assistance. Iraq employs capable nuclear

scientists and technicians. It retains physical infrastructure needed

to build a nuclear weapon. Iraq has made several attempts to buy

high-strength aluminum tubes used to enrich uranium for a nuclear

weapon. Should Iraq acquire ﬁ ssile material, it would be able to

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build a nuclear weapon within a year. And Iraq’s state-controlled

media has reported numerous meetings between Saddam Hussein

and his nuclear scientists, leaving little doubt about his continued

appetite for these weapons.

Iraq also possesses a force of Scud-type missiles with ranges

beyond the 150 kilometers permitted by the U.N. Work at testing

and production facilities shows that Iraq is building more long-

range missiles that it can inﬂ ict mass death throughout the region.

In 1990, after Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, the world imposed

economic sanctions on Iraq. Those sanctions were maintained after

the war to compel the regime’s compliance with Security Council

resolutions. In time, Iraq was allowed to use oil revenues to buy

food. Saddam Hussein has subverted this program, working around

the sanctions to buy missile technology and military materials.

He blames the suffering of Iraq’s people on the United Nations,

even as he uses his oil wealth to build lavish palaces for himself,

and to buy arms for his country. By refusing to comply with his

own agreements, he bears full guilt for the hunger and misery of

innocent Iraqi citizens.

In 1991, Iraq promised U.N. inspectors immediate and

unrestricted access to verify Iraq’s commitment to rid itself of

weapons of mass destruction and long-range missiles. Iraq broke

this promise, spending seven years deceiving, evading, and

harassing U.N. inspectors before ceasing cooperation entirely.

Just months after the 1991 cease-ﬁ re, the Security Council twice

renewed its demand that the Iraqi regime cooperate fully with

inspectors, condemning Iraq’s serious violations of its obligations.

The Security Council again renewed that demand in 1994,

and twice more in 1996, deploring Iraq’s clear violations of its

obligations. The Security Council renewed its demand three more

times in 1997, citing ﬂ agrant violations; and three more times in

1998, calling Iraq’s behavior totally unacceptable. And in 1999, the

demand was renewed yet again.

As we meet today, it’s been almost four years since the last U.N.

inspectors set foot in Iraq, four years for the Iraqi regime to plan,

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and to build, and to test behind the cloak of secrecy.

We know that Saddam Hussein pursued weapons of mass murder

even when inspectors were in his country. Are we to assume that he

stopped when they left? The history, the logic, and the facts lead to

one conclusion: Saddam Hussein’s regime is a grave and gathering

danger. To suggest otherwise is to hope against the evidence. To

assume this regime’s good faith is to bet the lives of millions and

the peace of the world in a reckless gamble. And this is a risk we

must not take.

Delegates to the General Assembly, we have been more than

patient. We’ve tried sanctions. We’ve tried the carrot of oil for food,

and the stick of coalition military strikes. But Saddam Hussein has

deﬁ ed all these efforts and continues to develop weapons of mass

destruction. The ﬁ rst time we may be completely certain he has a —

nuclear weapons is when, God forbids, he uses one. We owe it to all

our citizens to do everything in our power to prevent that day from

coming.

The conduct of the Iraqi regime is a threat to the authority of the

United Nations, and a threat to peace. Iraq has answered a decade

of U.N. demands with a decade of deﬁ ance. All the world now

faces a test, and the United Nations a difﬁ cult and deﬁ ning moment.

Are Security Council resolutions to be honored and enforced, or

cast aside without consequence? Will the United Nations serve the

purpose of its founding, or will it be irrelevant?

The United States helped found the United Nations. We want

the United Nations to be effective, and respectful, and successful.

We want the resolutions of the world’s most important multilateral

body to be enforced. And right now those resolutions are being

unilaterally subverted by the Iraqi regime. Our partnership of

nations can meet the test before us, by making clear what we now

expect of the Iraqi regime.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately and

unconditionally forswear, disclose, and remove or destroy all

weapons of mass destruction, long-range missiles, and all related

material.

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If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately end all

support for terrorism and act to suppress it, as all states are required

to do by U.N. Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will cease persecution of

its civilian population, including Shi’a, Sunnis, Kurds, Turkomans,

and others, again as required by Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will release or account for

all Gulf War personnel whose fate is still unknown. It will return

the remains of any who are deceased, return stolen property, accept

liability for losses resulting from the invasion of Kuwait, and fully

cooperate with international efforts to resolve these issues, as

required by Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately end

all illicit trade outside the oil-for-food program. It will accept

U.N. administration of funds from that program, to ensure that

the money is used fairly and promptly for the beneﬁ t of the Iraqi

people.

If all these steps are taken, it will signal a new openness

and accountability in Iraq. And it could open the prospect of the

United Nations helping to build a government that represents

all Iraqis — a government based on respect for human rights,

economic liberty, and internationally supervised elections.

The United States has no quarrel with the Iraqi people; they’ve

suffered too long in silent captivity. Liberty for the Iraqi people is

a great moral cause, and a great strategic goal. The people of Iraq

deserve it; the security of all nations requires it. Free societies do

not intimidate through cruelty and conquest, and open societies

do not threaten the world with mass murder. The United States

supports political and economic liberty in a uniﬁ ed Iraq.

We can harbor no illusions — and that’s important today to

remember. Saddam Hussein attacked Iran in 1980 and Kuwait

in 1990. He’s ﬁ red ballistic missiles at Iran and Saudi Arabia,

Bahrain, and Israel. His regime once ordered the killing of every

person between the ages of 15 and 70 in certain Kurdish villages in

northern Iraq. He has gassed many Iranians, and 40 Iraqi villages.

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My nation will work with the U.N. Security Council to meet

our common challenge. If Iraq’s regime deﬁ es us again, the world

must move deliberately, decisively to hold Iraq to account. We will

work with the U.N. Security Council for the necessary resolutions.

But the purposes of the United States should not be doubted. The

Security Council resolutions will be enforced — the just demands

of peace and security will be met — or action will be unavoidable.

And a regime that has lost its legitimacy will also lose its power.

Events can turn in one of two ways: If we fail to act in the

face of danger, the people of Iraq will continue to live in brutal

submission. The regime will have new power to bully and

dominate and conquer its neighbors, condemning the Middle

East to more years of bloodshed and fear. The regime will remain

unstable — the region will remain unstable, with little hope of

freedom, and isolated from the progress of our times. With every

step the Iraqi regime takes toward gaining and deploying the

most terrible weapons, our own options to confront that regime

will narrow. And if an emboldened regime were to supply these

weapons to terrorist allies, then the attacks of September the 11th

would be a prelude to far greater horrors.

If we meet our responsibilities, if we overcome this danger, we

can arrive at a very different future. The people of Iraq can shake

off their captivity. They can one day join a democratic Afghanistan

and a democratic Palestine, inspiring reforms throughout the

Muslim world. These nations can show by their example that

honest government, and respect for women, and the great Islamic

tradition of learning can triumph in the Middle East and beyond.

And we will show that the promise of the United Nations can be

fulﬁ lled in our time.

Neither of these outcomes is certain. Both have been set

before us. We must choose between a world of fear and a world of

progress. We cannot stand by and do nothing while dangers gather.

We must stand up for our security, and for the permanent rights and

the hopes of mankind. By heritage and by choice, the United States

of America will make that stand. And, delegates to the United

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Nations, you have the power to make that stand, as well.

Thank you very much.

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149

STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 108TH CONGRESS

THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 28, 2003

Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress,

distinguished citizens and fellow citizens: Every year, by law and

by custom, we meet here to consider the state of the union. This

year, we gather in this chamber deeply aware of decisive days that

lie ahead.

You and I serve our country in a time of great consequence.

During this session of Congress, we have the duty to reform

domestic programs vital to our country; we have the opportunity to

save millions of lives abroad from a terrible disease. We will work

for a prosperity that is broadly shared, and we will answer every

danger and every enemy that threatens the American people.

In all these days of promise and days of reckoning, we can be

conﬁ dent. In a whirlwind of change and hope and peril, our faith is

sure, our resolve is ﬁ rm, and our union is strong.

This country has many challenges. We will not deny, we

will not ignore, we will not pass along our problems to other

Congresses, to other presidents, and other generations. We will

confront them with focus and clarity and courage.

During the last two years, we have seen what can be

accomplished when we work together. To lift the standards of our

public schools, we achieved historic education reform — which

must now be carried out in every school and in every classroom, so

that every child in America can read and learn and succeed in life.

To protect our country, we reorganized our government and created

the Department of Homeland Security, which is mobilizing against

the threats of a new era. To bring our economy out of recession,

we delivered the largest tax relief in a generation. To insist on

integrity in American business we passed tough reforms, and we

are holding corporate criminals to account.

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Some might call this a good record; I call it a good start.

Tonight I ask the House and Senate to join me in the next bold

steps to serve our fellow citizens.

Our ﬁ rst goal is clear: We must have an economy that grows

fast enough to employ every man and woman who seeks a

job. After recession, terrorist attacks, corporate scandals and

stock market declines, our economy is recovering — yet it’s not

growing fast enough, or strongly enough. With unemployment

rising, our nation needs more small businesses to open, more

companies to invest and expand, more employers to put up the

sign that says, “Help Wanted.”

Jobs are created when the economy grows; the economy

grows when Americans have more money to spend and invest;

and the best and fairest way to make sure Americans have that

money is not to tax it away in the ﬁ rst place.

I am proposing that all the income tax reductions set for 2004

and 2006 be made permanent and effective this year. And under

my plan, as soon as I sign the bill, this extra money will start

showing up in workers’ paychecks. Instead of gradually reducing

the marriage penalty, we should do it now. Instead of slowly

raising the child credit to $1,000, we should send the checks to

American families now.

The tax relief is for everyone who pays income taxes — and

it will help our economy immediately: 92 million Americans will

keep, this year, an average of almost $1,000 more of their own

money. A family of four with an income of $40,000 would see

their federal income taxes fall from $1,178 to $45 per year. Our

plan will improve the bottom line for more than 23 million small

businesses.

You, the Congress, have already passed all these reductions,

and promised them for future years. If this tax relief is good for

Americans three, or ﬁ ve, or seven years from now, it is even better

for Americans today.

We should also strengthen the economy by treating investors

equally in our tax laws. It’s fair to tax a company’s proﬁ ts. It is

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not fair to again tax the shareholder on the same proﬁ ts. To boost

investor conﬁ dence, and to help the nearly 10 million senior

who receive dividend income, I ask you to end the unfair double

taxation of dividends.

Lower taxes and greater investment will help this economy

expand. More jobs mean more taxpayers, and higher revenues to

our government. The best way to address the deﬁ cit and move

toward a balanced budget is to encourage economic growth, and to

show some spending discipline in Washington, D.C.

We must work together to fund only our most important

priorities. I will send you a budget that increases discretionary

spending by 4 percent next year — about as much as the

average family’s income is expected to grow. And that is a good

benchmark for us. Federal spending should not rise any faster than

the paychecks of American families.

A growing economy and a focus on essential priorities will also

be crucial to the future of Social Security. As we continue to work

together to keep Social Security sound and reliable, we must offer

younger workers a chance to invest in retirement accounts that

they will control and they will own.

Our second goal is high quality, affordable health care for

all Americans. The American system of medicine is a model of

skill and innovation, with a pace of discovery that is adding good

years to our lives. Yet for many people, medical care costs too

much — and many have no coverage at all. These problems will

not be solved with a nationalized health care system that dictates

coverage and rations care.

Instead, we must work toward a system in which all Americans

have a good insurance policy, choose their own doctors, and

seniors and low-income Americans receive the help they need.

Instead of bureaucrats and trial lawyers and HMOs, we must

put doctors and nurses and patients back in charge of American

medicine.

Health care reform must begin with Medicare; Medicare is

the binding commitment of a caring society. We must renew that

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commitment by giving seniors access to preventive medicine and

new drugs that are transforming health care in America.

Seniors happy with the current Medicare system should be able

to keep their coverage just the way it is. And just like you — the

members of Congress, and your staffs, and other federal employees

— all seniors should have the choice of a health care plan that

provides prescription drugs.

My budget will commit an additional $400 billion over the

next decade to reform and strengthen Medicare. Leaders of

both political parties have talked for years about strengthening

Medicare. I urge the members of this new Congress to act this year.

To improve our health care system, we must address one of the

prime causes of higher cost, the constant threat that physicians and

hospitals will be unfairly sued. Because of excessive litigation,

everybody pays more for health care, and many parts of America

are losing ﬁ ne doctors. No one has ever been healed by a frivolous

lawsuit. I urge the Congress to pass medical liability reform.

Our third goal is to promote energy independence for our

country, while dramatically improving the environment. I

have sent you a comprehensive energy plan to promote energy

efﬁ ciency and conservation, to develop cleaner technology, and

to produce more energy at home. I have sent you Clear Skies

legislation that mandates a 70-percent cut in air pollution from

power plants over the next 15 years. I have sent you a Healthy

Forests Initiative, to help prevent the catastrophic ﬁ res that

devastate communities, kill wildlife, and burn away millions of

acres of treasured forest.

I urge you to pass these measures, for the good of both our

environment and our economy. Even more, I ask you to take a

crucial step and protect our environment in ways that generations

before us could not have imagined.

In this century, the greatest environmental progress will come

about not through endless lawsuits or command-and-control

regulations, but through technology and innovation. Tonight I’m

proposing $1.2 billion in research funding so that America can lead

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the world in developing clean, hydrogen-powered automobiles.

A single chemical reaction between hydrogen and oxygen

generates energy, which can be used to power a car — producing

only water, not exhaust fumes. With a new national commitment,

our scientists and engineers will overcome obstacles to taking these

cars from laboratory to showroom, so that the ﬁ rst car driven by

a child born today could be powered by hydrogen, and pollution-

free.

Join me in this important innovation to make our air

signiﬁ cantly cleaner, and our country much less dependent on

foreign sources of energy.

Our fourth goal is to apply the compassion of America to the

deepest problems of America. For so many in our country — the

homeless and the fatherless, the addicted — the need is great.

Yet there’s power, wonder-working power, in the goodness and

idealism and faith of the American people.

Americans are doing the work of compassion every day —

visiting prisoners, providing shelter for battered women, bringing

companionship to lonely seniors. These good works deserve our

praise; they deserve our personal support; and when appropriate,

they deserve the assistance of the federal government.

I urge you to pass both my faith-based initiative and the Citizen

Service Act, to encourage acts of compassion that can transform

America, one heart and one soul at a time.

Last year, I called on my fellow citizens to participate in the

USA Freedom Corps, which is enlisting tens of thousands of

new volunteers across America. Tonight I ask Congress and the

American people to focus the spirit of service and the resources of

government on the needs of some of our most vulnerable citizens

— boys and girls trying to grow up without guidance and attention,

and children who have to go through a prison gate to be hugged by

their mom or dad.

I propose a $450-million initiative to bring mentors to more

than a million disadvantaged junior high students and children of

prisoners. Government will support the training and recruiting of

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mentors; yet it is the men and women of America who will ﬁ ll the

need. One mentor, one person can change a life forever. And I urge

you to be that one person.

Another cause of hopelessness is addiction to drugs. Addiction

crowds out friendship, ambition, moral conviction, and reduces all

the richness of life to a single destructive desire. As a government,

we are ﬁ ghting illegal drugs by cutting off supplies and reducing

demand through anti-drug education programs. Yet for those

already addicted, the ﬁ ght against drugs is a ﬁ ght for their own

lives. Too many Americans in search of treatment cannot get it. So

tonight I propose a new $600-million program to help an additional

300,000 Americans receive treatment over the next three years.

Our nation is blessed with recovery programs that do amazing

work. One of them is found at the Healing Place Church in Baton

Rouge, Louisiana. A man in the program said, “God does miracles

in people’s lives, and you never think it could be you.” Tonight,

let us bring to all Americans who struggle with drug addiction this

message of hope: The miracle of recovery is possible, and it could

be you.

By caring for children who need mentors, and for addicted

men and women who need treatment, we are building a more

welcoming society — a culture that values every life. And in this

work we must not overlook the weakest among us. I ask you to

protect infants at the very hour of their birth and end the practice of

partial-birth abortion. And because no human life should be started

or ended as the object of an experiment, I ask you to set a high

standard for humanity, and pass a law against all human cloning.

The qualities of courage and compassion that we strive for in

America also determine our conduct abroad. The American ﬂ ag

stands for more than our power and our interests. Our founders

dedicated this country to the cause of human dignity, the rights of

every person, and the possibilities of every life. This conviction

leads us into the world to help the afﬂ icted, and defend the peace,

and confound the designs of evil men.

In Afghanistan, we helped liberate an oppressed people. And

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we will continue helping them secure their country, rebuild their

society, and educate all their children — boys and girls. In the

Middle East, we will continue to seek peace between a secure

Israel and a democratic Palestine. Across the Earth, America is

feeding the hungry — more than 60 percent of international food

aid comes as a gift from the people of the United States. As our

nation moves troops and builds alliances to make our world safer,

we must also remember our calling as a blessed country is to make

this world better.

Today, on the continent of Africa, nearly 30 million people

have the AIDS virus — including 3 million children under the age

15. There are whole countries in Africa where more than one-third

of the adult population carries the infection. More than 4 million

require immediate drug treatment. Yet across that continent, only

50,000 AIDS victims — only 50,000 — are receiving the medicine

they need.

Because the AIDS diagnosis is considered a death sentence,

many do not seek treatment. Almost all who do are turned away. A

doctor in rural South Africa describes his frustration. He says, “We

have no medicines. Many hospitals tell people, you’ve got AIDS,

we can’t help you. Go home and die.” In an age of miraculous

medicines, no person should have to hear those words.

AIDS can be prevented. Anti-retroviral drugs can extend life

for many years. And the cost of those drugs has dropped from

$12,000 a year to under $300 a year — which places a tremendous

possibility within our grasp. Ladies and gentlemen, seldom has

history offered a greater opportunity to do so much for so many.

We have confronted, and will continue to confront, HIV/AIDS

in our own country. And to meet a severe and urgent crisis abroad,

tonight I propose the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief — a work

of mercy beyond all current international efforts to help the people

of Africa. This comprehensive plan will prevent 7 million new

AIDS infections, treat at least 2 million people with life-extending

drugs, and provide humane care for millions of people suffering

from AIDS, and for children orphaned by AIDS.

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I ask the Congress to commit $15 billion over the next ﬁ ve

years, including nearly $10 billion in new money, to turn the

tide against AIDS in the most afﬂ icted nations of Africa and the

Caribbean.

This nation can lead the world in sparing innocent people

from a plague of nature. And this nation is leading the world in

confronting and defeating the man-made evil of international

terrorism.

There are days when our fellow citizens do not hear news

about the war on terror. There’s never a day when I do not learn of

another threat, or receive reports of operations in progress, or give

an order in this global war against a scattered network of killers.

The war goes on, and we are winning.

To date, we’ve arrested or otherwise dealt with many key

commanders of al Qaeda. They include a man who directed

logistics and funding for the September the 11th attacks; the

chief of al Qaeda operations in the Persian Gulf, who planned the

bombings of our embassies in East Africa and the USS Cole; an al

Qaeda operations chief from Southeast Asia; a former director of

al Qaeda’s training camps in Afghanistan; a key al Qaeda operative

in Europe; a major al Qaeda leader in Yemen. All told, more than

3,000 suspected terrorists have been arrested in many countries.

Many others have met a different fate. Let’s put it this way — they

are no longer a problem to the United States and our friends and

allies.

We are working closely with other nations to prevent further

attacks. America and coalition countries have uncovered and

stopped terrorist conspiracies targeting the American embassy in

Yemen, the American embassy in Singapore, a Saudi military base,

ships in the Straits of Hormuz and the Straits the Gibraltar. We’ve

broken al Qaeda cells in Hamburg, Milan, Madrid, London, Paris,

as well as, Buffalo, New York.

We have the terrorists on the run. We’re keeping them on

the run. One by one, the terrorists are learning the meaning of

American justice.

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As we ﬁ ght this war, we will remember where it began — here,

in our own country. This government is taking unprecedented

measures to protect our people and defend our homeland. We’ve

intensiﬁ ed security at the borders and ports of entry, posted more

than 50,000 newly-trained federal screeners in airports, begun

inoculating troops and ﬁ rst responders against smallpox, and are

deploying the nation’s ﬁ rst early warning network of sensors to

detect biological attack. And this year, for the ﬁ rst time, we are

beginning to ﬁ eld a defense to protect this nation against ballistic

missiles.

I thank the Congress for supporting these measures. I ask you

tonight to add to our future security with a major research and

production effort to guard our people against bioterrorism, called

Project Bioshield. The budget I send you will propose almost $6

billion to quickly make available effective vaccines and treatments

against agents like anthrax, botulinum toxin, Ebola, and plague.

We must assume that our enemies would use these diseases as

weapons, and we must act before the dangers are upon us.

Since September the 11th, our intelligence and law

enforcement agencies have worked more closely than ever to

track and disrupt the terrorists. The FBI is improving its ability to

analyze intelligence, and is transforming itself to meet new threats.

Tonight, I am instructing the leaders of the FBI, the CIA, the

Homeland Security, and the Department of Defense to develop a

Terrorist Threat Integration Center, to merge and analyze all threat

information in a single location. Our government must have the

very best information possible, and we will use it to make sure the

right people are in the right places to protect all our citizens.

Our war against terror is a contest of will in which

perseverance is power. In the ruins of two towers, at the western

wall of the Pentagon, on a ﬁ eld in Pennsylvania, this nation made

a pledge, and we renew that pledge tonight: Whatever the duration

of this struggle, and whatever the difﬁ culties, we will not permit

the triumph of violence in the affairs of men — free people will set

the course of history.

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Today, the gravest danger in the war on terror, the gravest

danger facing America and the world, is outlaw regimes that seek

and possess nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. These

regimes could use such weapons for blackmail, terror, and mass

murder. They could also give or sell those weapons to terrorist

allies, who would use them without the least hesitation.

This threat is new; America’s duty is familiar. Throughout the

20th century, small groups of men seized control of great nations,

built armies and arsenals, and set out to dominate the weak and

intimidate the world. In each case, their ambitions of cruelty and

murder had no limit. In each case, the ambitions of Hitlerism,

militarism, and communism were defeated by the will of free

peoples, by the strength of great alliances, and by the might of the

United States of America.

Now, in this century, the ideology of power and domination has

appeared again, and seeks to gain the ultimate weapons of terror.

Once again, this nation and all our friends are all that stand

between a world at peace, and a world of chaos and constant alarm.

Once again, we are called to defend the safety of our people, and

the hopes of all mankind. And we accept this responsibility.

America is making a broad and determined effort to confront

these dangers. We have called on the United Nations to fulﬁ ll its

charter and stand by its demand that Iraq disarm. We’re strongly

supporting the International Atomic Energy Agency in its mission

to track and control nuclear materials around the world. We’re

working with other governments to secure nuclear materials in the

former Soviet Union, and to strengthen global treaties banning the

production and shipment of missile technologies and weapons of

mass destruction.

In all these efforts, however, America’s purpose is more than

to follow a process — it is to achieve a result: the end of terrible

threats to the civilized world. All free nations have a stake in

preventing sudden and catastrophic attacks. And we’re asking them

to join us, and many are doing so. Yet the course of this nation

does not depend on the decisions of others. Whatever action is

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required, whenever action is necessary, I will defend the freedom

and security of the American people.

Different threats require different strategies. In Iran, we

continue to see a government that represses its people, pursues

weapons of mass destruction, and supports terror. We also see

Iranian citizens risking intimidation and death as they speak out for

liberty and human rights and democracy. Iranians, like all people,

have a right to choose their own government and determine their

own destiny — and the United States supports their aspirations to

live in freedom.

On the Korean Peninsula, an oppressive regime rules a people

living in fear and starvation. Throughout the 1990s, the United

States relied on a negotiated framework to keep North Korea from

gaining nuclear weapons. We now know that that regime was

deceiving the world, and developing those weapons all along. And

today the North Korean regime is using its nuclear program to

incite fear and seek concessions. America and the world will not be

blackmailed.

America is working with the countries of the region — South

Korea, Japan, China, and Russia — to ﬁ nd a peaceful solution, and

to show the North Korean government that nuclear weapons will

bring only isolation, economic stagnation, and continued hardship.

The North Korean regime will ﬁ nd respect in the world and revival

for its people only when it turns away from its nuclear ambitions.

Our nation and the world must learn the lessons of the Korean

Peninsula and not allow an even greater threat to rise up in Iraq.

A brutal dictator, with a history of reckless aggression, with ties

to terrorism, with great potential wealth, will not be permitted to

dominate a vital region and threaten the United States.

Twelve years ago, Saddam Hussein faced the prospect of being

the last casualty in a war he had started and lost. To spare himself,

he agreed to disarm of all weapons of mass destruction. For the

next 12 years, he systematically violated that agreement. He

pursued chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, even while

inspectors were in his country. Nothing to date has restrained him

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from his pursuit of these weapons — not economic sanctions, not

isolation from the civilized world, not even cruise missile strikes on

his military facilities.

Almost three months ago, the United Nations Security Council

gave Saddam Hussein his ﬁ nal chance to disarm. He has shown

instead utter contempt for the United Nations, and for the opinion

of the world. The 108 U.N. inspectors were sent to conduct — were

not sent to conduct a scavenger hunt for hidden materials across a

country the size of California. The job of the inspectors is to verify

that Iraq’s regime is disarming. It is up to Iraq to show exactly

where it is hiding its banned weapons, lay those weapons out for

the world to see, and destroy them as directed. Nothing like this has

happened.

The United Nations concluded in 1999 that Saddam Hussein

had biological weapons sufﬁ cient to produce over 25,000 liters of

anthrax — enough doses to kill several million people. He hasn’t

accounted for that material. He’s given no evidence that he has

destroyed it.

The United Nations concluded that Saddam Hussein had

materials sufﬁ cient to produce more than 38,000 liters of

botulinum toxin — enough to subject millions of people to death

by respiratory failure. He hadn’t accounted for that material. He’s

given no evidence that he has destroyed it.

Our intelligence ofﬁ cials estimate that Saddam Hussein had the

materials to produce as much as 500 tons of sarin, mustard and VX

nerve agent. In such quantities, these chemical agents could also

kill untold thousands. He’s not accounted for these materials. He

has given no evidence that he has destroyed them.

U.S. intelligence indicates that Saddam Hussein had upwards of

30,000 munitions capable of delivering chemical agents. Inspectors

recently turned up 16 of them — despite Iraq’s recent declaration

denying their existence. Saddam Hussein has not accounted for

the remaining 29,984 of these prohibited munitions. He’s given no

evidence that he has destroyed them.

From three Iraqi defectors we know that Iraq, in the late 1990s,

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had several mobile biological weapons labs. These are designed to

produce germ warfare agents, and can be moved from place to a

place to evade inspectors. Saddam Hussein has not disclosed these

facilities. He’s given no evidence that he has destroyed them.

The International Atomic Energy Agency conﬁ rmed in the

1990s that Saddam Hussein had an advanced nuclear weapons

development program, had a design for a nuclear weapon and

was working on ﬁ ve different methods of enriching uranium for a

bomb. The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein

recently sought signiﬁ cant quantities of uranium from Africa. Our

intelligence sources tell us that he has attempted to purchase high-

strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear weapons production.

Saddam Hussein has not credibly explained these activities. He

clearly has much to hide.

The dictator of Iraq is not disarming. To the contrary; he is

deceiving. From intelligence sources we know, for instance, that

thousands of Iraqi security personnel are at work hiding documents

and materials from the U.N. inspectors, sanitizing inspection

sites and monitoring the inspectors themselves. Iraqi ofﬁ cials

accompany the inspectors in order to intimidate witnesses.

Iraq is blocking U-2 surveillance ﬂ ights requested by the

United Nations. Iraqi intelligence ofﬁ cers are posing as the

scientists inspectors are supposed to interview. Real scientists have

been coached by Iraqi ofﬁ cials on what to say. Intelligence sources

indicate that Saddam Hussein has ordered that scientists who

cooperate with U.N. inspectors in disarming Iraq will be killed,

along with their families.

Year after year, Saddam Hussein has gone to elaborate lengths,

spent enormous sums, taken great risks to build and keep weapons

of mass destruction. But why? The only possible explanation, the

only possible use he could have for those weapons, is to dominate,

intimidate, or attack.

With nuclear arms or a full arsenal of chemical and biological

weapons, Saddam Hussein could resume his ambitions of conquest

in the Middle East and create deadly havoc in that region. And this

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Congress and the America people must recognize another threat.

Evidence from intelligence sources, secret communications, and

statements by people now in custody reveal that Saddam Hussein

aids and protects terrorists, including members of al Qaeda.

Secretly, and without ﬁ ngerprints, he could provide one of his

hidden weapons to terrorists, or help them develop their own.

Before September the 11th, many in the world believed that

Saddam Hussein could be contained. But chemical agents, lethal

viruses and shadowy terrorist networks are not easily contained.

Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons and other plans —

this time armed by Saddam Hussein. It would take one vial, one

canister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror

like none we have ever known. We will do everything in our power

to make sure that that day never comes.

Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent.

Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions,

politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is

permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words,

and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity

and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an

option.

The dictator who is assembling the world’s most dangerous

weapons has already used them on whole villages — leaving

thousands of his own citizens dead, blind, or disﬁ gured. Iraqi

refugees tell us how forced confessions are obtained — by

torturing children while their parents are made to watch.

International human rights groups have catalogued other methods

used in the torture chambers of Iraq: electric shock, burning with

hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation with electric drills,

cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then evil has no

meaning.

And tonight I have a message for the brave and oppressed

people of Iraq: Your enemy is not surrounding your country —

your enemy is ruling your country. And the day he and his regime

are removed from power will be the day of your liberation.

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The world has waited 12 years for Iraq to disarm. America will

not accept a serious and mounting threat to our country, and our

friends and our allies. The United States will ask the U.N. Security

Council to convene on February the 5th to consider the facts of

Iraq’s ongoing deﬁ ance of the world. Secretary of State Powell will

present information and intelligence about Iraqi’s legal — Iraq’s

illegal weapons programs, its attempt to hide those weapons from

inspectors, and its links to terrorist groups.

We will consult. But let there be no misunderstanding: If

Saddam Hussein does not fully disarm, for the safety of our people

and for the peace of the world, we will lead a coalition to disarm

him.

Tonight I have a message for the men and women who will

keep the peace, members of the American Armed Forces: Many of

you are assembling in or near the Middle East, and some crucial

hours may lay ahead. In those hours, the success of our cause will

depend on you. Your training has prepared you. Your honor will

guide you. You believe in America, and America believes in you.

Sending Americans into battle is the most profound decision a

President can make. The technologies of war have changed; the

risks and suffering of war have not. For the brave Americans who

bear the risk, no victory is free from sorrow. This nation ﬁ ghts

reluctantly, because we know the cost and we dread the days of

mourning that always come.

We seek peace. We strive for peace. And sometimes peace must

be defended. A future lived at the mercy of terrible threats is no

peace at all. If war is forced upon us, we will ﬁ ght in a just cause

and by just means — sparing, in every way we can, the innocent.

And if war is forced upon us, we will ﬁ ght with the full force and

might of the United States military — and we will prevail.

And as we and our coalition partners are doing in Afghanistan,

we will bring to the Iraqi people food and medicines and supplies

— and freedom.

Many challenges, abroad and at home, have arrived in a

single season. In two years, America has gone from a sense of

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invulnerability to an awareness of peril; from bitter division in

small matters to calm unity in great causes. And we go forward

with conﬁ dence, because this call of history has come to the right

country.

Americans are a resolute people who have risen to every test

of our time. Adversity has revealed the character of our country,

to the world and to ourselves. America is a strong nation, and

honorable in the use of our strength. We exercise power without

conquest, and we sacriﬁ ce for the liberty of strangers.

Americans are a free people, who know that freedom is the

right of every person and the future of every nation. The liberty we

prize is not America’s gift to the world, it is God’s gift to humanity.

We Americans have faith in ourselves, but not in ourselves

alone. We do not know — we do not claim to know all the ways of

Providence, yet we can trust in them, placing our conﬁ dence in the

loving God behind all of life, and all of history.

May He guide us now. And may God continue to bless the

United States of America.

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REMARKS ON THE LOSS OF THE

PACE SHUTTLE COLUMBIA

THE CABINET ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

FEBRUARY 1, 2003

My fellow Americans, this day has brought terrible news and

great sadness to our country. At 9:00 a.m. this morning, Mission

Control in Houston lost contact with our Space Shuttle Columbia.

A short time later, debris was seen falling from the skies above

Texas. The Columbia is lost; there are no survivors.

On board was a crew of seven: Colonel Rick Husband; Lt.

Colonel Michael Anderson; Commander Laurel Clark; Captain

David Brown; Commander William McCool; Dr. Kalpana Chawla;

and Ilan Ramon, a Colonel in the Israeli Air Force. These men and

women assumed great risk in the service to all humanity.

In an age when space ﬂ ight has come to seem almost routine,

it is easy to overlook the dangers of travel by rocket, and the

difﬁ culties of navigating the ﬁ erce outer atmosphere of the Earth.

These astronauts knew the dangers, and they faced them willingly,

knowing they had a high and noble purpose in life. Because of

their courage and daring and idealism, we will miss them all the

more.

All Americans today are thinking, as well, of the families of

these men and women who have been given this sudden shock and

grief. You’re not alone. Our entire nation grieves with you. And

those you loved will always have the respect and gratitude of this

country.

The cause in which they died will continue. Mankind is led

into the darkness beyond our world by the inspiration of discovery

and the longing to understand. Our journey into space will go on.

In the skies today we saw destruction and tragedy. Yet farther

than we can see there is comfort and hope. In the words of the

prophet Isaiah, “Lift your eyes and look to the heavens. Who

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created all these? He who brings out the starry hosts one by one

and calls them each by name. Because of His great power and

mighty strength, not one of them is missing.”

The same Creator who names the stars also knows the names

of the seven souls we mourn today. The crew of the shuttle

Columbia did not return safely to Earth; yet we can pray that all

are safely home.

May God bless the grieving families, and may God continue

to bless America.

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REMARKS ON THE FUTURE OF IRAQ

WASHINGTON HILTON HOTEL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

FEBRUARY 26, 2003

Thanks for the warm welcome. I’m proud to be with the

scholars, and the friends, and the supporters of the American

Enterprise Institute. I want to thank you for overlooking my dress

code violation. They were about to stop me at the door, but Irving

Kristol said, “I know this guy, let him in.”

Chris, thank you for your very kind introduction, and thank

you for your leadership. I see many distinguished guests here

tonight — members of my Cabinet, members of Congress, Justice

Scalia, Justice Thomas, and so many respected writers and policy

experts. I’m always happy to see your Senior Fellow, Dr. Lynne

Cheney. Lynne is a wise and thoughtful commentator on history

and culture, and a dear friend to Laura and me. I’m also familiar

with the good work of her husband — You may remember him,

the former director of my vice presidential search committee.

Thank God Dick Cheney said yes.

Thanks for ﬁ tting me into the program tonight. I know I’m not

the featured speaker. I’m just a warm-up act for Allan Meltzer. But

I want to congratulate Dr. Meltzer for a lifetime of achievement,

and for tonight’s well-deserved honor. Congratulations.

At the American Enterprise Institute, some of the ﬁ nest minds

in our nation are at work on some of the greatest challenges

to our nation. You do such good work that my administration

has borrowed 20 such minds. I want to thank them for their

service, but I also want to remind people that for 60 years, AEI

scholars have made vital contributions to our country and to our

government, and we are grateful for those contributions.

We meet here during a crucial period in the history of our

nation, and of the civilized world. Part of that history was written

by others; the rest will be written by us. On a September morning,

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threats that had gathered for years, in secret and far away, led to

murder in our country on a massive scale. As a result, we must

look at security in a new way, because our country is a battleﬁ eld

in the ﬁ rst war of the 21st century.

We learned a lesson: The dangers of our time must be

confronted actively and forcefully, before we see them again in

our skies and in our cities. And we set a goal: we will not allow the

triumph of hatred and violence in the affairs of men.

Our coalition of more than 90 countries is pursuing the

networks of terror with every tool of law enforcement and with

military power. We have arrested, or otherwise dealt with, many

key commanders of al Qaeda. Across the world, we are hunting

down the killers one by one. We are winning. And we’re showing

them the deﬁ nition of American justice. And we are opposing the

greatest danger in the war on terror: outlaw regimes arming with

weapons of mass destruction.

In Iraq, a dictator is building and hiding weapons that could

enable him to dominate the Middle East and intimidate the

civilized world — and we will not allow it. This same tyrant has

close ties to terrorist organizations, and could supply them with

the terrible means to strike this country — and America will not

permit it. The danger posed by Saddam Hussein and his weapons

cannot be ignored or wished away. The danger must be confronted.

We hope that the Iraqi regime will meet the demands of the United

Nations and disarm, fully and peacefully. If it does not, we are

prepared to disarm Iraq by force. Either way, this danger will be

removed.

The safety of the American people depends on ending this

direct and growing threat. Acting against the danger will also

contribute greatly to the long-term safety and stability of our

world. The current Iraqi regime has shown the power of tyranny

to spread discord and violence in the Middle East. A liberated Iraq

can show the power of freedom to transform that vital region, by

bringing hope and progress into the lives of millions. America’s

interests in security, and America’s belief in liberty, both lead in

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the same direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq.

The ﬁ rst to beneﬁ t from a free Iraq would be the Iraqi people,

themselves. Today they live in scarcity and fear, under a dictator

who has brought them nothing but war, and misery, and torture.

Their lives and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein —

but Iraqi lives and freedom matter greatly to us.

Bringing stability and unity to a free Iraq will not be easy. Yet

that is no excuse to leave the Iraqi regime’s torture chambers and

poison labs in operation. Any future the Iraqi people choose for

themselves will be better than the nightmare world that Saddam

Hussein has chosen for them.

If we must use force, the United States and our coalition

stand ready to help the citizens of a liberated Iraq. We will deliver

medicine to the sick, and we are now moving into place nearly 3

million emergency rations to feed the hungry.

We’ll make sure that Iraq’s 55,000 food distribution sites,

operating under the Oil For Food program, are stocked and open

as soon as possible. The United States and Great Britain are

providing tens of millions of dollars to the U.N. High Commission

on Refugees, and to such groups as the World Food Program and

UNICEF, to provide emergency aid to the Iraqi people.

We will also lead in carrying out the urgent and dangerous

work of destroying chemical and biological weapons. We will

provide security against those who try to spread chaos, or settle

scores, or threaten the territorial integrity of Iraq. We will seek to

protect Iraq’s natural resources from sabotage by a dying regime,

and ensure those resources are used for the beneﬁ t of the owners —

the Iraqi people.

The United States has no intention of determining the precise

form of Iraq’s new government. That choice belongs to the Iraqi

people. Yet, we will ensure that one brutal dictator is not replaced

by another. All Iraqis must have a voice in the new government,

and all citizens must have their rights protected.

Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from

many nations, including our own: we will remain in Iraq as long

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as necessary, and not a day more. America has made and kept this

kind of commitment before — in the peace that followed a world

war. After defeating enemies, we did not leave behind occupying

armies, we left constitutions and parliaments. We established an

atmosphere of safety, in which responsible, reform-minded local

leaders could build lasting institutions of freedom. In societies that

once bred fascism and militarism, liberty found a permanent home.

There was a time when many said that the cultures of Japan and

Germany were incapable of sustaining democratic values. Well,

they were wrong. Some say the same of Iraq today. They are

mistaken. The nation of Iraq — with its proud heritage, abundant

resources and skilled and educated people — is fully capable of

moving toward democracy and living in freedom.

The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic

values, because stable and free nations do not breed the ideologies

of murder. They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better life. And

there are hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the Middle East.

Arab intellectuals have called on Arab governments to address the

“freedom gap” so their peoples can fully share in the progress of

our times. Leaders in the region speak of a new Arab charter that

champions internal reform, greater politics participation, economic

openness, and free trade. And from Morocco to Bahrain and

beyond, nations are taking genuine steps toward politics reform.

A new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring

example of freedom for other nations in the region.

It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region

of the world — or the one-ﬁ fth of humanity that is Muslim — is

somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human

cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the

same good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe

from brutal and bullying oppression, human beings are the same.

In our desire to care for our children and give them a better life,

we are the same. For these fundamental reasons, freedom and

democracy will always and everywhere have greater appeal than

the slogans of hatred and the tactics of terror.

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Success in Iraq could also begin a new stage for Middle Eastern

peace, and set in motion progress towards a truly democratic

Palestinian state. The passing of Saddam Hussein’s regime will

deprive terrorist networks of a wealthy patron that pays for terrorist

training, and offers rewards to families of suicide bombers. And

other regimes will be given a clear warning that support for terror

will not be tolerated.

Without this outside support for terrorism, Palestinians who

are working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better

position to choose new leaders. True leaders who strive for peace;

true leaders who faithfully serve the people. A Palestinian state

must be a reformed and peaceful state that abandons forever the use

of terror.

For its part, the new government of Israel — as the terror

threat is removed and security improves — will be expected to

support the creation of a viable Palestinian state and to work as

quickly as possible toward a ﬁ nal status agreement. As progress is

made toward peace, settlement activity in the occupied territories

must end. And the Arab states will be expected to meet their

responsibilities to oppose terrorism, to support the emergence of a

peaceful and democratic Palestine, and state clearly they will live in

peace with Israel.

The United States and other nations are working on a road

map for peace. We are setting out the necessary conditions for

progress toward the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living

side by side in peace and security. It is the commitment of our

government — and my personal commitment — to implement

the road map and to reach that goal. Old patterns of conﬂ ict in the

Middle East can be broken, if all concerned will let go of bitterness,

hatred, and violence, and get on with the serious work of economic

development, and political reform, and reconciliation. America

will seize every opportunity in pursuit of peace. And the end of the

present regime in Iraq would create such an opportunity.

In confronting Iraq, the United States is also showing our

commitment to effective international institutions. We are a

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permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. We

helped to create the Security Council. We believe in the Security

Council — so much that we want its words to have meaning.

The global threat of proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction cannot be confronted by one nation alone. The world

needs today and will need tomorrow international bodies with the

authority and the will to stop the spread of terror and chemical and

biological and nuclear weapons. A threat to all must be answered

by all. High-minded pronouncements against proliferation mean

little unless the strongest nations are willing to stand behind them

— and use force if necessary. After all, the United Nations was

created, as Winston Churchill said, to “make sure that the force of

right will, in the ultimate issue, be protected by the right of force.”

Another resolution is now before the Security Council. If

the council responds to Iraq’s deﬁ ance with more excuses and

delays, if all its authority proves to be empty, the United Nations

will be severely weakened as a source of stability and order. If

the members rise to this moment, then the Council will fulﬁ ll its

founding purpose.

I’ve listened carefully, as people and leaders around the world

have made known their desire for peace. All of us want peace. The

threat to peace does not come from those who seek to enforce the

just demands of the civilized world; the threat to peace comes from

those who ﬂ out those demands. If we have to act, we will act to

restrain the violent, and defend the cause of peace. And by acting,

we will signal to outlaw regimes that in this new century, the

boundaries of civilized behavior will be respected.

Protecting those boundaries carries a cost. If war is forced

upon us by Iraq’s refusal to disarm, we will meet an enemy

who hides his military forces behind civilians, who has terrible

weapons, who is capable of any crime. The dangers are real, as our

soldiers, and sailors, airmen, and Marines fully understand. Yet, no

military has ever been better prepared to meet these challenges.

Members of our Armed Forces also understand why they

may be called to ﬁ ght. They know that retreat before a dictator

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guarantees even greater sacriﬁ ces in the future. They know that

America’s cause is right and just: liberty for an oppressed people,

and security for the American people. And I know something about

these men and women who wear our uniform: they will complete

every mission they are given with skill, and honor, and courage.

Much is asked of America in this year 2003. The work ahead is

demanding. It will be difﬁ cult to help freedom take hold in a

country that has known three decades of dictatorship, secret police,

internal divisions, and war. It will be difﬁ cult to cultivate liberty

and peace in the Middle East, after so many generations of strife.

Yet, the security of our nation and the hope of millions depend on

us, and Americans do not turn away from duties because they are

hard. We have met great tests in other times, and we will meet the

tests of our time.

We go forward with conﬁ dence, because we trust in the power

of human freedom to change lives and nations. By the resolve and

purpose of America, and of our friends and allies, we will make

this an age of progress and liberty. Free people will set the course

of history, and free people will keep the peace of the world.

Thank you all, very much.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON

ILITARY OPERATIONS IN IRAQ

THE OVAL OFFICE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

MARCH 19, 2003

My fellow citizens, at this hour, American and coalition forces

are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free

its people and to defend the world from grave danger.

On my orders, coalition forces have begun striking selected

targets of military importance to undermine Saddam Hussein’s

ability to wage war. These are opening stages of what will be a

broad and concerted campaign. More than 35 countries are giving

crucial support — from the use of naval and air bases, to help with

intelligence and logistics, to the deployment of combat units. Every

nation in this coalition has chosen to bear the duty and share the

honor of serving in our common defense.

To all the men and women of the United States Armed Forces

now in the Middle East, the peace of a troubled world and the

hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you. That trust is

well placed.

The enemies you confront will come to know your skill and

bravery. The people you liberate will witness the honorable and

decent spirit of the American military. In this conﬂ ict, America

faces an enemy who has no regard for conventions of war or rules

of morality. Saddam Hussein has placed Iraqi troops and equipment

in civilian areas, attempting to use innocent men, women and

children as shields for his own military — a ﬁ nal atrocity against

his people.

I want Americans and all the world to know that coalition

forces will make every effort to spare innocent civilians from harm.

A campaign on the harsh terrain of a nation as large as California

could be longer and more difﬁ cult than some predict. And helping

Iraqis achieve a united, stable and free country will require our

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sustained commitment.

We come to Iraq with respect for its citizens, for their great

civilization and for the religious faiths they practice. We have no

ambition in Iraq, except to remove a threat and restore control of

that country to its own people.

I know that the families of our military are praying that all

those who serve will return safely and soon. Millions of Americans

are praying with you for the safety of your loved ones and for

the protection of the innocent. For your sacriﬁ ce, you have the

gratitude and respect of the American people. And you can know

that our forces will be coming home as soon as their work is done.

Our nation enters this conﬂ ict reluctantly — yet, our purpose is

sure. The people of the United States and our friends and allies will

not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace

with weapons of mass murder. We will meet that threat now, with

our Army, Air Force, Navy, Coast Guard and Marines, so that we

do not have to meet it later with armies of ﬁ re ﬁ ghters and police

and doctors on the streets of our cities.

Now that conﬂ ict has come, the only way to limit its duration

is to apply decisive force. And I assure you, this will not be a

campaign of half measures, and we will accept no outcome but

victory.

My fellow citizens, the dangers to our country and the world

will be overcome. We will pass through this time of peril and carry

on the work of peace. We will defend our freedom. We will bring

freedom to others and we will prevail.

May God bless our country and all who defend her.

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REMARKS ON THE FREEDOM AGENDA

UNITED STATES CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

NOVEMBER 6, 2003

Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thanks for the

warm welcome, and thanks for inviting me to join you in this 20th

anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy. The staff

and directors of this organization have seen a lot of history over the

last two decades, you’ve been a part of that history. By speaking for

and standing for freedom, you’ve lifted the hopes of people around

the world, and you’ve brought great credit to America.

I appreciate Vin for the short introduction. I’m a man who

likes short introductions. And he didn’t let me down. But more

importantly, I appreciate the invitation. I appreciate the members

of Congress who are here, senators from both political parties,

members of the House of Representatives from both political

parties. I appreciate the ambassadors who are here. I appreciate

the guests who have come. I appreciate the bipartisan spirit, the

nonpartisan spirit of the National Endowment for Democracy.

I’m glad that Republicans and Democrats and independents are

working together to advance human liberty.

The roots of our democracy can be traced to England, and to its

Parliament — and so can the roots of this organization. In June of

1982, President Ronald Reagan spoke at Westminster Palace and

declared, the turning point had arrived in history. He argued that

Soviet communism had failed, precisely because it did not respect

its own people — their creativity, their genius and their rights.

President Reagan said that the day of Soviet tyranny was

passing, that freedom had a momentum which would not be halted.

He gave this organization its mandate: to add to the momentum of

freedom across the world. Your mandate was important 20 years

ago; it is equally important today.

A number of critics were dismissive of that speech by the

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President. According to one editorial of the time, “It seems hard

to be a sophisticated European and also an admirer of Ronald

Reagan.” Some observers on both sides of the Atlantic pronounced

the speech simplistic and naive, and even dangerous. In fact,

Ronald Reagan’s words were courageous and optimistic and

entirely correct.

The great democratic movement President Reagan described

was already well underway. In the early 1970s, there were about 40

democracies in the world. By the middle of that decade, Portugal

and Spain and Greece held free elections. Soon there were new

democracies in Latin America, and free institutions were spreading

in Korea, in Taiwan, and in East Asia. This very week in 1989,

there were protests in East Berlin and in Leipzig. By the end of

that year, every communist dictatorship in Central [Europe] had

collapsed. Within another year, the South African government

released Nelson Mandela. Four years later, he was elected

president of his country — ascending, like Walesa and Havel, from

prisoner of state to head of state.

As the 20th century ended, there were around 120 democracies

in the world — and I can assure you more are on the way. Ronald

Reagan would be pleased, and he would not be surprised.

We’ve witnessed, in little over a generation, the swiftest

advance of freedom in the 2,500 year story of democracy.

Historians in the future will offer their own explanations for why

this happened. Yet we already know some of the reasons they will

cite. It is no accident that the rise of so many democracies took

place in a time when the world’s most inﬂ uential nation was itself a

democracy.

The United States made military and moral commitments in

Europe and Asia, which protected free nations from aggression,

and created the conditions in which new democracies could

ﬂ ourish. As we provided security for whole nations, we also

provided inspiration for oppressed peoples. In prison camps, in

banned union meetings, in clandestine churches, men and women

knew that the whole world was not sharing their own nightmare.

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They knew of at least one place — a bright and hopeful land

— where freedom was valued and secure. And they prayed that

America would not forget them, or forget the mission to promote

liberty around the world.

Historians will note that in many nations, the advance of

markets and free enterprise helped to create a middle class that was

conﬁ dent enough to demand their own rights. They will point to the

role of technology in frustrating censorship and central control —

and marvel at the power of instant communications to spread the

truth, the news, and courage across borders.

Historians in the future will reﬂ ect on an extraordinary,

undeniable fact: Over time, free nations grow stronger and

dictatorships grow weaker. In the middle of the 20th century,

some imagined that the central planning and social regimentation

were a shortcut to national strength. In fact, the prosperity, and

social vitality and technological progress of a people are directly

determined by extent of their liberty. Freedom honors and unleashes

human creativity — and creativity determines the strength and

wealth of nations. Liberty is both the plan of Heaven for humanity,

and the best hope for progress here on Earth.

The progress of liberty is a powerful trend. Yet, we also know

that liberty, if not defended, can be lost. The success of freedom

is not determined by some dialectic of history. By deﬁ nition,

the success of freedom rests upon the choices and the courage

of free peoples, and upon their willingness to sacriﬁ ce. In the

trenches of World War I, through a two-front war in the 1940s, the

difﬁ cult battles of Korea and Vietnam, and in missions of rescue

and liberation on nearly every continent, Americans have amply

displayed our willingness to sacriﬁ ce for liberty.

The sacriﬁ ces of Americans have not always been recognized

or appreciated, yet they have been worthwhile. Because we and our

allies were steadfast, Germany and Japan are democratic nations

that no longer threaten the world. A global nuclear standoff with

the Soviet Union ended peacefully — as did the Soviet Union.

The nations of Europe are moving towards unity, not dividing into

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armed camps and descending into genocide. Every nation has

learned, or should have learned, an important lesson: Freedom is

worth ﬁ ghting for, dying for, and standing for — and the advance

of freedom leads to peace.

And now we must apply that lesson in our own time. We’ve

reached another great turning point — and the resolve we show

will shape the next stage of the world democratic movement.

Our commitment to democracy is tested in countries like

Cuba and Burma and North Korea and Zimbabwe — outposts

of oppression in our world. The people in these nations live in

captivity, and fear and silence. Yet, these regimes cannot hold

back freedom forever — and, one day, from prison camps and

prison cells, and from exile, the leaders of new democracies will

arrive. Communism, and militarism and rule by the capricious and

corrupt are the relics of a passing era. And we will stand with these

oppressed peoples until the day of their freedom ﬁ nally arrives.

Our commitment to democracy is tested in China. That nation

now has a sliver, a fragment of liberty. Yet, China’s people will

eventually want their liberty pure and whole. China has discovered

that economic freedom leads to national wealth. China’s leaders

will also discover that freedom is indivisible — that social and

religious freedom is also essential to national greatness and

national dignity. Eventually, men and women who are allowed to

control their own wealth will insist on controlling their own lives

and their own country.

Our commitment to democracy is also tested in the Middle

East, which is my focus today, and must be a focus of American

policy for decades to come. In many nations of the Middle East —

countries of great strategic importance — democracy has not yet

taken root. And the questions arise: Are the peoples of the Middle

East somehow beyond the reach of liberty? Are millions of men

and women and children condemned by history or culture to live

in despotism? Are they alone never to know freedom, and never

even to have a choice in the matter? I, for one, do not believe it. I

believe every person has the ability and the right to be free.

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Some skeptics of democracy assert that the traditions of Islam

are inhospitable to the representative government. This “cultural

condescension,” as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a long history.

After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so-called Japan expert

asserted that democracy in that former empire would “never work.”

Another observer declared the prospects for democracy in post-

Hitler Germany are, and I quote, “most uncertain at best” — he

made that claim in 1957. Seventy-four years ago, The Sunday

London Times declared nine-tenths of the population of India

to be “illiterates not caring a ﬁ g for politics.” Yet when Indian

democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian people showed

their commitment to liberty in a national referendum that saved

their form of government.

Time after time, observers have questioned whether this

country, or that people, or this group, are “ready” for democracy —

as if freedom were a prize you win for meeting our own Western

standards of progress. In fact, the daily work of democracy itself

is the path of progress. It teaches cooperation, the free exchange

of ideas, and the peaceful resolution of differences. As men and

women are showing, from Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia,

it is the practice of democracy that makes a nation ready for

democracy, and every nation can start on this path.

It should be clear to all that Islam — the faith of one-ﬁ fth

of humanity — is consistent with democratic rule. Democratic

progress is found in many predominantly Muslim countries — in

Turkey and Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, Niger and Sierra

Leone. Muslim men and women are good citizens of India and

South Africa, of the nations of Western Europe, and of the United

States of America.

More than half of all the Muslims in the world live in freedom

under democratically constituted governments. They succeed in

democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, but because of

it. A religion that demands individual moral accountability, and

encourages the encounter of the individual with God, is fully

compatible with the rights and responsibilities of self-government.

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Yet there’s a great challenge today in the Middle East. In

the words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the global wave

of democracy has — and I quote — “barely reached the Arab

states.” They continue: “This freedom deﬁ cit undermines human

development and is one of the most painful manifestations of

lagging political development.” The freedom deﬁ cit they describe

has terrible consequences, of the people of the Middle East and

for the world. In many Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep

and it is spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling.

Whole societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead.

These are not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are the

failures of political and economic doctrines.

As the colonial era passed away, the Middle East saw the

establishment of many military dictatorships. Some rulers

adopted the dogmas of socialism, seized total control of political

parties and the media and universities. They allied themselves

with the Soviet bloc and with international terrorism. Dictators

in Iraq and Syria promised the restoration of national honor, a

return to ancient glories. They’ve left instead a legacy of torture,

oppression, misery, and ruin.

Other men, and groups of men, have gained inﬂ uence in

the Middle East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic

terror. Behind their language of religion is the ambition for

absolute political power. Ruling cabals like the Taliban show their

version of religious piety in public whippings of women, ruthless

suppression of any difference or dissent, and support for terrorists

who arm and train to murder the innocent. The Taliban promised

religious purity and national pride. Instead, by systematically

destroying a proud and working society, they left behind suffering

and starvation.

Many Middle Eastern governments now understand that

military dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight, smooth

highway to nowhere. But some governments still cling to the old

habits of central control. There are governments that still fear and

repress independent thought and creativity, and private enterprise

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— the human qualities that make for a — strong and successful

societies. Even when these nations have vast natural resources,

they do not respect or develop their greatest resources — the talent

and energy of men and women working and living in freedom.

Instead of dwelling on past wrongs and blaming others,

governments in the Middle East need to confront real problems,

and serve the true interests of their nations. The good and capable

people of the Middle East all deserve responsible leadership.

For too long, many people in that region have been victims and

subjects — they deserve to be active citizens.

Governments across the Middle East and North Africa are

beginning to see the need for change. Morocco has a diverse new

parliament; King Mohammed has urged it to extend the rights

to women. Here is how His Majesty explained his reforms to

parliament: “How can society achieve progress while women, who

represent half the nation, see their rights violated and suffer as a

result of injustice, violence, and marginalization, notwithstanding

the dignity and justice granted to them by our glorious religion?”

The King of Morocco is correct: The future of Muslim nations will

be better for all with the full participation of women.

In Bahrain last year, citizens elected their own parliament

for the ﬁ rst time in nearly three decades. Oman has extended the

vote to all adult citizens; Qatar has a new constitution; Yemen

has a multiparty political system; Kuwait has a directly elected

national assembly; and Jordan held historic elections this summer.

Recent surveys in Arab nations reveal broad support for political

pluralism, the rule of law, and free speech. These are the stirrings

of Middle Eastern democracy, and they carry the promise of

greater change to come.

As changes come to the Middle Eastern region, those

with power should ask themselves: Will they be remembered

for resisting reform, or for leading it? In Iran, the demand for

democracy is strong and broad, as we saw last month when

thousands gathered to welcome home Shirin Ebadi, the winner

of the Nobel Peace Prize. The regime in Teheran must heed the

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democratic demands of the Iranian people, or lose its last claim to

legitimacy.

For the Palestinian people, the only path to independence and

dignity and progress is the path of democracy. And the Palestinian

leaders who block and undermine democratic reform, and feed

hatred and encourage violence are not leaders at all. They’re the

main obstacles to peace, and to the success of the Palestinian

people.

The Saudi government is taking ﬁ rst steps toward reform,

including a plan for gradual introduction of elections. By giving

the Saudi people a greater role in their own society, the Saudi

government can demonstrate true leadership in the region.

The great and proud nation of Egypt has shown the way toward

peace in the Middle East, and now should show the way toward

democracy in the Middle East. Champions of democracy in the

region understand that democracy is not perfect, it is not the path to

utopia, but it’s the only path to national success and dignity.

As we watch and encourage reforms in the region, we are

mindful that modernization is not the same as Westernization.

Representative governments in the Middle East will reﬂ ect

their own cultures. They will not, and should not, look like us.

Democratic nations may be constitutional monarchies, federal

republics, or parliamentary systems. And working democracies

always need time to develop — as did our own. We’ve taken a

200-year journey toward inclusion and justice — and this makes us

patient and understanding as other nations are at different stages of

this journey.

There are, however, essential principles common to every

successful society, in every culture. Successful societies limit

the power of the state and the power of the military — so that

governments respond to the will of the people, and not the

will of an elite. Successful societies protect freedom with the

consistent and impartial rule of law, instead of selecting applying

— selectively applying the law to punish political opponents.

Successful societies allow room for healthy civic institutions — for

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political parties and labor unions and independent newspapers and

broadcast media. Successful societies guarantee religious liberty

— the right to serve and honor God without fear of persecution.

Successful societies privatize their economies, and secure the rights

of property. They prohibit and punish ofﬁ cial corruption, and invest

in the health and education of their people. They recognize the

rights of women. And instead of directing hatred and resentment

against others, successful societies appeal to the hopes of their own

people.

These vital principles are being applies in the nations of

Afghanistan and Iraq. With the steady leadership of President

Karzai, the people of Afghanistan are building a modern and

peaceful government. Next month, 500 delegates will convene a

national assembly in Kabul to approve a new Afghan constitution.

The proposed draft would establish a bicameral parliament, set

national elections next year, and recognize Afghanistan’s Muslim

identity, while protecting the rights of all citizens. Afghanistan

faces continuing economic and security challenges — it will face

those challenges as a free and stable democracy.

In Iraq, the Coalition Provisional Authority and the Iraqi

Governing Council are also working together to build a democracy

— and after three decades of tyranny, this work is not easy. The

former dictator ruled by terror and treachery, and left deeply

ingrained habits of fear and distrust. Remnants of his regime,

joined by foreign terrorists, continue their battle against order and

against civilization. Our coalition is responding to recent attacks

with precision raids, guided by intelligence provided by the Iraqis,

themselves. And we’re working closely with Iraqi citizens as they

prepare a constitution, as they move toward free elections and take

increasing responsibility for their own affairs. As in the defense of

Greece in 1947, and later in the Berlin Airlift, the strength and will

of free peoples are now being tested before a watching world. And

we will meet this test.

Securing democracy in Iraq is the work of many hands.

American and coalition forces are sacriﬁ cing for the peace of

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Iraq and for the security of free nations. Aid workers from many

countries are facing danger to help the Iraqi people. The National

Endowment for Democracy is promoting women’s rights, and

training Iraqi journalists, and teaching the skills of political

participation. Iraqis, themselves — police and borders guards and

local ofﬁ cials — are joining in the work and they are sharing in the

sacriﬁ ce.

This is a massive and difﬁ cult undertaking — it is worth our

effort, it is worth our sacriﬁ ce, because we know the stakes. The

failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden terrorists around the

world, increase dangers to the American people, and extinguish

the hopes of millions in the region. Iraqi democracy will succeed

— and that success will send forth the news, from Damascus to

Teheran — that freedom can be the future of every nation. The

establishment of a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will be a

watershed event in the global democratic revolution.

Sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating

the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us

safe — because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased

at the expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains a

place where freedom does not ﬂ ourish, it will remain a place of

stagnation, resentment, and violence ready for export. And with the

spread of weapons that can bring catastrophic harm to our country

and to our friends, it would be reckless to accept the status quo.

Therefore, the United States has adopted a new policy, a

forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East. This strategy

requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we have

shown before. And it will yield the same results. As in Europe, as

in Asia, as in every region of the world, the advance of freedom

leads to peace.

The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is the

calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points to the Four

Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put our

power at the service of principle. We believe that liberty is the

design of nature; we believe that liberty is the direction of history.

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We believe that human fulﬁ llment and excellence come in the

responsible exercise of liberty. And we believe that freedom —

the freedom we prize — is not for us alone, it is the right and the

capacity of all mankind.

Working for the spread of freedom can be hard. Yet, America

has accomplished hard tasks before. Our nation is strong; we’re

strong of heart. And we’re not alone. Freedom is ﬁ nding allies in

every country; freedom ﬁ nds allies in every culture. And as we

meet the terror and violence of the world, we can be certain the

author of freedom is not indifferent to the fate of freedom.

With all the tests and all the challenges of our age, this is,

above all, the age of liberty. Each of you at this Endowment is

fully engaged in the great cause of liberty. And I thank you. May

God bless your work. And may God continue to bless America.

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REMARKS AT SIGNING OF

EDICARE REFORM LEGISLATION

DAR CONSTITUTION HALL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

DECEMBER 8, 2003

Good morning, thanks for the warm welcome. In a few

moments I will have the honor of signing an historic act of

Congress into law. I’m pleased that all of you are here to witness

the greatest advance in health care coverage for America’s seniors

since the founding of Medicare.

With the Medicare Act of 2003, our government is ﬁ nally

bringing prescription drug coverage to the seniors of America.

With this law, we’re giving older Americans better choices and

more control over their health care, so they can receive the modern

medical care they deserve. With this law, we are providing more

access to comprehensive exams, disease screenings, and other

preventative care, so that seniors across this land can live better

and healthier lives. With this law, we are creating Health Savings

Accounts so that all Americans can put money away for their

health care tax-free.

Our nation has the best health care system in the world. And

we want our seniors to share in the beneﬁ ts of that system. Our

nation has made a promise, a solemn promise to America’s seniors.

We have pledged to help our citizens ﬁ nd affordable medical

care in the later years of life. Lyndon Johnson established that

commitment by signing the Medicare Act of 1965. And today, by

reforming and modernizing this vital program, we are honoring the

commitments of Medicare to all our seniors.

The point man in my administration on this issue was

Secretary Tommy Thompson, and he and his team did a fabulous

job of working with the Congress to get this important piece of

legislation passed. Tommy, I want to thank you for your leadership.

This bill passed the Congress because of the strong leadership

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of a handful of members, starting with the Speaker of the House

Denny Hastert. Mr. Speaker — Mr. Speaker was joined by Senator

Bill Frist, the Senate Majority Leader of the Senate, in providing

the leadership necessary to get this bill done. I want to thank you

both.

I appreciate the hard work of the House Majority Leader, Tom

DeLay, in seeing that this bill was passed. I also appreciate the

hard work of the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee,

Chairman Bill Thomas, for his good work. The Chairman of the

Finance Committee in the Senate, Senator Chuck Grassley, did a

noble job. And he was joined in this task by the Ranking Member

of the Finance Committee, Senator Max Baucus of Montana.

And the entire Senate effort was boosted by the efforts of a

man from Louisiana, Senator John Breaux. And speaking about

Louisiana, Billy Tauzin of the House of Representatives did

great work on this bill. Senator Orrin Hatch from Utah made

a signiﬁ cant contribution. Nancy Johnson, the House member

from Connecticut, did a great job. Mike Bilirakis from Florida

worked hard on this piece of legislation. I want to thank all the

other members of the Congress and the Senate who have joined us.

Thank you all for taking time out of your busy schedules to share

in this historic moment.

I appreciate Tom Scully, the Administrator of the Centers for

Medicare and Medicaid Services, for his good work. The Director

of the CDC, Julie Gerberding, is with us today. Julie, thank you for

coming. The Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Mark

McClellan is here. Jo Anne Barnhart, the Commissioner of the

Social Security Administration, is with us. Thank you for coming,

Jo Anne. Kay James who is the Director of the Ofﬁ ce of Personnel

Management, is with us. Thank you for coming, Kay.

A lot of this happened — this bill happened because of

grassroots work. A lot of our fellow citizens took it upon

themselves to agitate for change, to lobby on behalf of what’s right.

We had some governor support around the country — Governor

Craig Benson from New Hampshire is with us today. Governor,

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thank you for coming.

But the groups that speak for the elderly did fantastic work

on this legislation. See, there was a lot of pressure not to get

something done — for the wrong reasons, I might add. But Bill

Novelli, the CEO of AARP, stood strong in representing the

people he was supposed to represent and he worked hard to get

this legislation passed. And, Bill, I want to thank you for your

leadership. You were joined by Jim Parkel, who is the President

of the AARP. Jim, I want to thank you, as well, for doing what was

right, for focusing on the needs of the seniors of our country.

Jim Martin, the President of 60 Plus Association, worked

hard. Charlie Jarvis, the Chairman and CEO of United Seniors

Association, worked hard. Mike Maves, the Executive Vice

President and CEO of the AMA, worked hard on this piece of

legislation. Mary Martin, the Chairman of the Board of The

Seniors Coalition, worked hard. The truth of the matter is, a lot of

good people worked hard to get this important legislation done,

and I thank you for your work.

Medicare is a great achievement of a compassionate

government and it is a basic trust we honor. Medicare has spared

millions of seniors from needless hardship. Each generation

beneﬁ ts from Medicare. Each generation has a duty to strengthen

Medicare. And this generation is fulﬁ lling our duty.

First and foremost, this new law will provide Medicare

coverage for prescription drugs. Medicare was enacted to provide

seniors with the latest in modern medicine. In 1965, that usually

meant house calls, or operations, or long hospital stays. Today,

modern medicine includes out-patient care, disease screenings, and

prescription drugs.

Medicine has changed, but Medicare has not — until today.

Medicare today will pay for extended hospital stays for ulcer

surgery. That’s at a cost of about $28,000 per patient. Yet Medicare

will not pay for the drugs that eliminate the cause of most ulcers,

drugs that cost about $500 a year. It’s a good thing that Medicare

pays when seniors get sick. Now, you see, we’re taking this a step

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further — Medicare will pay for prescription drugs, so that fewer

seniors will get sick in the ﬁ rst place.

Drug coverage under Medicare will allow seniors to replace

more expensive surgeries and hospitalizations with less expensive

prescription medicine. And even more important, drug coverage

under Medicare will save our seniors from a lot of worry. Some

older Americans spend much of their Social Security checks just

on their medications. Some cut down on the dosage, to make a

bottle of pills last longer. Elderly Americans should not have to

live with those kinds of fears and hard choices. This new law will

ease the burden on seniors and will give them the extra help they

need.

Seniors will start seeing help quickly. During the transition to

the full prescription beneﬁ t, seniors will receive a drug discount

card. This Medicare-approved card will deliver savings of 10 to 25

percent off the retail price of most medicines. Low-income seniors

will receive the same savings, plus a $600 credit on their cards to

help them pay for the medications they need.

In about two years, full prescription coverage under Medicare

will begin. In return for a monthly premium of about $35, most

seniors without any prescription drug coverage can now expect

to see their current drug bills cut roughly in half. This new law

will provide 95 percent coverage for out-of-pocket drug spending

that exceeds $3,600 a year. For the ﬁ rst time, we’re giving seniors

peace of mind that they will not have to face unlimited expenses

for their medicine.

The new law offers special help to one-third of older

Americans will low incomes, such as a senior couple with low

savings and an annual income of about $18,000 or less. These

seniors will pay little or no premium for full drug coverage.

Their deductible will be no higher than $50 per year, and their

co-payment on each prescription will be as little as $1. Seniors in

the greatest need will have the greatest help under the modernized

Medicare system.

I visited with seniors around the country and heard many of

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their stories. I’m proud that this legislation will give them practical

and much needed help. Mary Jane Jones from Midlothian,

Virginia, has a modest income. Her drug bills total nearly $500 a

month. Things got so tight for a while she had to use needles twice

or three times for her insulin shots. With this law, Mary Jane won’t

have to go to such extremes. In exchange for a monthly premium

of about $35, Mary Jane Jones would save nearly $2,700 in annual

prescription drug spending.

Hugh Iverson from West Des Moines, Iowa, just got his

Medicare membership. And that’s a good thing, because he hasn’t

had health insurance for more than three years. His drug bills total

at least $400 a month. Within two years, with the $35 a month

coverage, he will be able to cut those bills nearly in half, saving

him about $2,400 a year.

Neil LeGrow from Culpepper, Virginia, takes 15 medications,

costing him at least $700 a month. To afford all those medications,

Neil has to stay working. And thanks to this law, once he is

enrolled in the drug beneﬁ t, he will be able to cut back his work

hours and enjoy his retirement more because he’ll have coverage

that saves him about $4,700 a year.

I promised these seniors when I met with them that we would

work hard to give them the help they need. They are all here today.

So I am happy to report to them in person — Mary Jane, Hugh,

and Neil, we are keeping our promise.

In addition to providing coverage for prescription drugs, this

legislation achieves a second great goal. We’re giving our seniors

more health care choices so they can get the coverage and care

that meets their needs. Every senior needs to know if you don’t

want to change your current coverage, you don’t have to change.

You’re the one in charge. If you want to keep your Medicare the

way it is, along with the new prescription beneﬁ t, that is your

right. If you want to improve beneﬁ ts — maybe dental coverage,

or eyeglass coverage, or managed care plans that reduce out-of-

pocket costs — you’ll be free to make those choices, as well.

And when seniors have the ability to make choices, health

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care plans within Medicare will have to compete for their business

by offering higher quality service. For the seniors of America, more

choices and more control will mean better health care. These are the

kinds of health care options we give to the members of Congress

and federal employees. They have the ability to pick plans to — that

are right for their own needs. What’s good for members of Congress

is also good for seniors. Our seniors are fully capable of making

health care choices, and this bill allows them to do just that.

A third purpose achieved by this legislation is smarter medicine

within the Medicare system. For years, our seniors have been

denied Medicare coverage — have been denied Medicare coverage

for a basic physical exam. Beginning in 2005, all newly-enrolled

Medicare beneﬁ ciaries will be covered for a complete physical.

The Medicare system will now help seniors and their doctors

diagnose health problems early, so they can treat them early and

our seniors can have a better quality life. For example, starting next

year, all people on Medicare will be covered for blood tests that

can diagnose heart diseases. Those at high risk for diabetes will be

covered for blood sugar screening tests. Modern health care is not

complete without prevention — so we are expanding preventive

services under Medicare.

Fourth, the new law will help all Americans pay for out-of-

pocket health costs. This legislation will create health savings

accounts, effective January 1, 2004, so Americans can set aside

up to $4,500 every year, tax free, to save for medical expenses.

Depending on your tax bracket, that means you’ll save between

10 to 35 percent on any costs covered by money in your account.

Our laws encourage people to plan for retirement and to save for

education. Now the law will make it easier for Americans to save

for their future health care, as well.

A health savings account is a good deal, and all Americans

should consider it. Every year, the money not spent would stay in

the account and gain interest tax-free, just like an IRA. And people

will have an incentive to live more healthy lifestyles because they

want to see their health savings account grow. These accounts

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will be good for small business owners, and employees. More

businesses can focus on covering workers for major medical

problems, such as hospitalization for an injury or illness. And at

the same time, employees and their families will use these accounts

to cover doctors visits or lab tests or other smaller costs. Some

employers will contribute to employee health accounts. This will

help more American families get the health care they need at the

price they can afford.

The legislation I’m about to sign will set in motion a series of

improvements in the care available to all America’s senior citizens.

And as we begin, it is important for seniors and those approaching

retirement to understand their new beneﬁ ts.

This coming spring, seniors will receive a letter to explain

the drug discount card. In June, these cards, including the $600

annual drug credit for low-income seniors, will be activated. This

drug card can be used until the end of 2005. In the fall of that year,

seniors will receive an information booklet giving simple guidance

on changes in the program and the new choices they will have.

Then in January of 2006, seniors will have their new coverage,

including permanent coverage for prescription drugs.

These reforms are the act of a vibrant and compassionate

government. We show are concern for the dignity of our seniors

by giving them quality health care. We show our respect for

seniors by giving them more choices and more control over their

decision-making. We’re putting individuals in charge of their health

care decisions. And as we move to modernize and reform other

programs of this government, we will always trust individuals and

their decisions, and put personal choice at the heart of our efforts.

The challenges facing seniors on Medicare were apparent for

many years. And those years passed with much debate and a lot

of politics, and little reform to show for it. And that changed with

the 108th Congress. This year we met our challenge with focus

and perseverance. We confronted problems, instead of passing

them along to future administrations and future Congresses. We

overcame old partisan differences. We kept our promise, and found

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a way to get the job done. This legislation is the achievement of

members in both political parties. And this legislation is a victory

for all of America’s seniors.

Now I’m honored and pleased to sign this historic piece of

legislation: the Medicare Prescription Drug Improvement and

Modernization Act of 2003.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 108TH CONGRESS,

ECOND SESSION

UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 20, 2004

Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress,

distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: America this evening is

a nation called to great responsibilities. And we are rising to meet

them.

As we gather tonight, hundreds of thousands of American

servicemen and women are deployed across the world in the war on

terror. By bringing hope to the oppressed, and delivering justice to

the violent, they are making America more secure.

Each day, law enforcement personnel and intelligence ofﬁ cers

are tracking terrorist threats; analysts are examining airline

passenger lists; the men and women of our new Homeland Security

Department are patrolling our coasts and borders. And their

vigilance is protecting America.

Americans are proving once again to be the hardest working

people in the world. The American economy is growing stronger.

The tax relief you passed is working.

Tonight, members of Congress can take pride in the great

works of compassion and reform that skeptics had thought

impossible. You’re raising the standards for our public schools, and

you are giving our senior citizens prescription drug coverage under

Medicare.

We have faced serious challenges together, and now we face a

choice: We can go forward with conﬁ dence and resolve, or we can

turn back to the dangerous illusion that terrorists are not plotting

and outlaw regimes are no threat to us. We can press on with

economic growth, and reforms in education and Medicare, or we

can turn back to old policies and old divisions.

We’ve not come all this way — through tragedy, and trial and

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war — only to falter and leave our work unﬁ nished. Americans

are rising to the tasks of history, and they expect the same from us.

In their efforts, their enterprise, and their character, the American

people are showing that the state of our union is conﬁ dent and

strong.

Our greatest responsibility is the active defense of the American

people. Twenty-eight months have passed since September 11th,

2001 — over two years without an attack on American soil. And

it is tempting to believe that the danger is behind us. That hope is

understandable, comforting — and false. The killing has continued

in Bali, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Mombasa, Jerusalem,

Istanbul, and Baghdad. The terrorists continue to plot against

America and the civilized world. And by our will and courage, this

danger will be defeated.

Inside the United States, where the war began, we must

continue to give our homeland security and law enforcement

personnel every tool they need to defend us. And one of those

essential tools is the Patriot Act, which allows federal law

enforcement to better share information, to track terrorists, to

disrupt their cells, and to seize their assets. For years, we have

used similar provisions to catch embezzlers and drug trafﬁ ckers. If

these methods are good for hunting criminals, they are even more

important for hunting terrorists.

Key provisions of the Patriot Act are set to expire next year.

The terrorist threat will not expire on that schedule. Our law

enforcement needs this vital legislation to protect our citizens. You

need to renew the Patriot Act.

America is on the offensive against the terrorists who started

this war. Last March, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a mastermind

of September the 11th, awoke to ﬁ nd himself in the custody of

U.S. and Pakistani authorities. Last August the 11th brought the

capture of the terrorist Hambali, who was a key player in the attack

in Indonesia that killed over 200 people. We’re tracking al Qaeda

around the world, and nearly two-thirds of their known leaders

have now been captured or killed. Thousands of very skilled and

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determined military personnel are on the manhunt, going after the

remaining killers who hide in cities and caves, and one by one, we

will bring these terrorists to justice.

As part of the offensive against terror, we are also confronting

the regimes that harbor and support terrorists, and could supply

them with nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. The United

States and our allies are determined: We refuse to live in the

shadow of this ultimate danger.

The ﬁ rst to see our determination were the Taliban, who made

Afghanistan the primary training base of al Qaeda killers. As of

this month, that country has a new constitution, guaranteeing free

elections and full participation by women. Businesses are opening,

health care centers are being established, and the boys and girls of

Afghanistan are back in school. With the help from the new Afghan

army, our coalition is leading aggressive raids against the surviving

members of the Taliban and al Qaeda. The men and women of

Afghanistan are building a nation that is free and proud and

ﬁ ghting terror — and America is honored to be their friend.

Since we last met in this chamber, combat forces of the

United States, Great Britain, Australia, Poland and other countries

enforced the demands of the United Nations, ended the rule of

Saddam Hussein, and the people of Iraq are free.

Having broken the Baathist regime, we face a remnant of

violent Saddam supporters. Men who ran away from our troops

in battle are now dispersed and attack from the shadows. These

killers, joined by foreign terrorists, are a serious, continuing danger.

Yet we’re making progress against them. The once all-powerful

ruler of Iraq was found in a hole, and now sits in a prison cell. Of

the top 55 ofﬁ cials of the former regime, we have captured or killed

45. Our forces are on the offensive, leading over 1,600 patrols a

day and conducting an average of 180 raids a week. We are dealing

with these thugs in Iraq, just as surely as we dealt with Saddam

Hussein’s evil regime.

The work of building a new Iraq is hard, and it is right. And

America has always been willing to do what it takes for what is

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right. Last January, Iraq’s only law was the whim of one brutal

man. Today our coalition is working with the Iraqi Governing

Council to draft a basic law, with a bill of rights. We’re working

with Iraqis and the United Nations to prepare for a transition to full

Iraqi sovereignty by the end of June.

As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the enemies of freedom will

do all in their power to spread violence and fear. They are trying to

shake the will of our country and our friends, but the United States

of America will never be intimidated by thugs and assassins. The

killers will fail, and the Iraqi people will live in freedom.

Month by month, Iraqis are assuming more responsibility

for their own security and their own future. And tonight we are

honored to welcome one of Iraq’s most respected leaders: the

current President of the Iraqi Governing Council, Adnan Pachachi.

Sir, America stands with you and the Iraqi people as you build

a free and peaceful nation.

Because of American leadership and resolve, the world is

changing for the better. Last month, the leader of Libya voluntarily

pledged to disclose and dismantle all of his regime’s weapons of

mass destruction programs, including a uranium enrichment project

for nuclear weapons. Colonel Qadhaﬁ correctly judged that his

country would be better off and far more secure without weapons

of mass murder.

Nine months of intense negotiations involving the United

States and Great Britain succeeded with Libya, while 12 years

of diplomacy with Iraq did not. And one reason is clear: For

diplomacy to be effective, words must be credible, and no one can

now doubt the word of America.

Different threats require different strategies. Along with

nations in the region, we’re insisting that North Korea eliminate

its nuclear program. America and the international community

are demanding that Iran meet its commitments and not develop

nuclear weapons. America is committed to keeping the world’s

most dangerous weapons out of the hands of the most dangerous

regimes.

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When I came to this rostrum on September the 20th, 2001, I

brought the police shield of a fallen ofﬁ cer, my reminder of lives

that ended, and a task that does not end. I gave to you and to all

Americans my complete commitment to securing our country and

defeating our enemies. And this pledge, given by one, has been

kept by many.

You in the Congress have provided the resources for our

defense, and cast the difﬁ cult votes of war and peace. Our closest

allies have been unwavering. America’s intelligence personnel

and diplomats have been skilled and tireless. And the men and

women of the American military — they have taken the hardest

duty. We’ve seen their skill and their courage in armored charges

and midnight raids, and lonely hours on faithful watch. We have

seen the joy when they return, and felt the sorrow when one is lost.

I’ve had the honor of meeting our servicemen and women at many

posts, from the deck of a carrier in the Paciﬁ c to a mess hall in

Baghdad.

Many of our troops are listening tonight. And I want you

and your families to know: America is proud of you. And my

administration, and this Congress, will give you the resources you

need to ﬁ ght and win the war on terror.

I know that some people question if America is really in a

war at all. They view terrorism more as a crime, a problem to be

solved mainly with law enforcement and indictments. After the

World Trade Center was ﬁ rst attacked in 1993, some of the guilty

were indicted and tried and convicted, and sent to prison. But the

matter was not settled. The terrorists were still training and plotting

in other nations, and drawing up more ambitious plans. After the

chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve

our enemies with legal papers. The terrorists and their supporters

declared war on the United States, and war is what they got.

Some in this chamber, and in our country, did not support the

liberation of Iraq. Objections to war often come from principled

motives. But let us be candid about the consequences of leaving

Saddam Hussein in power. We’re seeking all the facts. Already,

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the Kay Report identiﬁ ed dozens of weapons of mass destruction-

related program activities and signiﬁ cant amounts of equipment

that Iraq concealed from the United Nations. Had we failed to

act, the dictatator’s weapons of mass destruction programs would

continue to this day. Had we failed to act, Security Council

resolutions on Iraq would have been revealed as empty threats,

weakening the United Nations and encouraging deﬁ ance by

dictators around the world. Iraq’s torture chambers would still be

ﬁ lled with victims, terriﬁ ed and innocent. The killing ﬁ elds of Iraq

— where hundreds of thousands of men and women and children

vanished into the sands — would still be known only to the killers.

For all who love freedom and peace, the world without Saddam

Hussein’s regime is a better and safer place.

Some critics have said our duties in Iraq must be

internationalized. This particular criticism is hard to explain to our

partners in Britain, Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines,

Thailand, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Hungary, Bulgaria,

Ukraine, Romania, the Netherlands, Norway, El Salvador, and

the 17 other countries that have committed troops to Iraq. As we

debate at home, we must never ignore the vital contributions of our

international partners, or dismiss their sacriﬁ ces.

From the beginning, America has sought international support

for our operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and we have gained

much support. There is a difference, however, between leading

a coalition of many nations, and submitting to the objections of

a few. America will never seek a permission slip to defend the

security of our country.

We also hear doubts that democracy is a realistic goal for the

greater Middle East, where freedom is rare. Yet it is mistaken, and

condescending, to assume that whole cultures and great religions

are incompatible with liberty and self-government. I believe

that God has planted in every human heart the desire to live in

freedom. And even when that desire is crushed by tyranny for

decades, it will rise again.

As long as the Middle East remains a place of tyranny and

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despair and anger, it will continue to produce men and movements

that threaten the safety of America and our friends. So America is

pursuing a forward strategy of freedom in the greater Middle East.

We will challenge the enemies of reform, confront the allies of

terror, and expect a higher standard from our friend. To cut through

the barriers of hateful propaganda, the Voice of America and other

broadcast services are expanding their programming in Arabic and

Persian — and soon, a new television service will begin providing

reliable news and information across the region. I will send you

a proposal to double the budget of the National Endowment for

Democracy, and to focus its new work on the development of free

elections, and free markets, free press, and free labor unions in

the Middle East. And above all, we will ﬁ nish the historic work of

democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq, so those nations can light the

way for others, and help transform a troubled part of the world.

America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes

from our most basic beliefs. We have no desire to dominate, no

ambitions of empire. Our aim is a democratic peace — a peace

founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman.

America acts in this cause with friends and allies at our side, yet

we understand our special calling: This great republic will lead the

cause of freedom.

In the last three years, adversity has also revealed the

fundamental strengths of the American economy. We have come

through recession, and terrorist attack, and corporate scandals,

and the uncertainties of war. And because you acted to stimulate

our economy with tax relief, this economy is strong, and growing

stronger.

You have doubled the child tax credit from $500 to $1,000,

reduced the marriage penalty, begun to phase out the death tax,

reduced taxes on capital gains and stock dividends, cut taxes on

small businesses, and you have lowered taxes for every American

who pays income taxes.

Americans took those dollars and put them to work, driving

this economy forward. The pace of economic growth in the third

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quarter of 2003 was the fastest in nearly 20 years; new home

construction, the highest in almost 20 years; home ownership rates,

the highest ever. Manufacturing activity is increasing. Inﬂ ation is

low. Interest rates are low. Exports are growing. Productivity is

high, and jobs are on the rise.

These numbers conﬁ rm that the American people are using their

money far better than government would have — and you were

right to return it.

America’s growing economy is also a changing economy. As

technology transforms the way almost every job is done, America

becomes more productive, and workers need new skills. Much of

our job growth will be found in high-skilled ﬁ elds like health care

and biotechnology. So we must respond by helping more Americans

gain the skills to ﬁ nd good jobs in our new economy.

All skills begin with the basics of reading and math, which are

supposed to be learned in the early grades of our schools. Yet for

too long, for too many children, those skills were never mastered.

By passing the No Child Left Behind Act, you have made the

expectation of literacy the law of our country. We’re providing more

funding for our schools — a 36-percent increase since 2001. We’re

requiring higher standards. We are regularly testing every child on

the fundamentals. We are reporting results to parents, and making

sure they have better options when schools are not performing. We

are making progress toward excellence for every child in America.

But the status quo always has defenders. Some want to

undermine the No Child Left Behind Act by weakening standards

and accountability. Yet the results we require are really a matter

of common sense: We expect third graders to read and do math at

the third grade level — and that’s not asking too much. Testing is

the only way to identify and help students who are falling behind.

This nation will not go back to the days of simply shufﬂ ing children

along from grade to grade without them learning the basics. I refuse

to give up on any child — and the No Child Left Behind Act is

opening the door of opportunity to all of America’s children.

At the same time, we must ensure that older students and adults

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can gain the skills they need to ﬁ nd work now. Many of the fastest

growing occupations require strong math and science preparation,

and training beyond the high school level. So tonight, I propose a

series of measures called Jobs for the 21st Century. This program

will provide extra help to middle and high school students who fall

behind in reading and math, expand advanced placement programs

in low-income schools, invite math and science professionals

from the private sector to teach part-time in our high schools. I

propose larger Pell grants for students who prepare for college

with demanding courses in high school. I propose increasing our

support for America’s ﬁ ne community colleges, so they can — I

do so, so they can train workers for industries that are creating

the most new jobs. By all these actions, we’ll help more and more

Americans to join in the growing prosperity of our country. Job

training is important, and so is job creation.

We must continue to pursue an aggressive, pro-growth

economic agenda. Congress has some unﬁ nished business on the

issue of taxes. The tax reductions you passed are set to expire.

Unless you act, the unfair tax on marriage will go back up. Unless

you act, millions of families will be charged $300 more in federal

taxes for every child. Unless you act, small businesses will pay

higher taxes. Unless you act, the death tax will eventually come

back to life. Unless you act, Americans face a tax increase. What

Congress has given, the Congress should not take away. For the

sake of job growth, the tax cuts you passed should be permanent.

Our agenda for jobs and growth must help small business

owners and employees with relief from needless federal regulation,

and protect them from junk and frivolous lawsuits.

Consumers and businesses need reliable supplies of energy

to make our economy run — so I urge you to pass legislation to

modernize our electricity system, promote conservation, and make

America less dependent on foreign sources of energy.

My administration is promoting free and fair trade to open up

new markets for America’s entrepreneurs and manufacturers and

farmers — to create jobs for American workers. Younger workers

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should have the opportunity to build a nest egg by saving part of

their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement account. We

should make the Social Security system a source of ownership

for the American people. And we should limit the burden of

government on this economy by acting as good stewards of

taxpayers’ dollars.

In two weeks, I will send you a budget that funds the war,

protects the homeland, and meets important domestic needs, while

limiting the growth in discretionary spending to less than 4 percent.

This will require that Congress focus on priorities, cut wasteful

spending, and be wise with the people’s money. By doing so, we

can cut the deﬁ cit in half over the next ﬁ ve years.

Tonight, I also ask you to reform our immigration laws so

they reﬂ ect our values and beneﬁ t our economy. I propose a new

temporary worker program to match willing foreign workers with

willing employers when no Americans can be found to ﬁ ll the job.

This reform will be good for our economy because employers will

ﬁ nd needed workers in an honest and orderly system. A temporary

worker program will help protect our homeland, allowing Border

Patrol and law enforcement to focus on true threats to our national

security.

I oppose amnesty, because it would encourage further illegal

immigration, and unfairly reward those who break our laws. My

temporary worker program will preserve the citizenship path for

those who respect the law, while bringing millions of hardworking

men and women out from the shadows of American life.

Our nation’s health care system, like our economy, is also in a

time of change. Amazing medical technologies are improving and

saving lives. This dramatic progress has brought its own challenge,

in the rising costs of medical care and health insurance. Members

of Congress, we must work together to help control those costs and

extend the beneﬁ ts of modern medicine throughout our country.

Meeting these goals requires bipartisan effort, and two months

ago, you showed the way. By strengthening Medicare and adding

a prescription drug beneﬁ t, you kept a basic commitment to our

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seniors: You are giving them the modern medicine they deserve.

Starting this year, under the law you passed, seniors can choose

to receive a drug discount card, saving them 10 to 25 percent

off the retail price of most prescription drugs — and millions of

low-income seniors can get an additional $600 to buy medicine.

Beginning next year, seniors will have new coverage for preventive

screenings against diabetes and heart disease, and seniors just

entering Medicare can receive wellness exams.

In January of 2006, seniors can get prescription drug coverage

under Medicare. For a monthly premium of about $35, most

seniors who do not have that coverage today can expect to see their

drug bills cut roughly in half. Under this reform, senior citizens

will be able to keep their Medicare just as it is, or they can choose

a Medicare plan that ﬁ ts them best — just as you, as members of

Congress, can choose an insurance plan that meets your needs. And

starting this year, millions of Americans will be able to save money

tax-free for their medical expenses in a health savings account.

I signed this measure proudly, and any attempt to limit the

choices of our seniors, or to take away their prescription drug

coverage under Medicare, will meet my veto.

On the critical issue of health care, our goal is to ensure that

Americans can choose and afford private health care coverage that

best ﬁ ts their individual needs. To make insurance more affordable,

Congress must act to address rapidly rising health care costs.

Small businesses should be able to band together and negotiate for

lower insurance rates, so they can cover more workers with health

insurance. I urge you to pass association health plans. I ask you to

give lower-income Americans a refundable tax credit that would

allow millions to buy their own basic health insurance.

By computerizing health records, we can avoid dangerous

medical mistakes, reduce costs, and improve care. To protect the

doctor-patient relationship, and keep good doctors doing good

work, we must eliminate wasteful and frivolous medical lawsuits.

And tonight I propose that individuals who buy catastrophic health

care coverage, as part of our new health savings accounts, be

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allowed to deduct 100 percent of the premiums from their taxes.

A government-run health care system is the wrong prescription.

By keeping costs under control, expanding access, and helping

more Americans afford coverage, we will preserve the system of

private medicine that makes America’s health care the best in the

world.

We are living in a time of great change — in our world, in

our economy, in science and medicine. Yet some things endure

— courage and compassion, reverence and integrity, respect for

differences of faith and race. The values we try to live by never

change. And they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions,

such as families and schools and religious congregations. These

institutions, these unseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong

in America, and we will defend them. We must stand with our

families to help them raise healthy, responsible children. When it

comes to helping children make right choices, there is work for all

of us to do.

One of the worst decisions our children can make is to gamble

their lives and futures on drugs. Our government is helping parents

confront this problem with aggressive education, treatment, and law

enforcement. Drug use in high school has declined by 11 percent

over the last two years. Four hundred thousand fewer young people

are using illegal drugs than in the year 2001. In my budget, I

proposed new funding to continue our aggressive, community-

based strategy to reduce demand for illegal drugs. Drug testing

in our schools has proven to be an effective part of this effort. So

tonight I proposed an additional $23 million for schools that want

to use drug testing as a tool to save children’s lives. The aim here is

not to punish children, but to send them this message: We love you,

and we don’t want to lose you.

To help children make right choices, they need good examples.

Athletics play such an important role in our society, but,

unfortunately, some in professional sports are not setting much of

an example. The use of performance-enhancing drugs like steroids

in baseball, football, and other sports is dangerous, and it sends

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the wrong message — that there are shortcuts to accomplishment,

and that performance is more important than character. So tonight I

call on team owners, union representatives, coaches, and players to

take the lead, to send the right signal, to get tough, and to get rid of

steroids now.

To encourage right choices, we must be willing to confront

the dangers young people face — even when they’re difﬁ cult to

talk about. Each year, about 3 million teenagers contract sexually-

transmitted diseases that can harm them, or kill them, or prevent

them from ever becoming parents. In my budget, I propose a

grassroots campaign to help inform families about these medical

risks. We will double federal funding for abstinence programs, so

schools can teach this fact of life: Abstinence for young people is

the only certain way to avoid sexually-transmitted diseases.

Decisions children now make can affect their health and

character for the rest of their lives. All of us — parents and schools

and government — must work together to counter the negative

inﬂ uence of the culture, and to send the right messages to our

children.

A strong America must also value the institution of marriage.

I believe we should respect individuals as we take a principled

stand for one of the most fundamental, enduring institutions of our

civilization. Congress has already taken a stand on this issue by

passing the Defense of Marriage Act, signed in 1996 by President

Clinton. That statute protects marriage under federal law as a union

of a man and a woman, and declares that one state may not redeﬁ ne

marriage for other states.

Activist judges, however, have begun redeﬁ ning marriage

by court order, without regard for the will of the people and their

elected representatives. On an issue of such great consequence,

the people’s voice must be heard. If judges insist on forcing their

arbitrary will upon the people, the only alternative left to the people

would be the constitutional process. Our nation must defend the

sanctity of marriage.

The outcome of this debate is important — and so is the way

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we conduct it. The same moral tradition that deﬁ nes marriage also

teaches that each individual has dignity and value in God’s sight.

It’s also important to strengthen our communities by unleashing

the compassion of America’s religious institutions. Religious

charities of every creed are doing some of the most vital work in

our country — mentoring children, feeding the hungry, taking the

hand of the lonely. Yet government has often denied social service

grants and contracts to these groups, just because they have a cross

or a Star of David or a crescent on the wall. By executive order,

I have opened billions of dollars in grant money to competition

that includes faith-based charities. Tonight I ask you to codify

this into law, so people of faith can know that the law will never

discriminate against them again.

In the past, we’ve worked together to bring mentors to

children of prisoners, and provide treatment for the addicted, and

help for the homeless. Tonight I ask you to consider another group

of Americans in need of help. This year, some 600,000 inmates

will be released from prison back into society. We know from long

experience that if they can’t ﬁ nd work, or a home, or help, they are

much more likely to commit crime and return to prison. So tonight,

I propose a four-year, $300 million prisoner re-entry initiative to

expand job training and placement services, to provide transitional

housing, and to help newly released prisoners get mentoring,

including from faith-based groups. America is the land of second

chance, and when the gates of the prison open, the path ahead

should lead to a better life.

For all Americans, the last three years have brought tests we

did not ask for, and achievements shared by all. By our actions, we

have shown what kind of nation we are. In grief, we have found

the grace to go on. In challenge, we rediscovered the courage and

daring of a free people. In victory, we have shown the noble aims

and good heart of America. And having come this far, we sense

that we live in a time set apart.

I’ve been witness to the character of the people of America,

who have shown calm in times of danger, compassion for one

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another, and toughness for the long haul. All of us have been

partners in a great enterprise. And even some of the youngest

understand that we are living in historic times. Last month a girl in

Lincoln, Rhode Island, sent me a letter. It began, “Dear George W.

Bush. If there’s anything you know, I, Ashley Pearson, age 10, can

do to help anyone, please send me a letter and tell me what I can do

to save our country.” She added this P.S.: “If you can send a letter

to the troops, please put, ‘Ashley Pearson believes in you.’”

Tonight, Ashley, your message to our troops has just been

conveyed. And, yes, you have some duties yourself. Study hard in

school, listen to your mom or dad, help someone in need, and when

you and your friends see a man or woman in uniform, say, “thank

you.” And, Ashley, while you do your part, all of us here in this

great chamber will do our best to keep you and the rest of America

safe and free.

My fellow citizens, we now move forward, with conﬁ dence

and faith. Our nation is strong and steadfast. The cause we serve

is right, because it is the cause of all mankind. The momentum

of freedom in our world is unmistakable — and it is not carried

forward by our power alone. We can trust in that greater power who

guides the unfolding of the years. And in all that is to come, we can

know that His purposes are just and true.

May God continue to bless America.

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REMARKS ON OPENING NEW MARKETS FOR

MERICA’S WORKERS

CLEVELAND CONVENTION CENTER

CLEVELAND, OHIO

MARCH 10, 2004

Thanks for the warm welcome. I appreciate so very much the

invitation to come today. I’m really glad to be back in the great city

of Cleveland, Ohio. It’s good to be in a room full of accomplished

women. As the husband of Laura and the son of Barbara, I feel

right at home.

I enjoy being in the company of entrepreneurs, risk-takers,

dreamers and doers. You all share a lot of common experiences.

You’ve met challenges of starting a business. And that’s hard. It

required more time than you had in a day, more money than you

kept in your bank, and more energy than you thought you had. But

you chose an interesting life — you chose to lead. You chose to

follow your dreams. And I appreciate your spirit. You’re making

the country a better place by working as hard as you do.

As the Governor said, nearly half of all small businesses are

owned by women. That’s powerful. That’s a beautiful statement.

Firms owned by women are being started at more than twice the

national rate. The entrepreneurial spirit is alive and well.

This is a land of great wealth, and it’s a land of great

opportunity, and you’re seizing the opportunity. Through the hard

work of our people, the innovation of our businesses, and the

good policies now in place, we have put a recession behind us.

Thanks in large part to your hard work, our economy is expanding,

productivity is strong, unemployment has been falling, incomes

are rising — and we’re going to stay on this path of growth and

prosperity in this country. Our economy has challenges, and

we know how to meet them. We’ll continue making the ﬁ nest

products, and selling those products not only here at home, but

across the world. We’ll make sure that American workers have the

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education and the skills to succeed in the jobs of the future. And

we’ll remain the leading economy in the world, because America

will remain the best place to do business in the world.

I want to thank Jennette Bradley, the Lt. Governor, for her

hospitality. And I want to thank the other ofﬁ cials from the state

of Ohio who are with us. I appreciate Elaine Chao, a member of

my Cabinet, for joining us today. Elaine is doing a great job for

the United States. Es un placer to be here with Hector Barreto, the

head of the SBA.

I traveled today with Steve LaTourette, the Congressman from

this area. Steve, I’m honored you’re here. He’s a pro-growth guy.

He knows the role of government is not to try to create wealth, but

to create an environment in which the entrepreneurial spirit can

ﬂ ourish. I appreciate you being here. He’s a great Congressman

from this part of the world.

I appreciate the sponsors. Thanks for putting up with me and

the entourage. Most of all, thank you for being here.

Today when I landed at the airport, I met Judi Firestone. Some

of you may know Judi. She’s owned her own computer business

since 1986. She’s an entrepreneur, she’s a visionary. She works

hard. As well, she is the Northeast Ohio chairman for the “Race

For The Cure,” Komen Foundation “Race For The Cure.” She is a

breast cancer survivor.

The reason I bring her up is the true strength of America is the

hearts and souls of our citizens. The true strength of this country

is the fact there are people like Judi Firestone who are willing to

volunteer their time to make the community in which she lives a

better place. It’s really the strength, isn’t it? I mean, the truth of the

matter is we can change this country one heart and one soul at a

time when citizens like Judi take time out of her life, her busy life,

to help somebody who hurts.

And so the reason I herald Judi Firestone is to really talk

about the strength of the country. I know many of you here heard

the call to love a neighbor like you’d like to be loved yourself.

I want to thank you for what you do to make your community

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a loving place. I want to thank you for what you do to heal the

souls that hurt. I want to thank you for what you do to be a part of

the incredibly important fabric of America, that it saves lives not

because of government, but because people are volunteering their

time. And if you’re not volunteering, please do so. The country

needs you. But, Judi, thanks for coming.

This economy of ours has faced challenges over the last three

years. Think back about what we have been through. Not long

before I took ofﬁ ce in January of 2001, I invited business leaders

from around our country to come to Austin. They told me that

factories and workers were seeing the ﬁ rst signs of recession.

That’s what they said. They said that the economy was troubled,

that things weren’t feeling too good. And they were right. In fact,

the manufacturing sector had started losing jobs in August of

2000. By January of 2001, orders for equipment and software were

falling, the stock market had been declining for several months.

And as we started to come out of the recession, and the

economy, because of the entrepreneurial spirit and the fact we got

great workers, started to recover, the enemy hit us on September

the 11th, 2001. It was a day of terrible loss, deep mourning. It was

also a serious blow to our economy. The attacks closed the New

York Stock Exchange for nearly a week. Remember back to what it

was like after September the 11th — the U.S. airspace was entirely

closed for the ﬁ rst time. In the three months after September the

11th, the economy lost nearly one million jobs.

The enemy hurt us. But we’re plenty tough and determined

as a nation. And as a result of the American people’s resolution

and determination, we began to recover. And then we learned

about fraud and wrongdoing in corporate America. And that

hurt our economy, as well. There were scandals that were in

the years in making, shook the energy industry; it affected the

telecommunications industry; it hurt the accounting profession, and

other key sectors of our economy. A lot of innocent workers and

investors lost their jobs and their savings.

Those scandals hurt. But we acted, and we passed the strongest

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corporate reforms since Franklin Roosevelt held the ofﬁ ce that

I’m honored to hold. Federal prosecutors are holding corporate

executives to account. We have made it clear, we will not tolerate

dishonesty in the boardrooms of America.

This economy of ours had been through recession, had been

through emergency, had been through corporate scandals, and

then I made the necessary decision to deal with Saddam Hussein.

September the 11th taught a lesson I will never forget, and our

country must never forget. America must confront threats before

they fully materialize. That’s the lesson of that fateful day.

In Iraq, this administration looked at the intelligence and

we saw a threat to the American people. The Congress looked at

the same intelligence, and they saw a threat. The United Nations

Security Council looked at the intelligence and it saw a threat. And

then the United Nations Security Council, in 2002, gave Saddam

Hussein a ﬁ nal chance to comply with U.N. resolutions and

disarm. We all saw a threat and we put out, through resolutions,

the demand that he disclose and disarm. And once again, he chose

deﬁ ance. He made the choice. I had a choice, as well: either to

trust the word of a madman, or to defend the American people.

Faced with that choice, I will defend America every time.

And therefore, in 2002 and early 2003, the television screens

across America had banners saying, “March to war” — and, as

business leaders, you understand that’s not very conducive to

investing capital. Marching to war is not a positive thought. But

we overcame that challenge. Thanks to hardworking people and

leaders, entrepreneurs, we overcame that challenge. And now

we’re marching to peace.

This week, the Iraqi Governing Council approved the new

fundamental law, which will be the basis for a free constitutional

democracy in the heart of the Middle East. Because we acted,

because we did the right thing, the world is becoming more

peaceful, and America is more secure.

My point is this: We faced challenge after challenge during

the past three years, and we’re overcoming them all. Inﬂ ation is

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low; interest rates are low; manufacturing activity is up; home

ownership is at an all-time high. The unemployment rate today is

lower than the average rate in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. Thanks

to our productive workers, thanks to business leaders such as

yourself, the United States of America is the fastest-growing major

industrialized economy in the world.

One of the main reasons the recession was one of the shortest

in modern history is because we acted. The tax relief I signed left

money in the pockets of families and job creators at just the right

time. We cut the taxes on our families; we lowered tax rates on

everybody who paid taxes. We didn’t play the old political game of

winners and losers in the tax code. We increased the child credit,

and we reduced the marriage penalty. This helped to lift after-tax

incomes in America by 8.4 percent since 2001 and the spending

and investing of Americans is driving this economy forward. That’s

what’s happening.

Most of the new jobs in America are created by small

businesses. I understand that. And so that is why we focused a

lot of our tax relief on small businesses. The majority of small

businesses are either sole proprietorships or sub-chapter S

corporations, which means many of you pay business taxes at

the individual rates. And so, therefore, when you lower rates on

individuals, you lower rates on small businesses. You allow small

business owners to keep more of their own money to invest, and

therefore, create more jobs.

As well, to encourage investment, we increased the annual

deduction for equipment purchases by small businesses, from

$25,000 to $100,000. You see, I understand you can’t have a

healthy economy without a healthy small business sector — and

the tax relief we passed is reinvigorating small businesses all across

this country.

We did something else that will help the entrepreneurial spirit

in this country. We’re phasing out the death tax. Small business

owners and ranchers and farmers shouldn’t have their assets taxed

twice. The death tax is unfair. You ought to be able to pass your

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assets on to whoever you want.

Pro-growth policies are working. They’re helping this

economy — the economic recovery to turn into lasting prosperity.

That’s what I want, and that’s what’s happening. Yet, the job report

last week shows that while the economy is dynamic and growing,

it’s experiencing some fundamental change. Productivity has

grown faster over the last two years than at any time in more than

50 years, in part because technology is changing the way we do

things. You know what I’m talking about. You’re more productive

in your companies.

In some ﬁ elds, one person can do the work that used to be

done by many. That’s what being more productive means. At

one semiconductor plant in New Mexico, new technology is

allowing the same number of workers to produce 20 times as many

computer chips as they used to.

Higher productivity is a good thing. It’s good for our workers,

it is good for our economy. If you’re more productive, you’re

better able to compete and survive and expand and grow. People

think — when they think about productivity, you think of it this

way: Operating heavy equipment every day is hard work, but

operating a shovel every day is harder work. I don’t think many

people here want to trade in your laptop for one of those old hunt-

and-peck typewriters.

Advances in productivity lead to higher wages — that is a

fact. The more productive a worker becomes, the better wages that

person will receive. A more productive society means lower prices

for consumers. A more productive society is one that generates

greater national wealth. And small businesses are leading the way

in this productivity revolution. And for that, I’m grateful.

Higher productivity also presents us a challenge, and here’s the

challenge: Many companies ﬁ ll new orders and expand operations

without needing to hire new workers. Because we’re a productive

work force, the economy can expand, and in some cases, they don’t

need to add additional workers to meet that expansion, to meet the

additional demand. Manufacturing output, for instance, increased

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sixfold between 1950 and 2000 — a sixfold increase. Yet, because

of high productivity, all this manufacturing is done by about the

same number of workers. And because of the new technologies

throughout the economy, another challenge is the fact we’ve

got to make sure people have got the skills necessary to become

productive workers.

In Ohio, you know ﬁ rsthand the effects of economic change.

Manufacturers are more productive, so they aren’t creating as many

jobs as they used to. Ohio’s unemployment rate is higher than the

national average; manufacturing communities like Youngstown and

Cleveland have been hit especially hard. I understand that. I know

there are workers here concerned about their jobs going overseas.

I share that concern. I know they’re wondering whether they’ll

ever be able to ﬁ nd new skills necessary to ﬁ ll the new jobs of the

21st century. I understand that. There are those with good jobs who

worry about their health care and their retirement beneﬁ ts. There

are a lot of moms and dads who wonder whether or not their child

will be able to ﬁ nd a job in the community in which they were

raised. There are legitimate concerns amongst people here in Ohio

and elsewhere around the country.

And one reason why there’s concern is because, as the

economists say, this is a time of transition, it’s a time of change.

And if you’re one going through transition, it’s not an easy

experience. But then we have a responsibility to help. We have a

responsibility to help with more than just unemployment insurance.

We have a responsibility in government to create an environment

that increases more jobs and helps people ﬁ nd the skills to ﬁ ll those

jobs. That’s a responsibility that we must do in government.

Some politicians in Washington see this new challenge, and

yet they want to respond in old ways. Their agenda is to increase

federal taxes, to build a wall around this country and to isolate

America from the rest of the world. They never get around to

explaining how higher taxes would help create a single job in

America — except maybe at the IRS. They don’t explain how

closing off markets, closing off markets abroad would help the

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millions of Americans who produce goods for export, or work for

foreign companies right here in the United States.

That old policy of tax-and-spend is the enemy of job creation.

The old policy of economic isolationism is a recipe for economic

disaster. America has moved beyond that tired, defeatist mind-set,

and we’re not going back. There’s a better way, and that’s what I

want to talk about today. To expand the creation of new jobs, and

to see our workers through our transition, government must meet

basic responsibilities.

First, instead of building barriers to trade, we must break

down those barriers so that good products, American products,

are welcomed and sold on every continent. Look at it this way:

America has got 5 percent of the world’s population. That means

95 percent of potential customers are in other countries. We

cannot expect to sell our goods and services, and create jobs, if

America and our partners, trading partners, start raising barriers

and closing off markets.

Millions of American jobs are supported by exports. That’s

a fact. One in ﬁ ve factory jobs in this country directly depends

on trade. The surest way to threaten those jobs is a policy of

economic isolation. The surest way to add more jobs is a conﬁ dent

policy, a conﬁ dent economic policy that trades with the world.

The economic isolationists have a pessimistic outlook; they

don’t show much faith in the American worker or the American

entrepreneur. They don’t think we can compete. But here in Ohio,

you’re proving them wrong. People all over the world are buying

products from Ohio — cars and tires, and batteries and jet engines,

and ball bearings and electronics, and crops from your farms.

Since 1996, under NAFTA, Ohio’s exports to Mexico have tripled,

and last year came to more than $2 billion — $2 billion of exports

means it’s more likely somebody will have a job in the state of

Ohio. Since the end of 2000, Ohio’s exports have increased more

than any state in the country. And why is that? Because this state

has got great entrepreneurs who are making high-quality products

that the world wants to buy. And another reason why is because

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you’ve got great workers, who, if given a level playing ﬁ eld, can

out-produce any worker, anywhere on the Earth.

Foreign companies recognize the quality of American workers,

and that is one of the reasons why so many have chosen to locate

plants in our country. More than 900 foreign facilities employ

people here in the state of Ohio — including major companies

like Honda. Ten percent of Honda’s international work force lives

in this state. About 16,000 Ohioans work for Honda, with good,

high-paying jobs. That’s a lot of your fellow citizens employed by

a company that has chosen to do business in America. And that’s

not counting the people who work at 165 different Ohio companies

that supply Honda with parts and material.

When politicians in Washington attack trade for political

reasons, they don’t mention these workers, or the 6.4 million other

Americans who draw their paychecks from foreign companies.

Economic isolationism would lead to retaliation from abroad,

and put many of those jobs at risk. Those who play on fear and

criticize trade are not serving the interests of our workers. Across

America — from Marysville, Ohio, to Seattle, Washington —

workers are better off — better off — because this country is an

optimistic, successful trading nation.

My administration is committed to creating the jobs that

trade brings. It’s a commitment of my administration. Remember

this: Presidents of both parties since World War II have made the

decision to open up our markets, for the good of American workers

and for the good of American consumers. If we’re opening up our

markets, it makes sense to get others to open up theirs. And so

we’re dedicated to making sure that other nations treat us fairly.

That’s why I pressed for free trade agreements with Singapore and

Chile. We want them to open up their markets to America’s goods

and services. We’ve recently completed negotiations with Morocco

and Central America.

I just completed a negotiation with Australia. I want you to

understand this important aspect of the trade agreement. Almost

all manufacturing exports to that country will be duty-free

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immediately. That means this could help America’s manufacturers

sell another $2 billion worth of goods to Australia every year. If

we’re going to let people sell here, we ought to be encouraging

them to let — open up their markets, as well. It’s good for jobs,

and it’s good for America.

I want the world to “buy America.” The best products are those

— Listen: The best product on any shelf anywhere in the world

says, “Made in the USA.”

To create more jobs, government must meet a second basic

responsibility. If we want to continue to out-perform the world,

if we want to be able to compete, America must remain the best

place in the world to do business. If we want to be competitive

with other places, we’ve got to be a good place for people to invest

capital. We’ve got to make sure that people who invest capital are

not penalized by lousy government policy. Tax cuts were vital to

creating the environment for growth and innovation, and there are

more steps that need to be done.

There needs to be fewer regulations on business owners in

America. I bet you spend a lot of time ﬁ lling out paperwork. I

bet not much of your paperwork is ever read. The government

needs to let you focus on your business, on developing goods and

services. It needs to let you focus on hiring people, rather than

spending hours ﬁ lling out paperwork. In order for us to keep jobs

here at home and expand the job base, we need better regulatory

policy at the federal, state, and local level.

In order to make sure that we’re able to create jobs here at

home, and to prevent jobs from going overseas, this country must

have tort reform. Frivolous lawsuits, or the threat of a frivolous

lawsuit, create an environment that is not conducive to job creation

and job expansion. There’s a role at the federal level for tort

reform. The trial lawyers are tough up there, though. Members of

the Senate need to hear from you. The House has passed good tort

legislation, but the Senate has got to hear from you. Tort reform

will help make it easier to keep jobs here at home.

We need to do something about the high cost of health care, as

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well. I’m a strong proponent of association health plans to allow

small business to pool risk so you can better afford health care

plans for your employees. We’ve introduced a new concept called

health savings accounts, which will make a big difference for small

business owners and employees, as well. And the market has taken

hold. We ought to — listen, frivolous lawsuits are running up the

cost of health care in America. Frivolous lawsuits against docs and

hospitals are making it harder for you to be able to afford health

care. We need medical liability reform at the federal level now.

We’re interested in making sure our jobs don’t go overseas,

and that there’s jobs available for citizens all across our country.

We need affordable and reliable supplies of energy. Here in

Ohio, you know what I’m talking about. You’ve experienced the

disruption and high cost when factories and cities lose power. It’s

time for our nation to modernize the electricity systems. We need

to promote clean coal technology so we’ve got abundant supplies

of energy. We need to explore for more natural gas. We need to

promote conservation. There’s a lot of things we need to do. One

thing is for certain: In order to expand our job base, we need to

become less dependent on foreign sources of energy.

Finally, to make sure this economy grows, to make sure the

entrepreneurial spirit is strong, we must have certainty in the

tax code. It’s important for elected ofﬁ cials to understand that if

you’re a business leader, if you’re the CEO of a corporation, and

you’re uncertain about your taxes from year to year, because of

— because the tax policy is haphazard, it’s hard for you to plan.

It’s hard for you to think ahead. It’s hard for you to be conﬁ dent in

your investment strategy.

Part of the issues we face here in the future of this country

is the fact that the tax relief we passed is going to expire. The

marriage penalty will go back up. By the way, that doesn’t make

any sense to have a marriage penalty in the tax code when you’re

trying to encourage marriage in the country. The child credit

will go back down if Congress doesn’t act. The death tax will

eventually come back to life. Imagine what it’s going to be like

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in 2011, when it’s supposed to come back to life. There’s going to

be a lot of people maybe trying to die a little earlier to avoid the

— It’s unbelievable when you think about it. Think about public

policy that says: Your taxes are going to be down this year, but not.

We may have increased expensing allowances, or not. Uncertainty

in the tax code makes it hard for the job base to continue to expand.

For the sake of job creation, Congress needs to make tax relief

permanent.

The third basic responsibility is to make sure American

workers are prepared for successful careers in the new economy.

Some sectors are producing fewer jobs, but in other areas, jobs

are growing. They’re multiplying. There’s a lot of opportunity in

a changing economy. Here in Ohio, there’s a shortage of nurses

and pharmacists and other skilled professionals. And so any viable

economic strategy, pro-growth strategy, must be to help people

ﬁ nd new skills, to gain new skills, to be able to ﬁ ll the new jobs of

the 21st century. If you’re in a period of transition, you must help

people make that transition.

All skills start with education. I’m a strong proponent of the

legislation we passed in Washington called the No Child Left

Behind Act. This is a good piece of legislation which is challenging

the soft bigotry of low expectations. We’ve raised the bar. See, we

believe every child can learn to read and write and add and subtract.

That’s what we believe. And therefore, we expect every child to

achieve those skills. And therefore, we’re expecting, in return for

federal money, the school districts to measure, because if you don’t

measure, how do you know. We’ve just got to stop this practice

of shufﬂ ing kids through the school as if they don’t matter. What

matters is every child gets a basic education. And if you can’t read,

you’re not going to be able to take advantage of the new jobs of

the 21st century. And that’s why — that’s why we’re focused on

secondary schools, and that’s why we’ve got plans to help high

school students who’ve fallen behind in reading and math to gain

the skills necessary to be able to work in this new economy.

We’ve got programs to help workers who’ve been displaced

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by the effects of trade, by giving them assistance in job training

and health care and relocation. I proposed what’s called personal

reemployment accounts for people who need extra help so they

can pay for child care and transportation and other costs of ﬁ nding

work. In other words, we’re trying to help people.

But we’ve got a plan, as well — it’s an important plan that’s

going to make a big difference, and that is to help the community

colleges train workers for jobs which actually exist. Community

colleges need to listen to the business community and the

community in which they live. They need to ask the question,

what do we need to do to train workers? What are you looking for?

What kind of skill set is necessary for you to hire this person? They

need to be ﬂ exible. The curriculums must be willing to change.

The community college system has got a fantastic opportunity to

make sure workers gain the skills necessary to become employable

in this changing economy.

I was in Toledo recently and talked with a guy named

Mike Potter. He lost a manufacturing job. He went back to the

community college to get retrained. He got help. The government

paid. And he got retrained and he found a new job because he was

willing to go back to school, and the community college listened to

the employers in the community in which he lived.

I was in Northern Virginia, and went to a community college

system. I met Connie Mitchell. She heard there was jobs available

in the health industry. And by the way, there’s a lot of jobs being

created in the health industry. And so she went to the community

college, and they gave her the skills necessary to become a nurse.

And now she’s employed.

In Mesa, Arizona, I met a Stacey Leedom, who’s a single mom

— which, by the way, is the hardest job in America, being a single

mom. She was a graphic artist. She had worked for a company,

I think, for 12 or 13 years. She got help to go back to Mesa

Community College. She learned a new skill in the computer

industry. And in her ﬁ rst year of a new job, she made more than

she did after 12 years as a graphic artist.

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You see, if you become a more productive citizen, you’ll

make more money. Better productivity, better skills means higher

pay. And our country must focus our education system on helping

workers learn the new skills of the 21st century so we can increase

the job base of this country.

You know, it wasn’t all that long ago that some people said that

America was not up to global competition. I don’t know if you

remember back in the ‘70s and ‘80s — that’s what we heard,

though, wasn’t it — that we couldn’t compete with the Japanese,

that they were too good at being automobile makers, that foreign

companies would soon overtake our own, that we just weren’t up to

it. That’s what a lot of people said in that period. We were told that

American companies weren’t ﬂ exible enough; American workers

were not disciplined enough; and American products weren’t good

enough.

Well, the pessimists were wrong. American companies remade

themselves to beat the competition. Great ideas for improvement

came from our work force, workers who are on the line. And the

leaders of those companies listened. The entrepreneurial spirit

was strong in America, and it was the American entrepreneur

that invented new technologies, technologies that have made this

country the most productive in the world. Our economy performed

like never before, and today, no one doubts what nation’s economy

leads this world.

Our nation in 2004 is vibrant. As opposed to retreating like the

pessimists thought, we’re selling computer chips to Japan. We’re

producing BMWs in Greer, South Carolina, for export to Germany.

We’re even exporting California wine to France.

There are people who doubt our ability to compete. There are

economic isolationists who surrender and wall us off. It’s bad for

the country, bad for consumers. It’s bad for workers. We’ll prove

the pessimists wrong again. We’ll continue to open up untapped

markets for American workers and businesses. We’ll keep this

government on the side of growth and job creation, so American

businesses can compete and prosper. We’ll focus on job training

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and education, so Americans can improve their skills and improve

their lives. We’ll get the policies right, and the American people

will do the rest. You will show, once again, that this nation has

the energy and the conﬁ dence and the creativity to meet every

challenge.

I want to thank you for your leadership. I want to thank you

for your spirit. I want to thank you for working hard to realize the

American Dream and own your own business. I want to thank you

for employing people. I want to thank you for the faith of your

country.

May God bless you, and may God continue to bless America.

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REMARKS ON EDUCATION

BUTTERFIELD JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL

VAN BUREN, ARKANSAS

MAY 11, 2004

Thank you all very much. Thanks for coming. I appreciate

it. Go ahead and be seated. Thanks for coming. Todd, thanks for

having us. That story he told reminds me of the time when I had

just got elected governor of Texas, and a friend of mine said, why

don’t you call old Bascom Bentley on the phone? He’s an East

Texas guy. And he said, why don’t you call Bascom Bentley on

the phone and just wish him the best. So I picked up the phone and

dialed old Judge Bentley. He’s one of these East Texas judges —

you probably know the kind I’m talking about here in Arkansas. I

said, “Judge, this is George W. Bush calling.” He said, “Come on,

Cliff, quit pulling my leg.”

So, Todd, I understand how those phone calls can go. But we

are serious about coming here because Butterﬁ eld Junior High is a

place of academic achievement. That’s why I’m here. It’s a place

— I’m here to congratulate this school and to hold you up as an

example to the country. You’re raising the bar. You see, this is a

school that expects the best for every student. You’re reaching for

high standards, and more importantly, you’re making progress

toward meeting those standards. You’re doing your job.

I know the school year ends on May 27th. And I bet some of

the students are kind of looking forward to that date. As a matter

of fact, I remember the feeling, myself. But summer vacation has

got to feel better for you after a year of accomplishment. And this

past year, students at Butterﬁ eld have accomplished a lot.

Not only am I here to hold up the school and talk about setting

high standards and making sure people achieve those standards,

I’m here also to thank the teachers and the staff members and the

parents, who believe in the potential of every young person, and

are willing to work hard to make sure every young person achieves

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that potential.

Not only do we want to thank Todd for being a principal; it

turns out that really good schools have got really good principals,

people that are smart and capable and who believe the best. But

really good principals also have got hardworking staffs, and I know

how hard it is to welcome the President. Take a look at those light

ﬁ xtures — I don’t — I’m not sure if that’s a permanent part of the

gymnasium. But for all those who put on this event and put up with

my entourage, I thank you for letting me come by.

I appreciate your Governor showing up. He’s a good friend of

mine. He’s an excellent person — Mike Huckabee is with us today.

In case you don’t recognize him, I’m proud of Mike. He said, look,

I’m going to set an example by taking care of my own body before

I ask others to do the same. He’s exercising and he’s eating smart,

and his health is a lot better for it.

I appreciate Lt. Governor Win Rockefeller joining us, as well.

Thank you, Governor. I’m proud to be able to work with a really

ﬁ ne member of Congress from this district, in John Boozman.

Where are you, John? Yes, there he is. I know Cathy and Kristen

and Lauren are here, as well — his wife Cathy, and two daughters.

I’m glad you all are here. The only problem I’ve got with Boozman

is he keeps talking about the Arkansas-Texas game. I know it, I

shouldn’t have brought it up.

I appreciate Dr. Merle Dickerson, who is the Superintendent

of the Van Buren School District. Merle, thank you for your

hospitality; thank you for your leadership. I appreciate so very

much — I know the importance of a good school superintendent.

See, when it came time to name the Secretary of Education, I

picked a superintendent in Rod Paige. He was the superintendent

of the Houston Independent School District. I saw him in action

in implementing policies that raise standards and encourage

the best for every student. So I know the importance of a good

superintendent. And I appreciate you, Merle.

Ray Simon is with us today. Where are you, Ray? Oh, there

you go. Blending in nicely. Ray is the Assistant Secretary for

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Elementary and Secondary Education. He’s the former director of

the Arkansas Department of Education. He works for Rod Paige. In

other words, what I’m telling you is we pick good people to staff

the federal ofﬁ ces, people who understand the principles of the No

Child Left Behind Act, which I’m about to describe to you.

I appreciate Ken James, the Director of the Arkansas

Department of Education. Thank you for coming, Ken. Mayor

John Riggs is with us. Where are you, Mr. Mayor? Mr. Mayor, I’m

glad you’re here. People give me advice all the time, so sometimes

I like to give people advice. And, Mr. Mayor, my only advice to

you is, ﬁ ll the potholes.

I want to thank the Junior High Trailblazers for hosting me

today. I appreciate the students letting us come on your campus. I

hope you don’t mind having the classes cancelled for a while today.

I also met Alyse Eady today. Where are you, Alyse? There she

is. Alyse, thanks for coming. Let me tell you about Alyse. She’s

a sophomore at Southside High, and she is a tutor at the Boys

and Girls Club. The reason I bring up Alyse, is because I want to

remind everybody here what the strength of this country is.

Now, a lot of people talk about the military being the strength

of this country, and I see we’ve got some ﬁ ne troops here. Thanks

for coming. And the military is an important part of our strength.

As a matter of fact, we’re counting on the military in theaters

overseas to make us more secure. We’re counting on brave men

and women to help spread freedom in parts of the world that

desperately need freedom. We’re counting on our military to make

America more secure by spreading peace.

And that’s what you’re seeing right now. On your TV screens,

you’re seeing tough work, because there are people who can’t stand

the thought of free societies springing up in the middle — in the

midst of hatred and violence in the Middle East. But our troops are

making sacriﬁ ces for our short-term and long-term security — a

peaceful Iraq, a free Iraq, which is going to happen, will make

America more secure.

Part of our strength is the military. I intend to keep the military

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strong. Our men and women are going to have what it needs to

keep the peace. Part of a strong America is a prosperous America.

That’s part of our strength. It’s not the strength. It’s part of the

reason we’re strong and we’ll keep our prosperity strong.

But the real strength of America is in the hearts and souls of

our citizens, and that’s important for our — our country to

understand. The true strength of this country happens when people

hear the universal call to love a neighbor just like they’d like to be

loved themselves. And here is a 10th grader in high school, who’s

heard that call, has taken time out of her life to mentor and tutor

children who may not have as much love in their life as she has

had because of her mom and dad, Lewis and Lady.

My call to the citizens of this country, whether they be in Fort

Smith, Arkansas or Van Buren, Arkansas, or anywhere else in the

country, is to take time out of your life and follow your heart and

help somebody who hurts: feed the hungry, provide shelter for the

homeless, surround somebody with love who wonders whether

or not their future is bright. No, the strength of this country, as

witnessed by this young soldier in the army of compassion, is the

heart and soul of the American people.

And another part of the strength of America is the fact we’ve

got a lot of teachers who care deeply about the students.It’s

probably going to take the students a little while to appreciate the

teachers. But I think when you look back, you’re going to ﬁ nd out

these people are some of the most important people you’ll ever

have in your life. And I’m not saying that just because I married a

teacher. By the way, Laura is doing fabulous.

The teachers here need to know that our nation appreciates

every man and woman who devotes a lifetime to building

knowledge and character of the young people of this country.

Teaching is one of the great callings, one of the most noble

professions, and America deeply appreciates the service of

America’s teachers. For those of you who are a teacher at this

school, thank you for what you do.

I’m here today to talk about making sure our schools work. A

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little over two years ago, I signed into law an historic, bipartisan

act of Congress called the No Child Left Behind Act. And the

theory of this law was straightforward. And here’s what it said

— it said: The federal government is spending more money on

education, but for the ﬁ rst time, we’re asking for results. That’s a

change. In the past, we used to send checks from Washington. And

by the way, Washington should not be primary funder of schools in

America. That’s up to the states and the local people.

But we had targeted money, particularly for the poorer

students. And we helped to send the checks, and we just hoped

something good happened. That was the old way — here’s your

money, and maybe something positive will happen. Now we’re

sending the checks, and we’re asking the question, are the children

learning to read and write and add and subtract? That’s not that

tough a question, is it? It seems like it makes sense for taxpayers’

money — in return for taxpayers’ money, to determine whether or

not we’re meeting some basic goals. If you don’t ask the question,

you never ﬁ nd out the answer. If you don’t say, we’re sending you

more money, now please show us whether or not a child can read.

If you don’t ask, you’ll never know until it’s too late, until it’s too

late.

As well, we better ﬁ gure out who needs help early before it’s

too late. I mean, one of the reasons you ask the question, can you

read or write and add and subtract, is you want to diagnose early.

You can’t solve a problem unless you diagnose it. The importance

of the No Child Left Behind Act is to ﬁ nd out who needs help.

And so, we’ve left behind an old attitude. See, I think some

schools — there was this attitude that certain students can’t learn.

And so this — might as well shufﬂ e them on from grade to grade.

It’s easy to shufﬂ e the so-called — what they call, hard-to-educate

students through the system. It’s easy to quit on families who might

live in inner-cities, or rural areas. It’s easy to quit on kids whose

parents don’t speak English as a ﬁ rst language. It’s easy, but it is

not fair. And that’s not how we do things in the United States of

America.

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I believe every child can learn. That’s what I believe. And so

do the people here at this school. So we’ve raised the standards for

every public school. We’re challenging what I call the soft bigotry

of low expectations. We’re — we require testing in the basics, and

holding schools accountable for results. An accountability system

is how you determine whether or not what you’re doing in the

classrooms is working.

Under the new law, when children are falling behind, the

schools that need the most attention get extra help, extra money, so

the children can catch up. Let me repeat what I just said. Under the

new law, when we discover that children are falling behind, that are

not meeting standards, those schools get extra help, extra money to

make sure that people are brought up to the standards. Schools will

have time to improve. They will be able to use the accountability

system to determine if they have the right curricula. Sometimes

schools use the wrong curriculum. Sometimes they think this kind

of reading program works, when, in fact, it doesn’t. And they must

have times to adjust. But at some point, there has to be an end to

mediocrity.

The attitude in this bill says, no child should be trapped in a

school that does not teach and will not change. In other words,

there is time to change. There is time to change, but if you refuse

to change, and somebody is still trapped in the school that is not

meeting standards, then something has to happen. Parents need

options to help their child. Federal dollars will follow the child.

For example, if a school — a child is trapped in a school for

several years that is — that’s not meeting standards, the federal

government will pay for after-school tutoring, and the parent

can choose all kind of tutoring options, whether they be public

or private. One parent — a parent can send the school — a child

to a different public school. In other words, when — there has

to be accountability in order for a — I mean, there has to be a

consequence in order for an accountability system to work. When

schools do not improve year after year, without consequences, we

will not see change. That’s just a fact of life.

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And so the new law says, you’ve got time to meet the

standards, which we have raised. You’ve got time to improve. But

because there’s now consequences, parents will have more say

in their child’s education. And that’s important, because we want

parents to be at the center of the education system in America.

We want our parents more involved. There’s no better way to get

parents involved than by publishing test results for each school.

Think about this — ﬁ rst of all, under the old system, a lot of

parents believed their local schools were doing just ﬁ ne because

that’s what they were told. Oh, don’t worry, Johnnie is doing just

ﬁ ne, our school is, too. But they never measured.

And sometimes, that wasn’t the case. Now parents don’t have

to take anybody’s word for it. They can see the results themselves.

An accountability system says, we’ll measure, but we’re going to

post the results for everybody to see. If they see excellence, just

like at this school, it will give solid ground to thank the teachers

and the principals for doing the job we expect. But if they see

failure, like any good parent, they’re going to want to know why.

Why can’t my school be like Butterﬁ eld? What is it about our

school that doesn’t match the performance of Butterﬁ eld Junior

High? In other words, an accountability system, when properly

used, will help people achieve a greater standards and will

encourage more parental involvement.

Now, let me make sure you understand one thing: I strongly

believe in local control of schools. I believe ﬁ rmly — There is

a difference between asking the question about whether or not a

child is learning, and insisting that teachers and principals are free

to — are free to teach the way they see ﬁ t. Superintendents and

school boards are free to make change where they see change is

necessary.

The No Child Left Behind Act raises expectations, but leaves

control where it belongs, at the local level. See, you can’t provide

people excuses. There’s no better excuse than saying, I would have

done it this way, but the federal government told me to do it this

way. I fully understand that. In order to make sure that there is an

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accountability system that works, you not only measure, but you

then say to people, it’s up to you to chart the path to excellence.

You don’t want federal bureaucrats who you’ve never seen in

Crawford County, Arkansas making the decision for the classrooms

in county — Crawford County, Arkansas. You need local control of

schools so people who are making those decisions are accountable

to the parents and the local citizens.

For more than two years we’ve been putting the new reforms

into action. All 50 states, plus the District of Columbia and

Puerto Rico, have now drawn up plans to measure performance in

every school. Notice — they drew up the plans. See, the state of

Arkansas drew up its accountability plans. People in Puerto Rico

decided the accountability system to use. This isn’t a federal test;

the local people, the state people made the decision as to how

to measure. And every state is reporting the information to the

parents.

And we’re seeing progress. Let me tell you the facts. The

test scores for 4th grade math around the nation went up 9 points

between the years 2000 and 2003. See, I’m able to tell you that

because we measure. If we hadn’t measured, I couldn’t tell you

that. Eighth graders improved by 5 points in the same period. In

other words, math scores are beginning to go up. Still too low, but

they’re heading toward higher standards. Reading scores for 4th

graders increased in the vast majority of states that tested between

1998 and 2003, including the state of Arkansas. See, your reading

scores are going up here.

I’ll never forget the day a woman looked at me — she’s an

African American friend of mine — and she said, you’ve got to

understand something, Governor Bush — at the time — reading

is the new civil right. See, if you can’t read, you can’t realize the

great promise of America. That’s why we want every child reading.

The good news is the reading scores are going up.

Since 2000, average math scores in Arkansas went up 13 points

in 4th grade, and 9 points in 8th grade. By the way, that’s higher

than the national average.

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Things are happening in the country. When you raise the bar

and you hold people to account, it’s amazing the results you can

get. And that’s incredibly positive. Here at Butterﬁ eld Junior High,

you have every reason to be proud. In 2003, this school met the

adequate yearly progress standard expected under No Child Left

Behind. In other words, the state put out a set of criterion and

measurement standards, and you met it, right here at this school.

Let me tell you what Traci Sellers said. Is Traci here, by the

way? Probably not. Traci — I’m about to quote you. She’s an

English teacher. She said, “The No Child Left Behind makes us

aware of what we’re doing and how we can improve. It encourages

us as teachers to go that extra step, so that every child can

succeed.” I appreciate your attitude. I appreciate your hope.

Think about what she said — “it makes us aware of what

we’re doing.” In other words, are we doing the right thing; are

we meeting expectations? Am I doing my job, she says, and the

accountability system helps me understand whether I am or not.

She said, how can I improve. What a fantastic attitude. Here’s a

teacher who loves her children, says, I want to make sure I’m doing

the job, and if not, I want to ﬁ gure out how to do the job better.

That’s why you have an accountability system. It says, it

encourages us. In other words, instead of being discouraged by

the system, it encourages. That’s not the way everybody feels in

America. There are people that don’t like to change, and there

are some complaints that I’d like to address today. Let me ﬁ rst

by telling you, I think it’s easier to make excuses sometimes than

needed improvements. That’s just human nature, isn’t it? But the

problem is we don’t need people making excuses for educational

failures in America. We need change.

When it comes to testing, I’ve heard every excuse in the book.

I bet the Governor has, too. See, we put strong accountability

measures in when I was the governor of Texas, and I went around

the state explaining it. And then the No Child Left Behind brought

an avalanche of complaints, as well. Some object to regular testing

because they believe schools will just teach the test — that’s what

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you hear. I’m sure you’ve heard it. Well, think about that for a

minute. If a test measures basic knowledge, the basics in math or

reading, then teaching the test means you’re teaching a child the

basic knowledge of reading and math.

In other words, for a child to pass a reading test, you had better

understand how to read. And therefore, in order to help the child

pass the test, they’ve got to know how to read in the ﬁ rst place.

And the reading accountability systems help people determine

whether or not the child has got the basic tools necessary to be a

good reader. That’s what we’re talking about here.

The whole point is this: It is not enough to hope that students

are learning. I mean, that’s just, to me, an excuse why not to

measure. We need to know the ones who are learning and the ones

who are not learning. Some believe that the standards of No Child

Left Behind are too high. They say that if you raise expectations,

all you’re doing is setting up children to fail. Yet this law requires

students to perform at grade level, which doesn’t seem like it’s too

high a bar to cross.

I mean, we’re asking children to read at 3rd grade level if

you’re in the 3rd grade. Why is that raising expectations too

high? I mean, my goodness, that’s what society should expect. If

you want the kids to learn to read at grade level, then you better

insist they learn to read at grade level. That’s the standard that is

important. And it’s the standard that we must hold true to if we

want to make sure every child has a chance to succeed in our great

country.

Teachers and parents here today know this when it comes

to standards: If you expect nothing from a child, if you expect

low — if you have low standards for every child, don’t be

surprised at what you get. That’s a fact of life. When you have

high expectations, children have a way of rising to meet those

expectations. High standards do not set children on a path to

failure; high standards set our children on the path to success.

Other critics say it is unfair to measure the performance of

minority groups, and unfair to require schools to improve the

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scores amongst all groups. That’s a complaint you hear. These

critics say we shouldn’t fault a whole school just because some

African American or Spanish students are not progressing. They’re

missing the — the people who say that missed the entire purpose of

the law, and that is, to make sure that no child of any background is

left behind. See, that’s the purpose of this law.

The reason we measure success and problems group by group

— that’s what’s called disaggregating data. In other words, we want

to know — we don’t want to look at the school as a whole; we want

to look at the people in the school. And that’s the difference. We

want to look at the data based upon individuals. We want to know

student performance. See, you’ve got to make sure the schools are

serving every student. So in other words, when you look at the

school as a whole, you don’t know whether or not certain children

are being left behind. You don’t know whether certain children

need extra help.

And there’s an achievement gap here in America today that

we’ve got to close. There’s an achievement gap between the test

scores of white and minority students. Nationally, on reading

tests, black and Hispanic 4th graders score at least 26 percentage

points lower than white students in the same grade. We’ve got to

do something about that. If we want this country to be a hopeful

country for every citizen, if we want to make sure every person

can realize the American Dream, we’ve got to close this gap. And

what the accountability system — they’ll help us close that gap by

determining who needs help. We want America to be promising for

every single child of every background so that not one single child

in America is left behind.

Another claim is that under the new law, we’re punishing

schools that are not making progress. See, sometimes when you

change, people are quick to criticize. And one of the complaints is

that schools get punished that aren’t making progress. But people

who make that claim ought to read the law. The truth is, the lowest-

performing schools are getting extra money to improve. That’s

what — that’s the truth.

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In 2003, we spent $234 million to assist underperforming

schools to make sure people aren’t left behind. In other words, we

said, here’s a problem, and here’s some extra money to help you ﬁ x

it. In 2004, we’ll at least double that amount. In other words, the

federal government is saying, measure, and, oh, by the way, when

we ﬁ nd mediocrity, we’ll help. But the local people have got to

change. You’ve got to change what you’re doing in order to make

sure that children can learn. We expect schools to do their job and

we’re helping them do their job.

We also understand it can take some time to get there. Some

say the No Child Left Behind Act doesn’t provide enough money

to meet our goals. First, let me tell you again what I said: It’s the

primary responsibility of the state and local governments to fund

schools, not the federal government. But the additional testing

required by the law — in other words, the federal government did

say, okay, you’ve got to test in return for money. We’re helping to

pay for the tests. People say, well, it’s an unfunded mandate to put

accountability systems in place. No, the accountability systems are

largely funded by the federal government.

Second, if my 2005 budget is enacted, federal spending on

elementary and high school education will have increased by

49 percent since 2001. In Arkansas, that’s an extra $112 million

federal dollars for your public schools compared to 2001.

Nationwide, since 2001, we’ve already increased funding for

low-income schools, under Title I — that’s the money for the

poorest of students — by 41 percent. That will rise to 52 percent

if Congress approves my budget, which would mean an additional

$37 million to help people in this state.

In other words, we’re doing our duty. We understand that

people need extra help when it comes time to addressing problems

early, before they’re too late. And the federal government is

responding. And I also want to remind you that we’ve done another

thing — and Laura is very much involved with this. We’ve kicked

off a major initiative to make sure our children can read at grade

level by the 3rd grade. We have quadrupled federal funding since

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2001 for America’s reading programs — by the way, making

sure that when we fund programs, that they used — that they use

scientiﬁ cally-based programs, reading — not programs that sound

like they might work, but programs which actually do work in

teaching the children of America how to read.

This No Child Left Behind Act is a good law. It’s a good, solid

law. But I understand some adjustments need to be made, even in

the best laws. So we’ve listened to schools and teachers, and we’re

responding in practical ways. We’re making sure that the progress

of special ed students is judged by standards appropriate to their

development. In other words, as you measure a special ed student,

there must be some ﬂ exibility in the measurement standards. And

we know that.

We’re giving schools more time to bring students who don’t

speak English as a ﬁ rst language into the accountability system.

If a fellow shows up at school and can’t speak Spanish — I mean

English — and only speaks Spanish, they need some time to learn

the language before they become a part of the accountability

system. They don’t need a lifetime of learning, but there needs to

be some ﬂ exibility in the accountability systems.

We’re giving schools in rural areas more latitude in meeting

teacher qualiﬁ cation standards. In other words, we’re ﬂ exible in

the application of the law. Yet I will never compromise on this

goal: Every child can learn the basics, and every school must teach

the basics.

A lot of the No Child Left Behind Act is — focuses on early

grades, and that’s good. In other words, my attitude is, and I

think the attitude of the experts is, when we get it right early in

the grades and stay focused, we’re going to have a bunch of kids

getting into high school who are literate, smart and capable.

But right now we’ve got some people that need help when

it comes to reading. I mean, there have been some kids that have

been shufﬂ ed through that are now in high school, and they’re

struggling to learn how to read. And we’d better get it right

now, before they get out. And so I’m asking Congress to pass

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$100 million Striving Reading Initiative, intensive intervention

in children’s lives who cannot read, before they get out of high

school. It’s an essential part — I mean, that’s the minimum we can

do. That’s the basic part of making sure that a child has hope.

We’ll use resources to help the school districts to train teachers

so they can get the right kind of help and use a curriculum that

works. I mean, there are good curriculum that cam work. The

school districts need the help of implementing those curriculum,

and that’s what this money will be for.

I also proposed a $120 million increase for the Mathematics

and Science Partnership Program. In other words, we want to make

sure kids can read; we also want to make sure they can do math

and science. But we’ve got some new jobs that are being created

that require new skill sets, and it’s not good enough to shufﬂ e

kids out of the schools that don’t know anything about math and

science. And so the creation of these partnerships will help school

districts set up effective math and science programs.

I believe that in every school we ought to continue to raise

the bar, and one way to do so is to make sure that the Advanced

Placement Programs are vibrant and active across our country.

Right here at Butterﬁ eld, you offer pre-8 AP courses, which is

good — preparing these children to take advanced placement.

Advance placement means you’re raising the bar as high as you

can possibly go.

I proposed increasing money from the federal government,

double the current amount we spend, for teacher training, to help

good-hearted teachers become AP teachers. And I full recognize,

as well, there are some low-income students. When they go home

and say, look, I’m getting ready to take the AP exam, and the

mother or father say, how much does it cost, and they lay out the

cost of the AP exam. The mother or dad says, no, I think we’ll use

the money for something else, see. So the child prepares to take

the AP, and then mom or dad look at the fund — look at the cost,

they say, no, we’d like for you to take the AP exam, but we need

this money for rent or food. The federal government ought to help

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low-income students pay for the fee so they can take the AP exam.

We want to be raising the bar for every student and the entry fee

should not be an excuse.

One of the things we need to do is encourage math and science

professionals from the private sector to teach part-time in our

high schools. And so we’ve got what’s called the Adjunct Teacher

Corps, which is a neat program, when you think about it. We’ve got

somebody here in Fort Smith, Arkansas who’s an engineer. They

may have — he or she may have worked for awhile, and they may

be retired, and the school district —

I don’t know — I don’t know if the high school principal is

looking for a science teacher or not, he may be. But it makes sense

to have — to encourage citizens to get back in the classroom as a

second career, to lend their talents.

You’ve got what you call a State Scholars Program here in

Arkansas. Governor, thanks for implementing it. It’s an initiative

that we announced here two years ago, which brings businesses

and college ofﬁ cials in the middle and — middle schools and high

schools to encourage students to take a more demanding course

work load.

In other words, when you get — people can get inspired to take

tougher courses, we ought to try to do so. The program is raising

the completion rates in algebra II and chemistry and physics among

Arkansas high school students. In other words, you’ve got more

students now taking algebra II and chemistry and physics, and

that’s going to beneﬁ t your state.

See, when you’ve got people with those skills getting out of

high school, and somebody is looking to put a business here, they

can say, look at this — look at the base of knowledge amongst

people that we can employ in this state. People are likely to bring

work here if the potential work force has got the basics in math and

science.

And that’s what you’re doing. I want to expand the State

Scholars Program nationwide, just like we’ve done here in

Arkansas. It’s effective. It works. And there ought to be incentives

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to encourage students. And one way to do so, is to give those

students who ﬁ nish a State Scholars Program a boost in their Pell

Grant scholarship.

In other words, we’re saying to kids in high school, reach

higher; here’s some people to help you reach higher, some local

college folks or business people. And by the way, when you take a

tougher course load and pass, you get additional scholarship money

from the Pell Grant. We’ve expanded Pell Grants. I want to enrich

them to encourage students to reach for the stars.

So I’ve sent a proposal to Congress where they would receive

an additional $1,000 during each of their ﬁ rst two years of college.

This will help 4,000 Arkansas seniors a year. This will provide

incentive for people to say, I want to do a better job in high school.

What I’m here to tell you is, I understand that public education is

essential to the future of this country. It’s essential we get it right.

I’m here at Butterﬁ eld because I understand a good school is the

gateway to hope. And we want that gate open all across America.

After decades of missed opportunities, after missing chances to

make sure every child has got — got the basics to succeed, we

ﬁ nally reformed the public schools of America. It took a lot of work.

It took a lot of work to convince people that change is needed.

But Congress — listen, we passed a bill. Let me tell you

something, when you get a “yes” vote from both senators of

Arkansas and both senators from Texas and both senators from

Massachusetts, you’ve got yourself a bipartisan piece of legislation.

And we’re not backing down. I don’t care how much pressure

they try to put on the process. I’m not changing my mind about

high standards and the need for accountability, because I know the

promise that holds out for the —

We’re not going back to those days where we just kind of hope

something happens. We’re not going back to the days where kids

just got moved through and they weren’t sure whether or not they

could read, and at the end of the system, they said, oops, they

can’t read. Those day were too pessimistic for me, and they don’t

represent the great values of the United States of America. See,

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we believe in the dignity of every human being. We believe in the

worth of every child. We’re optimistic people. We believe in raising

the standards. We believe in giving schools the resources and

ﬂ exibility they need. We have begun a new era in public education

for the good of the United States of America.

I better quit before some of us fall out. I know it. When you

get the President, and he blows a lot of hot air — But I do want

to thank you for your hospitality. I want to thank the people of this

good school for believing in — believing in the best, for having

such a clear vision about what’s possible, about believing in the

worth of every child. I want to thank the teachers. I appreciate your

love and compassion. I want to thank you for never settling for

mediocrity, for always aiming high.

I want to thank the citizens who are here, the moms and dads.

By the way, a child’s ﬁ rst teacher is a mother or a father. That’s the

ﬁ rst teacher a child has. I like to remind people that we need to

promote a culture of personal responsibility in America that starts

with — moms and dads understand, they’re responsible for loving

their child with all their heart.

And by the way, a part of that personal responsibility society

is one that says, if you’ve got a problem with the school in the

community in which you live, you do something about it. See?

You don’t rely on some far away government to take care of it. Do

something about it.

Part of the responsibility era says if you’re a CEO in corporate

America, you’re responsible for telling the truth to your

shareholders and your employees. And ﬁ nally, a responsibility

society is one in which each of us loves our neighbor just like we’d

like to be loved ourself. It’s such an honor to be here at Butterﬁ eld,

in Van Buren, Arkansas. I’m proud to be here. Thanks for coming

out to say hello. May God bless you all, and may God continue to

bless the United States of America.

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COMMEMORATING RONALD WILSON REAGAN,

ORTIETH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

THE NATIONAL CATHEDRAL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JUNE 11, 2004

Mrs. Reagan, Patti, Michael, and Ron; members of the Reagan

family; distinguished guests, including our Presidents and First

Ladies; Reverend Danforth; fellow citizens:

We lost Ronald Reagan only days ago, but we have missed

him for a long time. We have missed his kindly presence, that

reassuring voice, and the happy ending we had wished for him. It

has been ten years since he said his own farewell; yet it is still very

sad and hard to let him go. Ronald Reagan belongs to the ages now,

but we preferred it when he belonged to us.

In a life of good fortune, he valued above all the gracious

gift of his wife, Nancy. During his career, Ronald Reagan passed

through a thousand crowded places; but there was only one person,

he said, who could make him lonely by just leaving the room.

America honors you, Nancy, for the loyalty and love you gave

this man on a wonderful journey, and to that journey’s end. Today,

our whole nation grieves with you and your family.

When the sun sets tonight off the coast of California, and we

lay to rest our 40th President, a great American story will close.

The second son of Nell and Jack Reagan ﬁ rst knew the world as

a place of open plains, quiet streets, gas-lit rooms, and carriages

drawn by horse. If you could go back to the Dixon, Illinois of

1922, you’d ﬁ nd a boy of 11 reading adventure stories at the public

library, or running with his brother, Neil, along Rock River, and

coming home to a little house on Hennepin Avenue. That town was

the kind of place you remember where you prayed side by side

with your neighbors, and if things were going wrong for them,

you prayed for them, and knew they’d pray for you if things went

wrong for you.

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The Reagan family would see its share of hardship, struggle

and uncertainty. And out of that circumstance came a young man

of steadiness, calm, and a cheerful conﬁ dence that life would bring

good things. The qualities all of us have seen in Ronald Reagan

were ﬁ rst spotted 70 and 80 years ago. As a lifeguard in Lowell

Park, he was the protector keeping an eye out for trouble. As a

sports announcer on the radio, he was the friendly voice that made

you see the game as he did. As an actor, he was the handsome, all-

American, good guy, which, in his case, required knowing his lines

— and being himself.

Along the way, certain convictions were formed and ﬁ xed in

the man. Ronald Reagan believed that everything happened for a

reason, and that we should strive to know and do the will of God.

He believed that the gentleman always does the kindest thing. He

believed that people were basically good, and had the right to be

free. He believed that bigotry and prejudice were the worst things a

person could be guilty of. He believed in the Golden Rule and in the

power of prayer. He believed that America was not just a place in

the world, but the hope of the world.

And he believed in taking a break now and then, because, as he

said, there’s nothing better for the inside of a man than the outside

of a horse.

Ronald Reagan spent decades in the ﬁ lm industry and in

politics, ﬁ elds known, on occasion, to change a man. But not this

man. From Dixon to Des Moines, to Hollywood to Sacramento, to

Washington, D.C., all who met him remembered the same sincere,

honest, upright fellow. Ronald Reagan’s deepest beliefs never had

much to do with fashion or convenience. His convictions were

always politely stated, affably argued, and as ﬁ rm and straight as the

columns of this cathedral.

There came a point in Ronald Reagan’s ﬁ lm career when people

started seeing a future beyond the movies. The actor, Robert

Cummings, recalled one occasion. “I was sitting around the set with

all these people and we were listening to Ronnie, quite absorbed.

I said, ‘Ron, have you ever considered someday becoming

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President?’ He said, ‘President of what?’ ‘President of the United

States,’ I said. And he said, ‘What’s the matter, don’t you like my

acting either?’”

The clarity and intensity of Ronald Reagan’s convictions led

to speaking engagements around the country, and a new following

he did not seek or expect. He often began his speeches by saying,

“I’m going to talk about controversial things.” And then he

spoke of communist rulers as slavemasters, of a government in

Washington that had far overstepped its proper limits, of a time

for choosing that was drawing near. In the space of a few years, he

took ideas and principles that were mainly found in journals and

books, and turned them into a broad, hopeful movement ready to

govern.

As soon as Ronald Reagan became California’s governor,

observers saw a star in the West — tanned, well-tailored, in

command, and on his way. In the 1960s, his friend, Bill Buckley,

wrote, “Reagan is indisputably a part of America, and he may

become a part of American history.”

Ronald Reagan’s moment arrived in 1980. He came out ahead

of some very good men, including one from Plains, and one from

Houston. What followed was one of the decisive decades of the

century, as the convictions that shaped the President began to

shape the times.

He came to ofﬁ ce with great hopes for America, and more

than hopes — like the President he had revered and once saw in

person, Franklin Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan matched an optimistic

temperament with bold, persistent action. President Reagan was

optimistic about the great promise of economic reform, and

he acted to restore the reward and spirit of enterprise. He was

optimistic that a strong America could advance the peace, and he

acted to build the strength that mission required. He was optimistic

that liberty would thrive wherever it was planted, and he acted to

defend liberty wherever it was threatened.

And Ronald Reagan believed in the power of truth in the

conduct of world affairs. When he saw evil camped across the

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horizon, he called that evil by its name. There were no doubters in

the prisons and gulags, where dissidents spread the news, tapping

to each other in code what the American President had dared to say.

There were no doubters in the shipyards and churches and secret

labor meetings, where brave men and women began to hear the

creaking and rumbling of a collapsing empire. And there were no

doubters among those who swung hammers at the hated wall as the

ﬁ rst and hardest blow had been struck by President Ronald Reagan.

The ideology he opposed throughout his political life insisted

that history was moved by impersonal ties and unalterable fates.

Ronald Reagan believed instead in the courage and triumph of free

men. And we believe it, all the more, because we saw that courage

in him.

As he showed what a President should be, he also showed us

what a man should be. Ronald Reagan carried himself, even in

the most powerful ofﬁ ce, with a decency and attention to small

kindnesses that also deﬁ ned a good life. He was a courtly, gentle

and considerate man, never known to slight or embarrass others.

Many people across the country cherish letters he wrote in his own

hand — to family members on important occasions; to old friends

dealing with sickness and loss; to strangers with questions about

his days in Hollywood. A boy once wrote to him requesting federal

assistance to help clean up his bedroom.

The President replied that, “unfortunately, funds are

dangerously low.” He continued, “I’m sure your mother was fully

justiﬁ ed in proclaiming your room a disaster. Therefore, you are in

an excellent position to launch another volunteer program in our

nation. Congratulations.”

Sure, our 40th President wore his title lightly, and it ﬁ t like a

white Stetson. In the end, through his belief in our country and his

love for our country, he became an enduring symbol of our country.

We think of his steady stride, that tilt of a head and snap of a salute,

the big-screen smile, and the glint in his Irish eyes when a story

came to mind.

We think of a man advancing in years with the sweetness and

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sincerity of a Scout saying the Pledge. We think of that grave

expression that sometimes came over his face, the seriousness of a

man angered by injustice — and frightened by nothing. We know,

as he always said, that America’s best days are ahead of us, but

with Ronald Reagan’s passing, some very ﬁ ne days are behind us,

and that is worth our tears.

Americans saw death approach Ronald Reagan twice, in a

moment of violence, and then in the years of departing light. He

met both with courage and grace. In these trials, he showed how a

man so enchanted by life can be at peace with life’s end.

And where does that strength come from? Where is that

courage learned? It is the faith of a boy who read the Bible with

his mom. It is the faith of a man lying in an operating room, who

prayed for the one who shot him before he prayed for himself. It is

the faith of a man with a fearful illness, who waited on the Lord to

call him home.

Now, death has done all that death can do. And as Ronald

Wilson Reagan goes his way, we are left with the joyful hope he

shared. In his last years, he saw through a glass darkly. Now he

sees his Savior face to face.

And we look to that ﬁ ne day when we will see him again, all

weariness gone, clear of mind, strong and sure, and smiling again,

and the sorrow of his parting gone forever.

May God bless Ronald Reagan, and the country he loved.

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UNVEILING OF PRESIDENT CLINTON AND

ENATOR CLINTON’S PORTRAITS

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JUNE 14, 2004

Good morning. Thank you, Henry. Laura and I appreciate

you all coming. President Clinton and Senator Clinton, welcome

home. All who live here are temporary residents; the portraits that

are presented today will be held permanently in the White House

collection for all the ages. And so beginning today, the likenesses

of President William Jefferson Clinton and First Lady Hillary

Rodham Clinton will take their place in a line that began with

George and Martha Washington.

Laura and I are pleased to welcome members of the Clinton

and Rodham family, thank you all for coming. It’s great to see

Chelsea. The fact that you survived your teenage years in the

White House speaks to the fact that you had a great mom and dad

We are pleased that Mrs. Dorothy Rodham is here. Welcome,

we’re glad you’re here. And those two boys you’re still trying to

raise. Hugh and Tony, thank you for coming, we’re glad you’re

here. It’s good to see so many who served our nation so ably in the

Clinton administration. Thank you all for coming back. Thanks for

your service to the country, and welcome back to the White House.

We’re really glad you’re here and I know the President is, as well.

As you might know, my father and I have decided to call each

other by numbers. He’s 41, I’m 43. It’s a great honor to — it’s a

great pleasure to honor number 42. We’re glad you’re here, 42.

The years have done a lot to clarify the strengths of this man. As

a candidate for any ofﬁ ce, whether it be the state attorney general

or the President, Bill Clinton showed incredible energy and great

personal appeal. As chief executive, he showed a deep and far-

ranging knowledge of public policy, a great compassion for people

in need, and the forward-looking spirit the Americans like in a

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President. Bill Clinton could always see a better day ahead — and

Americans knew he was working hard to bring that day closer.

Over eight years, it was clear that Bill Clinton loved the job

of the presidency. He ﬁ lled this house with energy and joy. He’s

a man of enthusiasm and warmth, who could make a compelling

case and effectively advance the causes that drew him to public

service.

People saw those gifts very early in Bill Clinton. He is

remembered in Hope, Arkansas, and other places along the way, as

an eager, good-hearted boy who seemed destined for big things. I

was particularly struck by the story of a nun at St. John’s School

in Hot Springs who decided that Billy Clinton should get a C in

deportment. That was a rare grade for the future Rhodes Scholar

and President. So Bill’s mother gave the nun a call to see what was

wrong. The sister replied, “Oh, nothing much. But let me tell you,

this boy knows the answer to every question and he just leaps to

his feet before anyone else can.” She went on, you know, “I know

he’ll not tolerate this C, but it’ll be good for him. And I promise

you, if he wants to be, he will be President someday.”

People in Bill Clinton’s life have always expected him to

succeed — and, more than that, they wanted him to succeed. And

meeting those expectations took more than charm and intellect —

it took hard work and drive and determination and optimism. And

after all, you’ve got to be optimistic to give six months of your life

running the McGovern campaign in Texas.

He won his ﬁ rst statewide ofﬁ ce at age 30, sworn in as

governor at 32. He was a ﬁ ve-time governor of Arkansas, the ﬁ rst

man from that state to become the President. He’s also the ﬁ rst

man in his party since Franklin Roosevelt to win a second term in

the White House. And I could tell you more of the story, but it’s

coming out in ﬁ ne bookstores all over America.

At every stage in the extraordinary rise of Bill Clinton, from

the little ranch house on Scully Street to 1600 Pennsylvania

Avenue, he and Roger had a wonderful, loving mother. And I am

certain that Virginia Kelley would be ﬁ lled with incredible pride

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this morning.

And so would Hugh Rodham, Senior. Mr. Rodham did have

the joy of seeing his only daughter become America’s First Lady.

And I know he would not be surprised to see her as she is today, an

elected United States Senator, and a woman greatly admired in our

country. From the earliest days of her youth in Park Ridge, Illinois,

Hillary Rodham impressed her family and friends as a person of

great ability and serious purpose. At Maine Township High School

South, at Wellesley College, and at Yale Law School, classmates

saw her not just an achiever, but as a role model and as a leader.

She inspires respect and loyalty from those who know her, and it

was a good day in both their lives when they met at the library at

Yale Law School Library.

Hillary’s commitment to public service continued when she

left this house. Listen, New York politics is a serious business —

it’s rough business. It takes an extraordinary person to campaign

and win the United States Senate. She has proven herself more

equal to the challenge. And she takes an interesting spot on

American history today, for she is the only sitting senator whose

portrait hangs in the White House.

The paintings of the Clintons are the work of a ﬁ ne American

artist, Simmie Knox. Mr. Knox has rendered portraits of a Supreme

Court Justice, a Cabinet minister, a mayor and members of

Congress. And today we thank him for putting his skilled hand to

the portraits that are about to be unveiled.

More than 40 years have passed since a boy of 16 came

here to the White House with a group from the American Legion

Boys Nation. On that day in the summer of 1963, Bill Clinton of

Arkansas looked into the face of John F. Kennedy, and left the

Rose Garden feeling very proud that he had shaken the hand of a

President. Today he can be even prouder of decades of service, and

effort, and perseverance that brought him back to this place as the

42nd President of the United States.

My congratulations to you both. And now will you to join me

on stage for the presentation.

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ADDRESS TO THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION

MADISON SQUARE GARDEN

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

SEPTEMBER 2, 2004

Thank you all. Mr. Chairman — Mr. Chairman, delegates,

fellow citizens: I am honored by your support, and I accept your

nomination for President of the United States.

When I — when I said those words four years ago, none of us

could have envisioned what these years would bring. In the heart of

this great city, we saw tragedy arrive on a quiet morning. We saw

the bravery of rescuers grow with danger. We learned of passengers

on a doomed plane who died with a courage that frightened their

killers. We have seen a shaken economy rise to its feet. And we

have seen Americans in uniform storming mountain strongholds,

and charging through sandstorms, and liberating millions, with acts

of valor that would make the men of Normandy proud.

Since 2001, Americans have been given hills to climb, and

found the strength to climb them. Now, because we have made the

hard journey, we can see the valley below. Now, because we have

faced challenges with resolve, we have historic goals within our

reach, and greatness in our future. We will build a safer world and a

more hopeful America — and nothing will hold us back.

In the work we have done, and the work we will do, I am

fortunate to have a superb Vice President. I have counted on Dick

Cheney’s calm and steady judgment in difﬁ cult days, and I am

honored to have him at my side.

I am grateful to share my walk in life with Laura Bush.

Americans — Americans have come to see the goodness and

kindness and strength I ﬁ rst saw 26 years ago, and we love our First

Lady.

I’m a fortunate father of two spirited, intelligent, and lovely

young women. I’m blessed with a sister and brothers who are my

closest friends. And I will always be the proud and grateful son of

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George and Barbara Bush.

My father served eight years at the side of another great

American — Ronald Reagan. His spirit of optimism and goodwill

and decency are in this hall, and are in our hearts, and will always

deﬁ ne our party.

Two months from today, voters will make a choice based on

the records we have built, the convictions we hold, and the vision

that guides us forward. A presidential election is a contest for the

future. Tonight I will tell you where I stand, what I believe, and

where I will lead this country in the next four years.

I believe — I believe every child can learn, and every school

must teach — so we passed the most important federal education

reform in history. Because we acted, children are making sustained

progress in reading and math, America’s schools are getting better,

and nothing will hold us back.

I believe we have a moral responsibility to honor America’s

seniors — so I brought Republicans and Democrats together to

strengthen Medicare. Now seniors are getting immediate help

buying medicine. Soon every senior will be able to get prescription

drug coverage, and nothing will hold us back.

I believe in the energy and innovative spirit of America’s

workers, entrepreneurs, farmers, and ranchers — so we unleashed

that energy with the largest tax relief in a generation. Because

we acted, our economy is growing again, and creating jobs, and

nothing will hold us back.

I believe the most solemn duty of the American President is

to protect the American people. If America shows uncertainty or

weakness in this decade, the world will drift toward tragedy. This

will not happen on my watch.

I’m running for President with a clear and positive plan to

build a safer world, and a more hopeful America. I’m running with

a compassionate conservative philosophy: that government should

help people improve their lives, not try to run their lives. I believe

this nation wants steady, consistent, principled leadership — and

that is why, with your help, we will win this election. The story of

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America is the story of expanding liberty: an ever-widening circle,

constantly growing to reach further and include more. Our nation’s

founding commitment is still our deepest commitment: In our

world, and here at home, we will extend the frontiers of freedom.

The times in which we live and work are changing

dramatically. The workers of our parents’ generation typically

had one job, one skill, one career, often with one company that

provided health care and a pension. And most of those workers

were men. Today, workers change jobs, even careers, many times

during their lives, and in one of the most dramatic shifts our

society has seen, two-thirds of all moms also work outside the

home.

This changed world can be a time of great opportunity for all

Americans to earn a better living, support your family, and have a

rewarding career. And government must take your side. Many of

our most fundamental systems — the tax code, health coverage,

pension plans, worker training — were created for the world of

yesterday, not tomorrow. We will transform these systems so that

all citizens are equipped, prepared — and thus truly free — to

make your own choices and pursue your own dreams.

My plan begins with providing the security and opportunity

of a growing economy. We now compete in a global market that

provides new buyers for our goods, but new competition for

our workers. To create more jobs in America, America must be

the best place in the world to do business. To create jobs, my

plan will encourage investment and expansion by restraining

federal spending, reducing regulation, and making the tax

relief permanent. To create jobs, we will make our country less

dependent on foreign sources of energy. To create jobs, we will

expand trade and level the playing ﬁ eld to sell American goods

and services across the globe. And we must protect small business

owners and workers from the explosion of frivolous lawsuits that

threaten jobs across America.

Another drag on our economy is the current tax code, which

is a complicated mess — ﬁ lled with special interest loopholes,

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saddling our people with more than six billion hours of paperwork

and headache every year. The American people deserve — and our

economic future demands — a simpler, fairer, pro-growth system.

In a new term, I will lead a bipartisan effort to reform and simplify

the federal tax code.

Another priority in a new term will be to help workers take

advantage of the expanding economy to ﬁ nd better and higher-

paying jobs. In this time of change, many workers want to go back

to school to learn different or higher-level skills. So we will double

the number of people served by our principal job training program

and increase funding for our community colleges. I know that

with the right skills, American workers can compete with anyone,

anywhere in the world.

In this time of change, opportunity in some communities is

more distant than in others. To stand with workers in poor

communities — and those that have lost manufacturing, textile, and

other jobs — we will create American opportunity zones. In these

areas, we will provide tax relief and other incentives to attract new

business, and improve housing and job training to bring hope and

work throughout all of America.

As I’ve traveled the country, I’ve met many workers and small

business owners who have told me they are worried they cannot

afford health care. More than half of the uninsured are small

business employees and their families. In a new term, we must

allow small ﬁ rms to join together to purchase insurance at the

discounts available to big companies.

We will offer a tax credit to encourage small businesses and

their employees to set up health savings accounts, and provide

direct help for low-income Americans to purchase them. These

accounts give workers the security of insurance against major

illness, the opportunity to save tax-free for routine health expenses,

and the freedom of knowing you can take your account with you

whenever you change jobs. We will provide low-income Americans

with better access to health care: In a new term, I will ensure every

poor county in America has a community or rural health center.

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As I have traveled our country, I have met too many good

doctors, especially OB/GYNS, who are being forced out of practice

because of the high cost of lawsuits. To make health care more

affordable and accessible, we must pass medical liability reform

now. And in all we do to improve health care in America, we will

make sure that health decisions are made by doctors and patients,

not by bureaucrats in Washington, D.C.

In this time of change, government must take the side of

working families. In a new term, we will change outdated labor

laws to offer comp-time and ﬂ ex-time. Our laws should never stand

in the way of a more family-friendly workplace.

Another priority for a new term is to build an ownership

society, because ownership brings security, and dignity, and

independence.

Thanks to our policies, homeownership in America is at an

all-time high. Tonight we set a new goal: seven million more

affordable homes in the next 10 years so more American families

will be able to open the door and say: Welcome to my home.

In an ownership society, more people will own their health

care plans, and have the conﬁ dence of owning a piece of their

retirement. We’ll always keep the promise of Social Security

for our older workers. With the huge Baby Boom generation

approaching retirement, many of our children and grandchildren

understandably worry whether Social Security will be there when

they need it. We must strengthen Social Security by allowing

younger workers to save some of their taxes in a personal account

— a nest egg you can call your own, and government can never

take away.

In all these proposals, we seek to provide not just a government

program, but a path — a path to greater opportunity, more freedom,

and more control over your own life.

And the path begins with our youngest Americans. To build a

more hopeful America, we must help our children reach as far as

their vision and character can take them. Tonight, I remind every

parent and every teacher, I say to every child: No matter what your

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circumstance, no matter where you live, your school will be the

path to promise of America.

We are transforming our schools by raising standards and

focusing on results. We are insisting on accountability, empowering

parents and teachers, and making sure that local people are in

charge of their schools. By testing every child, we are identifying

those who need help — and we are providing a record level of

funding to get them that help. In northeast Georgia, Gainesville

Elementary School is mostly Hispanic and 90 percent poor — and

this year 90 percent of the students passed state tests in reading and

math. The principal — the principal expresses the philosophy of

his school this way: “We don’t focus on what we can’t do at this

school; we focus on what we can do. And we do whatever it takes

to get kids across the ﬁ nish line.” See, this principal is challenging

the soft bigotry of low expectations. And that is the spirit of

our education reform, and the commitment of our country: No

dejaremos a ningn nio atrs. We will leave no child behind.

We are making progress — we are making progress, and there

is more to do.

In this time of change, most new jobs are ﬁ lled by people with

at least two years of college, yet only about one in four students

gets there. In our high schools, we will fund early intervention

programs to help students at risk. We will place a new focus on

math and science. As we make progress, we will require a rigorous

exam before graduation. By raising performance in our high

schools, and expanding Pell grants for low and middle income

families, we will help more Americans start their career with a

college diploma.

America’s children must also have a healthy start in life. In

a new term, we will lead an aggressive effort to enroll millions

of poor children who are eligible but not signed up for the

government’s health insurance programs. We will not allow a lack

of attention, or information, to stand between these children and

the health care they need.

Anyone who wants more details on my agenda can ﬁ nd them

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online. The web address is not very imaginative, but it’s easy to

remember: GeorgeWBush.com.

These changing times can be exciting times of expanded

opportunity. And here, you face a choice. My opponent’s policies

are dramatically different from ours. Senator Kerry opposed

Medicare reform and health savings accounts. After supporting my

education reforms, he now wants to dilute them. He opposes legal

and medical liability reform. He opposed reducing the marriage

penalty, opposed doubling the child credit, opposed lowering

income taxes for all who pay them.

Wait a minute, wait a minute: To be fair, there are some things

my opponent is for. He’s proposed more than two trillion dollars

in new federal spending so far, and that’s a lot, even for a senator

from Massachusetts. And to pay for that spending, he’s running on

a platform of increasing taxes — and that’s the kind of promise a

politician usually keeps.

His tax — his policies of tax and spend — of expanding

government rather than expanding opportunity — are the policies

of the past. We are on the path to the future — and we’re not

turning back.

In this world of change, some things do not change: the values

we try to live by, the institutions that give our lives meaning and

purpose. Our society rests on a foundation of responsibility and

character and family commitment.

Because family and work are sources of stability and dignity,

I support welfare reform that strengthens family and requires

work. Because a caring society will value its weakest members,

we must make a place for the unborn child. Because — because

religious charities provide a safety net of mercy and compassion,

our government must never discriminate against them. Because

the union of a man and woman deserves an honored place in our

society, I support the protection of marriage against activist judges.

And I will continue to appoint federal judges who know the

difference between personal opinion and the strict interpretation of

the law.

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My opponent recently announced that he is the conservative

— the candidate of “conservative values,” which must have come

as a surprise to a lot of his supporters. There’s some problems

with this claim. If you say the heart and soul of America is found

in Hollywood, I’m afraid you’re not the candidate of conservative

values. If you voted against the bipartisan Defense of Marriage

Act, which President Clinton signed, you are not the candidate of

conservative values. If you gave a speech, as my opponent did,

calling the Reagan presidency eight years of “moral darkness,” then

you may be a lot of things, but the candidate of conservative values

is not one of them.

This election will also determine how America responds to the

continuing danger of terrorism — and you know where I stand.

Three days after September the 11th, I stood where Americans died,

in the ruins of the Twin Towers. Workers in hard hats were shouting

to me, “Whatever it takes.” A fellow grabbed me by the arm and

he said, “Do not let me down.” Since that day, I wake up every

morning thinking about how to better protect our country. I will

never relent in defending America, whatever it takes.

So we have fought the terrorists across the earth — not for

pride, not for power, but because the lives of our citizens are at

stake. Our strategy is clear. We have tripled funding for homeland

security and trained a half a million ﬁ rst responders, because we

are determined to protect our homeland. We are transforming our

military and reforming and strengthening our intelligence services.

We are staying on the offensive — striking terrorists abroad — so

we do not have to face them here at home. And we are working

to advance liberty in the broader Middle East, because freedom

will bring a future of hope, and the peace we all want. And we will

prevail.

Our strategy is succeeding.

Four years ago, Afghanistan was the home base of al-Qaeda,

Pakistan was a transit point for terrorist groups, Saudi Arabia was

fertile ground for terrorist fundraising, Libya was secretly pursuing

nuclear weapons, Iraq was a gathering threat, and al-Qaeda was

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largely unchallenged as it planned attacks. Today, the government

of a free Afghanistan is ﬁ ghting terror, Pakistan is capturing

terrorist leaders, Saudi Arabia is making raids and arrests, Libya

is dismantling its weapons programs, the army of a free Iraq is

ﬁ ghting for freedom, and more than three-quarters of al-Qaeda’s

key members and associates have been detained or killed. We

have led, many have joined, and America and the world are safer.

This progress involved careful diplomacy, clear moral

purpose, and some tough decisions. And the toughest came on

Iraq. We knew Saddam Hussein’s record of aggression and support

for terror. We knew his long history of pursuing, even using,

weapons of mass destruction. And we know that September the

11th requires our country to think differently: We must, and we

will, confront threats to America before it is too late.

In Saddam Hussein, we saw a threat. Members of both

political parties, including my opponent and his running mate,

saw the threat, and voted to authorize the use of force. We went to

the United Nations Security Council, which passed a unanimous

resolution demanding the dictator disarm, or face serious

consequences. Leaders in the Middle East urged him to comply.

After more than a decade of diplomacy, we gave Saddam Hussein

another chance, a ﬁ nal chance, to meet his responsibilities to the

civilized world. He again refused, and I faced the kind of decision

that comes only to the Oval Ofﬁ ce — a decision no president

would ask for, but must be prepared to make. Do I forget the

lessons of September the 11th and take the word of a madman, or

do I take action to defend our country? Faced with that choice, I

will defend America every time.

Because we acted to defend our country, the murderous

regimes of Saddam Hussein and the Taliban are history, more than

50 million people have been liberated, and democracy is coming

to the broader Middle East. In Afghanistan, terrorists have done

everything they can to intimidate people — yet more than 10

million citizens have registered to vote in the October presidential

election — a resounding endorsement for democracy. Despite

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ongoing acts of violence, Iraq now has a strong Prime Minister, a

national council, and national elections are scheduled for January.

Our nation is standing with the people of Afghanistan and Iraq,

because when America gives its word, America must keep its

word.

As importantly, we are serving a vital and historic cause that

will make our country safer. Free societies in the Middle East will

be hopeful societies, which no longer feed resentments and breed

violence for export. Free governments in the Middle East will ﬁ ght

terrorists instead of harboring them, and that helps us keep the

peace. So our mission in Afghanistan and Iraq is clear: We will

help new leaders to train their armies, and move toward elections,

and get on the path of stability and democracy as quickly as

possible. And then our troops will return home with the honor they

have earned.

Our troops know the historic importance of our work. One

Army Specialist wrote home: “We are transforming a once sick

society into a hopeful place. The various terrorist enemies we are

facing in Iraq,” he continued, “are really aiming at you back in the

United States. This is a test of will for our country. We soldiers

of yours are doing great and scoring victories and confronting the

evil terrorists.”

That young man is right — our men and women in uniform

are doing a superb job for America. Tonight I want to speak to

all of them, and to their families: You are involved in a struggle

of historic proportion. Because of your service and sacriﬁ ce, we

are defeating the terrorists where they live and plan, and you’re

making America safer. Because of you, women in Afghanistan

are no longer shot in a sports stadium. Because of you, the people

of Iraq no longer fear being executed and left in mass graves.

Because of you, the world is more just and will be more peaceful.

We owe you our thanks, and we owe you something more. We will

give you all the resources, all the tools, and all the support you

need for victory.

Again, my opponent and I have different approaches. I

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proposed, and the Congress overwhelmingly passed, $87 billion in

funding needed by our troops doing battle in Afghanistan and Iraq.

My opponent and his running mate voted against this money for

bullets, and fuel, and vehicles, and body armor.

When asked to explain his vote, the Senator said, “I actually

did vote for the 87 billion dollars before I voted against it.”

Then he said he was “proud” of that vote. Then, when pressed,

he said it was a “complicated” matter. There’s nothing complicated

about supporting our troops in combat.

Our allies also know the historic importance of our work.

About 40 nations stand beside us in Afghanistan, and some 30

in Iraq. And I deeply appreciate the courage and wise counsel of

leaders like Prime Minister Howard, and President Kwasniewski,

and Prime Minister Berlusconi — and, of course, Prime Minister

Tony Blair.

Again, my opponent takes a different approach. In the midst

of war, he has called American allies, quote, a “coalition of the

coerced and the bribed.” That would be nations like Great Britain,

Poland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Denmark, El Salvador,

Australia, and others — allies that deserve the respect of all

Americans, not the scorn of a politician. I respect every soldier,

from every country, who serves beside us in the hard work of

history. America is grateful, and America will not forget.

The people we have freed won’t forget either. Not long ago,

seven Iraqi men came to see me in the Oval Ofﬁ ce. They had X’s

branded into their foreheads, and their right hands had been cut

off, by Saddam Hussein’s secret police, the sadistic punishment

for imaginary crimes. During our emotional visit one of the Iraqi

men used his new prosthetic hand to slowly write out, in Arabic,

a prayer for God to bless America. I am proud that our country

remains the hope of the oppressed, and the greatest force for good

on this earth.

Others understand the historic importance of our work. The

terrorists know. They know that a vibrant, successful democracy at

the heart of the Middle East will discredit their radical ideology of

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hate. They know that men and women with hope and purpose and

dignity do not strap bombs on their bodies and kill the innocent.

The terrorists are ﬁ ghting freedom with all their cunning and

cruelty because freedom is their greatest fear — and they should

be afraid, because freedom is on the march.

I believe in the transformational power of liberty: The wisest

use of American strength is to advance freedom. As the citizens of

Afghanistan and Iraq seize the moment, their example will send a

message of hope throughout a vital region. Palestinians will hear

the message that democracy and reform are within their reach,

and so is peace with our good friend, Israel. Young women across

the Middle East will hear the message that their day of equality

and justice is coming. Young men will hear the message that

national progress and dignity are found in liberty, not tyranny and

terror. Reformers, and political prisoners, and exiles will hear the

message that their dream of freedom cannot be denied forever. And

as freedom advances — heart by heart, and nation by nation —

America will be more secure and the world more peaceful.

America has done this kind of work before — and there

have always been doubters. In 1946, 18 months after the fall of

Berlin to Allied forces, a journalist wrote in the New York Times,

“Germany is — a land in an acute stage of economic, political and

moral crisis. [European] capitals are frightened. In every [military]

headquarters, one meets alarmed ofﬁ cials doing their utmost to deal

with the consequences of the occupation policy that they admit has

failed.” End quote. Maybe that same person is still around, writing

editorials. Fortunately, we had a resolute president named Truman,

who, with the American people, persevered, knowing that a new

democracy at the center of Europe would lead to stability and

peace. And because that generation of Americans held ﬁ rm in the

cause of liberty, we live in a better and safer world today.

The progress we and our friends and allies seek in the broader

Middle East will not come easily, or all at once. Yet Americans,

of all people, should never be surprised by the power of liberty

to transform lives and nations. That power brought settlers on

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perilous journeys, inspired colonies to rebellion, ended the sin of

slavery, and set our nation against the tyrannies of the 20th century.

We were honored to aid the rise of democracy in Germany and

Japan and Nicaragua and Central Europe and the Baltics — and

that noble story goes on. I believe that America is called to lead

the cause of freedom in a new century. I believe that millions in

the Middle East plead in silence for their liberty. I believe that

given the chance, they will embrace the most honorable form of

government ever devised by man. I believe all these things because

freedom is not America’s gift to the world, it is the almighty God’s

gift to every man and woman in this world.

This moment in the life of our country will be remembered.

Generations will know if we kept our faith and kept our word.

Generations will know if we seized this moment, and used it to

build a future of safety and peace. The freedom of many, and the

future security of our nation, now depend on us. And tonight, my

fellow Americans, I ask you to stand with me.

In the last four years, you and I have come to know each other.

Even when we don’t agree, at least you know what I believe and

where I stand. You may have noticed I have a few ﬂ aws, too.

People sometimes have to correct my English. I knew I had a

problem when Arnold Schwarzenegger started doing it. Some

folks look at me and see a certain swagger, which in Texas is called

“walking.” Now and then I come across as a little too blunt — and

for that we can all thank the white-haired lady sitting right up there.

One thing — one thing I have learned about the presidency is

that whatever shortcomings you have, people are going to notice

them, and whatever strengths you have, you’re going to need them.

These four years have brought moments I could not foresee and

will not forget. I’ve tried to comfort Americans who lost the most

on September the 11th — people who showed me a picture or

told me a story, so I would know how much was taken from them.

I’ve learned ﬁ rst-hand that ordering Americans into battle is the

hardest decision, even when it is right. I have returned the salute

of wounded soldiers, some with a very tough road ahead, who say

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they were just doing their job. I’ve held the children of the fallen,

who are told their dad or mom is a hero, but would rather just have

their mom or dad.

I’ve met with the wives and husbands who have received a

folded ﬂ ag, and said a ﬁ nal goodbye to a soldier they loved. I am

awed that so many have used those meetings to say that I’m in their

prayers and to offer encouragement to me. Where does strength like

that come from? How can people so burdened with sorrow also feel

such pride? It is because they know their loved one was last seen

doing good. Because they know that liberty was precious to the one

they lost. And in those military families, I have seen the character

of a great nation: decent, idealistic, and strong.

The world saw that spirit three miles from here, when the

people of this city faced peril together, and lifted a ﬂ ag over

the ruins, and deﬁ ed the enemy with their courage. My fellow

Americans, for as long as our country stands, people will look to

the resurrection of New York City and they will say: Here buildings

fell, here a nation rose.

We see America’s character in our military, which ﬁ nds a

way or makes one. We see it in our veterans, who are supporting

military families in their days of worry. We see it in our young

people, who have found heroes once again. We see that character

in workers and entrepreneurs, who are renewing our economy with

their effort and optimism. And all of this has conﬁ rmed one belief

beyond doubt: Having come this far, our tested and conﬁ dent nation

can achieve anything.

To everything we know there is a season — a time for sadness,

a time for struggle, a time for rebuilding. And now we have reached

a time for hope. This young century will be liberty’s century.

By promoting liberty abroad, we will build a safer world. By

encouraging liberty at home, we will build a more hopeful America.

Like generations before us, we have a calling from beyond the stars

to stand for freedom. This is the everlasting dream of America —

and tonight, in this place, that dream is

renewed. Now we go forward — grateful for our freedom, faithful

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to our cause, and conﬁ dent in the future of the greatest nation on

earth.

God bless you, and may God continue to bless our great

country.

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THE SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FROM WEST FRONT, THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 20, 2005

Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter,

President Bush, President Clinton, reverend clergy, distinguished

guests, fellow citizens:

On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we

celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the

deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the

honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we

live, and determined to fulﬁ ll the oath that I have sworn and you

have witnessed.

At this second gathering, our duties are deﬁ ned not by the

words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half

century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on

distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of

relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical - and then there

came a day of ﬁ re.

We have seen our vulnerability - and we have seen its deepest

source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in

resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and

excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive

power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal

threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of

hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and

reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of

human freedom.

We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion:

The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the

success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our

world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.

America’s vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one.

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From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man

and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless

value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and

earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative

of self-government, because no one is ﬁ t to be a master, and no one

deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that

created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers.

Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the

calling of our time.

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the

growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation

and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend

ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary.

Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens,

and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities.

And when the soul of a nation ﬁ nally speaks, the institutions that

arise may reﬂ ect customs and traditions very different from our

own. America will not impose our own style of government on the

unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others ﬁ nd their own voice,

attain their own freedom, and make their own way.

The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work

of generations. The difﬁ culty of the task is no excuse for avoiding

it. America’s inﬂ uence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the

oppressed, America’s inﬂ uence is considerable, and we will use it

conﬁ dently in freedom’s cause.

My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people

against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely

chosen to test America’s resolve, and have found it ﬁ rm.

We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and

every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is

always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will

not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women

welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being

aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.

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We will encourage reform in other governments by making

clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment

of their own people. America’s belief in human dignity will guide

our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions

of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation

of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without

freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.

Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty -

though this time in history, four decades deﬁ ned by the swiftest

advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans,

of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals.

Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every

soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because

we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will

come to those who love it.

Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:

All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United

States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors.

When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.

Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can

know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your

free country.

The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as

Abraham Lincoln did: “Those who deny freedom to others deserve

it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long

retain it.”

The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to

know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on

this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your

side.

And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor

your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your

help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom’s

enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy

is a prelude to our enemies’ defeat.

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Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens:

From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of

securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our

country has accepted obligations that are difﬁ cult to fulﬁ ll, and

would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in

the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have

achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more

will ﬁ nd it. By our efforts, we have lit a ﬁ re as well - a ﬁ re in the

minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those

who ﬁ ght its progress, and one day this untamed ﬁ re of freedom

will reach the darkest corners of our world.

A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause

- in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy ... the idealistic

work of helping raise up free governments ... the dangerous and

necessary work of ﬁ ghting our enemies. Some have shown their

devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives -

and we will always honor their names and their sacriﬁ ce.

All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the

ﬁ rst time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of

your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined

faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is

real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause

larger than your wants, larger than yourself - and in your days you

will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.

America has need of idealism and courage, because we have

essential work at home - the unﬁ nished work of American freedom.

In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the

meaning and promise of liberty.

In America’s ideal of freedom, citizens ﬁ nd the dignity and

security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the

edge of subsistence. This is the broader deﬁ nition of liberty that

motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I.

Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming

great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every

American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will

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bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership

society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses,

retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for

the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an

agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans

greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more

prosperous and just and equal.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on

private character - on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and

the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in

the end, on the governing of the self. That ediﬁ ce of character is

built in families, supported by communities with standards, and

sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon

on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of

our people. Americans move forward in every generation by

reafﬁ rming all that is good and true that came before - ideals of

justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.

In America’s ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is

ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty

for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation

relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround

the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in

one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted

have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism,

because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage

of bigotry at the same time.

From the perspective of a single day, including this day of

dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many.

From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us

are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of

freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?

These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans

of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth,

are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known

divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes

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- and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions

do not deﬁ ne America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our

nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came

like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same

unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims

of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the

captives are set free.

We go forward with complete conﬁ dence in the eventual

triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of

inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because

we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as

He wills. We have conﬁ dence because freedom is the permanent

hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the

soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when

soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when

citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner “Freedom

Now” - they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be

fulﬁ lled. History has an ebb and ﬂ ow of justice, but history also has

a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.

When the Declaration of Independence was ﬁ rst read in public

and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, “It

rang as if it meant something.” In our time it means something still.

America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the

world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength -

tested, but not weary - we are ready for the greatest achievements

in the history of freedom.

May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States

of America.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 109TH CONGRESS

THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

FEBRUARY. 2, 2005

Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress,

fellow citizens:

As a new Congress gathers, all of us in the elected branches

of government share a great privilege: We’ve been placed in

ofﬁ ce by the votes of the people we serve. And tonight that is a

privilege we share with newly-elected leaders of Afghanistan, the

Palestinian Territories, Ukraine, and a free and sovereign Iraq.

Two weeks ago, I stood on the steps of this Capitol and

renewed the commitment of our nation to the guiding ideal of

liberty for all. This evening I will set forth policies to advance that

ideal at home and around the world.

Tonight, with a healthy, growing economy, with more

Americans going back to work, with our nation an active force for

good in the world — the state of our union is conﬁ dent and strong.

Our generation has been blessed — by the expansion of

opportunity, by advances in medicine, by the security purchased

by our parents’ sacriﬁ ce. Now, as we see a little gray in the mirror

— or a lot of gray — and we watch our children moving into

adulthood, we ask the question: What will be the state of their

union? Members of Congress, the choices we make together will

answer that question. Over the next several months, on issue after

issue, let us do what Americans have always done, and build a

better world for our children and our grandchildren.

First, we must be good stewards of this economy, and renew

the great institutions on which millions of our fellow citizens

rely. America’s economy is the fastest growing of any major

industrialized nation. In the past four years, we provided tax relief

to every person who pays income taxes, overcome a recession,

opened up new markets abroad, prosecuted corporate criminals,

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raised homeownership to its highest level in history, and in the

last year alone, the United States has added 2.3 million new jobs.

When action was needed, the Congress delivered — and the nation

is grateful.

Now we must add to these achievements. By making our

economy more ﬂ exible, more innovative, and more competitive,

we will keep America the economic leader of the world.

America’s prosperity requires restraining the spending appetite

of the federal government. I welcome the bipartisan enthusiasm

for spending discipline. I will send you a budget that holds the

growth of discretionary spending below inﬂ ation, makes tax

relief permanent, and stays on track to cut the deﬁ cit in half by

2009. My budget substantially reduces or eliminates more than

150 government programs that are not getting results, or duplicate

current efforts, or do not fulﬁ ll essential priorities. The principle

here is clear: Taxpayer dollars must be spent wisely, or not at all.

To make our economy stronger and more dynamic, we must

prepare a rising generation to ﬁ ll the jobs of the 21st century. Under

the No Child Left Behind Act, standards are higher, test scores are

on the rise, and we’re closing the achievement gap for minority

students. Now we must demand better results from our high

schools, so every high school diploma is a ticket to success. We

will help an additional 200,000 workers to get training for a better

career, by reforming our job training system and strengthening

America’s community colleges. And we’ll make it easier for

Americans to afford a college education, by increasing the size of

Pell Grants.

To make our economy stronger and more competitive, America

must reward, not punish, the efforts and dreams of entrepreneurs.

Small business is the path of advancement, especially for women

and minorities, so we must free small businesses from needless

regulation and protect honest job-creators from junk lawsuits.

Justice is distorted, and our economy is held back by irresponsible

class-actions and frivolous asbestos claims — and I urge Congress

to pass legal reforms this year.

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To make our economy stronger and more productive, we must

make health care more affordable, and give families greater access

to good coverage and more control over their health decisions. I

ask Congress to move forward on a comprehensive health care

agenda with tax credits to help low-income workers buy insurance,

a community health center in every poor county, improved

information technology to prevent medical error and needless

costs, association health plans for small businesses and their

employees expanded health savings accounts and medical liability

reform that will reduce health care costs and make sure patients

have the doctors and care they need.

To keep our economy growing, we also need reliable supplies

of affordable, environmentally responsible energy. Nearly four

years ago, I submitted a comprehensive energy strategy that

encourages conservation, alternative sources, a modernized

electricity grid, and more production here at home — including

safe, clean nuclear energy. My Clear Skies legislation will cut

power plant pollution and improve the health of our citizens. And

my budget provides strong funding for leading-edge technology

— from hydrogen-fueled cars, to clean coal, to renewable sources

such as ethanol. Four years of debate is enough: I urge Congress

to pass legislation that makes America more secure and less

dependent on foreign energy.

All these proposals are essential to expand this economy

and add new jobs — but they are just the beginning of our duty.

To build the prosperity of future generations, we must update

institutions that were created to meet the needs of an earlier time.

Year after year, Americans are burdened by an archaic, incoherent

federal tax code. I’ve appointed a bipartisan panel to examine the

tax code from top to bottom. And when their recommendations are

delivered, you and I will work together to give this nation a tax

code that is pro-growth, easy to understand, and fair to all.

America’s immigration system is also outdated — unsuited

to the needs of our economy and to the values of our country. We

should not be content with laws that punish hardworking people

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who want only to provide for their families, and deny businesses

willing workers, and invite chaos at our border. It is time for an

immigration policy that permits temporary guest workers to ﬁ ll jobs

Americans will not take, that rejects amnesty, that tells us who is

entering and leaving our country, and that closes the border to drug

dealers and terrorists.

One of America’s most important institutions — a symbol

of the trust between generations — is also in need of wise and

effective reform. Social Security was a great moral success of the

20th century, and we must honor its great purposes in this new

century. The system, however, on its current path, is headed toward

bankruptcy. And so we must join together to strengthen and save

Social Security.

Today, more than 45 million Americans receive Social Security

beneﬁ ts, and millions more are nearing retirement — and for them

the system is sound and ﬁ scally strong. I have a message for every

American who is 55 or older: Do not let anyone mislead you; for

you, the Social Security system will not change in any way. For

younger workers, the Social Security system has serious problems

that will grow worse with time. Social Security was created decades

ago, for a very different era. In those days, people did not live as

long. Beneﬁ ts were much lower than they are today. And a half-

century ago, about sixteen workers paid into the system for each

person drawing beneﬁ ts.

Our society has changed in ways the founders of Social Security

could not have foreseen. In today’s world, people are living longer

and, therefore, drawing beneﬁ ts longer. And those beneﬁ ts are

scheduled to rise dramatically over the next few decades. And

instead of sixteen workers paying in for every beneﬁ ciary, right

now it’s only about three workers. And over the next few decades

that number will fall to just two workers per beneﬁ ciary. With each

passing year, fewer workers are paying ever-higher beneﬁ ts to an

ever-larger number of retirees.

So here is the result: Thirteen years from now, in 2018, Social

Security will be paying out more than it takes in. And every year

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afterward will bring a new shortfall, bigger than the year before.

For example, in the year 2027, the government will somehow have

to come up with an extra $200 billion to keep the system aﬂ oat

— and by 2033, the annual shortfall would be more than $300

billion. By the year 2042, the entire system would be exhausted

and bankrupt. If steps are not taken to avert that outcome, the

only solutions would be dramatically higher taxes, massive new

borrowing, or sudden and severe cuts in Social Security beneﬁ ts or

other government programs.

I recognize that 2018 and 2042 may seem a long way off. But

those dates are not so distant, as any parent will tell you. If you

have a ﬁ ve-year-old, you’re already concerned about how you’ll

pay for college tuition 13 years down the road. If you’ve got

children in their 20s, as some of us do, the idea of Social Security

collapsing before they retire does not seem like a small matter. And

it should not be a small matter to the United States Congress. You

and I share a responsibility. We must pass reforms that solve the

ﬁ nancial problems of Social Security once and for all.

Fixing Social Security permanently will require an open,

candid review of the options. Some have suggested limiting

beneﬁ ts for wealthy retirees. Former Congressman Tim Penny

has raised the possibility of indexing beneﬁ ts to prices rather than

wages. During the 1990s, my predecessor, President Clinton, spoke

of increasing the retirement age. Former Senator John Breaux

suggested discouraging early collection of Social Security beneﬁ ts.

The late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan recommended changing

the way beneﬁ ts are calculated. All these ideas are on the table.

I know that none of these reforms would be easy. But we have

to move ahead with courage and honesty, because our children’s

retirement security is more important than partisan politics. I

will work with members of Congress to ﬁ nd the most effective

combination of reforms. I will listen to anyone who has a good idea

to offer. We must, however, be guided by some basic principles.

We must make Social Security permanently sound, not leave that

task for another day. We must not jeopardize our economic strength

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by increasing payroll taxes. We must ensure that lower-income

Americans get the help they need to have dignity and peace of

mind in their retirement. We must guarantee there is no change for

those now retired or nearing retirement. And we must take care

that any changes in the system are gradual, so younger workers

have years to prepare and plan for their future.

As we ﬁ x Social Security, we also have the responsibility to

make the system a better deal for younger workers. And the best

way to reach that goal is through voluntary personal retirement

accounts. Here is how the idea works. Right now, a set portion of

the money you earn is taken out of your paycheck to pay for the

Social Security beneﬁ ts of today’s retirees. If you’re a younger

worker, I believe you should be able to set aside part of that

money in your own retirement account, so you can build a nest

egg for your own future.

Here’s why the personal accounts are a better deal. Your

money will grow, over time, at a greater rate than anything the

current system can deliver — and your account will provide

money for retirement over and above the check you will receive

from Social Security. In addition, you’ll be able to pass along the

money that accumulates in your personal account, if you wish, to

your children and — or grandchildren. And best of all, the money

in the account is yours, and the government can never take it away.

The goal here is greater security in retirement, so we will set

careful guidelines for personal accounts. We’ll make sure the

money can only go into a conservative mix of bonds and stock

funds. We’ll make sure that your earnings are not eaten up by

hidden Wall Street fees. We’ll make sure there are good options

to protect your investments from sudden market swings on the

eve of your retirement. We’ll make sure a personal account

cannot be emptied out all at once, but rather paid out over time,

as an addition to traditional Social Security beneﬁ ts. And we’ll

make sure this plan is ﬁ scally responsible, by starting personal

retirement accounts gradually, and raising the yearly limits on

contributions over time, eventually permitting all workers to set

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aside four percentage points of their payroll taxes in their accounts.

Personal retirement accounts should be familiar to federal

employees, because you already have something similar, called

the Thrift Savings Plan, which lets workers deposit a portion of

their paychecks into any of ﬁ ve different broadly-based investment

funds. It’s time to extend the same security, and choice, and

ownership to young Americans.

Our second great responsibility to our children and

grandchildren is to honor and to pass along the values that sustain a

free society. So many of my generation, after a long journey, have

come home to family and faith, and are determined to bring up

responsible, moral children. Government is not the source of these

values, but government should never undermine them.

Because marriage is a sacred institution and the foundation

of society, it should not be re-deﬁ ned by activist judges. For the

good of families, children, and society, I support a constitutional

amendment to protect the institution of marriage.

Because a society is measured by how it treats the weak and

vulnerable, we must strive to build a culture of life. Medical

research can help us reach that goal, by developing treatments and

cures that save lives and help people overcome disabilities — and

I thank the Congress for doubling the funding of the National

Institutes of Health. To build a culture of life, we must also ensure

that scientiﬁ c advances always serve human dignity, not take

advantage of some lives for the beneﬁ t of others. We should all be

able to agree on some clear standards. I will work with Congress

to ensure that human embryos are not created for experimentation

or grown for body parts, and that human life is never bought and

sold as a commodity. America will continue to lead the world in

medical research that is ambitious, aggressive, and always ethical.

Because courts must always deliver impartial justice, judges

have a duty to faithfully interpret the law, not legislate from the

bench. As President, I have a constitutional responsibility to

nominate men and women who understand the role of courts in

our democracy, and are well-qualiﬁ ed to serve on the bench —

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and I have done so. The Constitution also gives the Senate a

responsibility: Every judicial nominee deserves an up or down

vote.

Because one of the deepest values of our country is

compassion, we must never turn away from any citizen who feels

isolated from the opportunities of America. Our government will

continue to support faith-based and community groups that bring

hope to harsh places. Now we need to focus on giving young

people, especially young men in our cities, better options than

apathy, or gangs, or jail. Tonight I propose a three-year initiative

to help organizations keep young people out of gangs, and show

young men an ideal of manhood that respects women and rejects

violence. Taking on gang life will be one part of a broader

outreach to at-risk youth, which involves parents and pastors,

coaches and community leaders, in programs ranging from literacy

to sports. And I am proud that the leader of this nationwide effort

will be our First Lady, Laura Bush.

Because HIV/AIDS brings suffering and fear into so many

lives, I ask you to reauthorize the Ryan White Act to encourage

prevention, and provide care and treatment to the victims of that

disease. And as we update this important law, we must focus

our efforts on fellow citizens with the highest rates of new cases,

African American men and women.

Because one of the main sources of our national unity is

our belief in equal justice, we need to make sure Americans of

all races and backgrounds have conﬁ dence in the system that

provides justice. In America we must make doubly sure no person

is held to account for a crime he or she did not commit — so we

are dramatically expanding the use of DNA evidence to prevent

wrongful conviction. Soon I will send to Congress a proposal to

fund special training for defense counsel in capital cases, because

people on trial for their lives must have competent lawyers by their

side.

Our third responsibility to future generations is to leave them

an America that is safe from danger, and protected by peace. We

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will pass along to our children all the freedoms we enjoy — and

chief among them is freedom from fear.

In the three and a half years since September the 11th, 2001,

we have taken unprecedented actions to protect Americans. We’ve

created a new department of government to defend our homeland,

focused the FBI on preventing terrorism, begun to reform our

intelligence agencies, broken up terror cells across the country,

expanded research on defenses against biological and chemical

attack, improved border security, and trained more than a half-

million ﬁ rst responders. Police and ﬁ reﬁ ghters, air marshals,

researchers, and so many others are working every day to make our

homeland safer, and we thank them all.

Our nation, working with allies and friends, has also confronted

the enemy abroad, with measures that are determined, successful,

and continuing. The al Qaeda terror network that attacked our

country still has leaders — but many of its top commanders have

been removed. There are still governments that sponsor and harbor

terrorists — but their number has declined. There are still regimes

seeking weapons of mass destruction — but no longer without

attention and without consequence. Our country is still the target

of terrorists who want to kill many, and intimidate us all — and we

will stay on the offensive against them, until the ﬁ ght is won.

Pursuing our enemies is a vital commitment of the war on

terror — and I thank the Congress for providing our servicemen

and women with the resources they have needed. During this time

of war, we must continue to support our military and give them the

tools for victory.

Other nations around the globe have stood with us. In

Afghanistan, an international force is helping provide security. In

Iraq, 28 countries have troops on the ground, the United Nations

and the European Union provided technical assistance for the

elections, and NATO is leading a mission to help train Iraqi ofﬁ cers.

We’re cooperating with 60 governments in the Proliferation

Security Initiative, to detect and stop the transit of dangerous

materials. We’re working closely with the governments in Asia to

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convince North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions. Pakistan,

Saudi Arabia, and nine other countries have captured or detained

al Qaeda terrorists. In the next four years, my administration will

continue to build the coalitions that will defeat the dangers of our

time.

In the long-term, the peace we seek will only be achieved by

eliminating the conditions that feed radicalism and ideologies of

murder. If whole regions of the world remain in despair and grow

in hatred, they will be the recruiting grounds for terror, and that

terror will stalk America and other free nations for decades. The

only force powerful enough to stop the rise of tyranny and terror,

and replace hatred with hope, is the force of human freedom. Our

enemies know this, and that is why the terrorist Zarqawi recently

declared war on what he called the “evil principle” of democracy.

And we’ve declared our own intention: America will stand with the

allies of freedom to support democratic movements in the Middle

East and beyond, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our

world.

The United States has no right, no desire, and no intention to

impose our form of government on anyone else. That is one of the

main differences between us and our enemies. They seek to impose

and expand an empire of oppression, in which a tiny group of

brutal, self-appointed rulers control every aspect of every life. Our

aim is to build and preserve a community of free and independent

nations, with governments that answer to their citizens, and reﬂ ect

their own cultures. And because democracies respect their own

people and their neighbors, the advance of freedom will lead to

peace.

That advance has great momentum in our time — shown by

women voting in Afghanistan, and Palestinians choosing a new

direction, and the people of Ukraine asserting their democratic

rights and electing a president. We are witnessing landmark events

in the history of liberty. And in the coming years, we will add to

that story.

The beginnings of reform and democracy in the Palestinian

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territories are now showing the power of freedom to break old

patterns of violence and failure. Tomorrow morning, Secretary

of State Rice departs on a trip that will take her to Israel and the

West Bank for meetings with Prime Minister Sharon and President

Abbas. She will discuss with them how we and our friends can

help the Palestinian people end terror and build the institutions

of a peaceful, independent, democratic state. To promote this

democracy, I will ask Congress for $350 million to support

Palestinian political, economic, and security reforms. The goal of

two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in

peace, is within reach — and America will help them achieve that

goal.

To promote peace and stability in the broader Middle East, the

United States will work with our friends in the region to ﬁ ght the

common threat of terror, while we encourage a higher standard

of freedom. Hopeful reform is already taking hold in an arc from

Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain. The government of Saudi Arabia

can demonstrate its leadership in the region by expanding the

role of its people in determining their future. And the great and

proud nation of Egypt, which showed the way toward peace in

the Middle East, can now show the way toward democracy in the

Middle East.

To promote peace in the broader Middle East, we must

confront regimes that continue to harbor terrorists and pursue

weapons of mass murder. Syria still allows its territory, and

parts of Lebanon, to be used by terrorists who seek to destroy

every chance of peace in the region. You have passed, and we

are applying, the Syrian Accountability Act — and we expect

the Syrian government to end all support for terror and open the

door to freedom. Today, Iran remains the world’s primary state

sponsor of terror — pursuing nuclear weapons while depriving

its people of the freedom they seek and deserve. We are working

with European allies to make clear to the Iranian regime that it

must give up its uranium enrichment program and any plutonium

reprocessing, and end its support for terror. And to the Iranian

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people, I say tonight: As you stand for your own liberty, America

stands with you.

Our generational commitment to the advance of freedom,

especially in the Middle East, is now being tested and honored

in Iraq. That country is a vital front in the war on terror, which is

why the terrorists have chosen to make a stand there. Our men and

women in uniform are ﬁ ghting terrorists in Iraq, so we do not have

to face them here at home. And the victory of freedom in Iraq

will strengthen a new ally in the war on terror, inspire democratic

reformers from Damascus to Tehran, bring more hope and progress

to a troubled region, and thereby lift a terrible threat from the lives

of our children and grandchildren.

We will succeed because the Iraqi people value their own

liberty — as they showed the world last Sunday. Across Iraq, often

at great risk, millions of citizens went to the polls and elected 275

men and women to represent them in a new Transitional National

Assembly. A young woman in Baghdad told of waking to the sound

of mortar ﬁ re on election day, and wondering if it might be too

dangerous to vote. She said, “Hearing those explosions, it occurred

to me — the insurgents are weak, they are afraid of democracy,

they are losing. So I got my husband, and I got my parents, and we

all came out and voted together.”

Americans recognize that spirit of liberty, because we share it.

In any nation, casting your vote is an act of civic responsibility; for

millions of Iraqis, it was also an act of personal courage, and they

have earned the respect of us all.

One of Iraq’s leading democracy and human rights advocates

is Saﬁ a Taleb al-Suhail. She says of her country, “We were

occupied for 35 years by Saddam Hussein. That was the real

occupation. Thank you to the American people who paid the cost,

but most of all, to the soldiers.” Eleven years ago, Saﬁ a’s father

was assassinated by Saddam’s intelligence service. Three days ago

in Baghdad, Saﬁ a was ﬁ nally able to vote for the leaders of her

country — and we are honored that she is with us tonight.

The terrorists and insurgents are violently opposed to

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democracy, and will continue to attack it. Yet, the terrorists’ most

powerful myth is being destroyed. The whole world is seeing

that the car bombers and assassins are not only ﬁ ghting coalition

forces, they are trying to destroy the hopes of Iraqis, expressed in

free elections. And the whole world now knows that a small group

of extremists will not overturn the will of the Iraqi people.

We will succeed in Iraq because Iraqis are determined to ﬁ ght

for their own freedom, and to write their own history. As Prime

Minister Allawi said in his speech to Congress last September,

“Ordinary Iraqis are anxious to shoulder all the security burdens

of our country as quickly as possible.” That is the natural desire

of an independent nation, and it is also the stated mission of our

coalition in Iraq. The new political situation in Iraq opens a new

phase of our work in that country.

At the recommendation of our commanders on the ground,

and in consultation with the Iraqi government, we will increasingly

focus our efforts on helping prepare more capable Iraqi security

forces — forces with skilled ofﬁ cers and an effective command

structure. As those forces become more self-reliant and take on

greater security responsibilities, America and its coalition partners

will increasingly be in a supporting role. In the end, Iraqis must be

able to defend their own country — and we will help that proud,

new nation secure its liberty.

Recently an Iraqi interpreter said to a reporter, “Tell America

not to abandon us.” He and all Iraqis can be certain: While our

military strategy is adapting to circumstances, our commitment

remains ﬁ rm and unchanging. We are standing for the freedom of

our Iraqi friends, and freedom in Iraq will make America safer

for generations to come. We will not set an artiﬁ cial timetable for

leaving Iraq, because that would embolden the terrorists and make

them believe they can wait us out. We are in Iraq to achieve a

result: A country that is democratic, representative of all its people,

at peace with its neighbors, and able to defend itself. And when

that result is achieved, our men and women serving in Iraq will

return home with the honor they have earned.

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Right now, Americans in uniform are serving at posts across

the world, often taking great risks on my orders. We have given

them training and equipment; and they have given us an example

of idealism and character that makes every American proud. The

volunteers of our military are unrelenting in battle, unwavering in

loyalty, unmatched in honor and decency, and every day they’re

making our nation more secure. Some of our servicemen and

women have survived terrible injuries, and this grateful country

will do everything we can to help them recover. And we have said

farewell to some very good men and women, who died for our

freedom, and whose memory this nation will honor forever.

One name we honor is Marine Corps Sergeant Byron

Norwood of Pﬂ ugerville, Texas, who was killed during the assault

on Fallujah. His mom, Janet, sent me a letter and told me how

much Byron loved being a Marine, and how proud he was to be on

the front line against terror. She wrote, “When Byron was home

the last time, I said that I wanted to protect him like I had since

he was born. He just hugged me and said, ‘You’ve done your job,

Mom. Now it is my turn to protect you.’” Ladies and gentlemen,

with grateful hearts, we honor freedom’s defenders, and our

military families, represented here this evening by Sergeant

Norwood’s mom and dad, Janet and Bill Norwood.

In these four years, Americans have seen the unfolding

of large events. We have known times of sorrow, and hours of

uncertainty, and days of victory. In all this history, even when we

have disagreed, we have seen threads of purpose that unite us. The

attack on freedom in our world has reafﬁ rmed our conﬁ dence in

freedom’s power to change the world. We are all part of a great

venture: To extend the promise of freedom in our country, to

renew the values that sustain our liberty, and to spread the peace

that freedom brings.

As Franklin Roosevelt once reminded Americans, “Each

age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.” And

we live in the country where the biggest dreams are born. The

abolition of slavery was only a dream — until it was fulﬁ lled.

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The liberation of Europe from fascism was only a dream — until it

was achieved. The fall of imperial communism was only a dream

— until, one day, it was accomplished. Our generation has dreams

of its own, and we also go forward with conﬁ dence. The road of

Providence is uneven and unpredictable — yet we know where it

leads: It leads to freedom.

Thank you, and may God bless America.

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REMARKS ON STRENGTHENING SOCIAL SECURITY

SOUTH CAROLINA STATEHOUSE

COLUMBIA, SOUTH CAROLINA

APRIL 18, 2005

Thank you all very much. Mr. Speaker, thank you for that

kind and short introduction. I appreciate Governor Sanford being

here. I want to thank the Lt. Governor. I appreciate President Pro

Tem McConnell, Majority Leader Leatherman, members of the

South Carolina legislature. I appreciate my traveling party from

Washington. Hope you appreciate them, too. That would be Senator

Lindsey Graham, Senator DeMint, members of the United States

House of Representatives from the great state of South Carolina. I

appreciate the justices of the South Carolina Supreme Court being

here. I thank those of you who have taken time to come and listen. I

appreciate your warm welcome.

It is an honor to be speaking in this chamber. It is great to be

back in the capital of South Carolina. The last time I came to this

city I gave the commencement speech at USC. I was proud to have

received an honorary degree. When I told Laura about it, she said,

“I thought your ﬁ rst degree was honorary.” She sends her best and

she sends her love. She’s, by the way, a fabulous First Lady.

I appreciate our escort committee. I told the members that this

is the ﬁ rst time I have spoken to a legislative body, state legislative

body since I was the governor of Texas. So thank you for having

me. It’s — there’s some differences, of course. There are a lot of

cowboy hats back in Austin. And I’ll be honest with you, a lot of

us didn’t know anything about dancing the shag. And I imagine we

could have a pretty good debate about which of our states has the

best barbecue. Now is not the time.

But one thing is, no matter whether you serve at the federal

level or the state level, we share serious responsibilities. See, our

constituents have put us into ofﬁ ce to solve problems now. That’s

what they’ve done. They said, we’ve elected you to go to your

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statehouse, or in my case, Washington, D.C., to solve problems. The

people expect us to confront problems without illusion. They expect

us to lead with conviction and conﬁ dence, not by reading the latest

poll or listening to the latest focus group. And above all, they expect

us to deliver results.

And here in South Carolina, you’ve delivered results. You’ve

faced serious challenges, especially in your economy. Listen, we’ve

had a stock market decline, we’ve had a recession, we’ve had

corporate scandals, we had a terrorist attack on September the 11th,

2001, we’ve had the demands of war. And all these have tested our

nation’s economy. And they hit particularly hard here in your state.

South Carolina’s economic growth slowed; small businesses moved

out or shut down; workers lost their jobs; and state ﬁ nances were

headed toward a free fall.

The people of South Carolina look to you and they look to

your Governor for leadership. And you delivered. You set clear

priorities for your budget, and you made hard decisions when it

came to spending. To rein in the rising costs of health care, you

became one of the ﬁ rst states in the nation to offer health savings

accounts to state employees. To reward hardworking families and

job creators, you refused to raise taxes on the working people of

South Carolina. You focused bipartisan actions; you’ve lifted your

state out of ﬁ scal crisis; you’ve erased a $155 million deﬁ cit, and

you’ve done it two years ahead of schedule. Today South Carolina

families are planning for the future with conﬁ dence.

I found this to be an interesting statistic about your state: More

than 76 percent of the people in your state own their own home,

one of the highest rates in the United States. Small businesses are

investing and expanding, exports are on the rise. Thanks to your

leadership, thanks to your hard work, thanks to your willingness to

set aside partisan differences, jobs are coming back to the great state

of South Carolina.

In Washington, we’re moving forward with an ambitious agenda

to keep this country safe, prosperous and free. The war on terror

goes on. There are still ruthless enemies that would like to do harm

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to our people. We will continue to keep the pressure on these folks.

We’ll work with our friends and allies to be unrelenting in our

search to bring them to justice. We will not rest until America is

safe.

We’ll continue to work to improve security here at home, but

in the long-term, in the long run, the best way to protect America

and to keep the peace is to change the conditions that give rise

to hopelessness and extremism. And the best way to do that is to

spread freedom around the world.

I don’t believe freedom is America’s gift to the world. I believe

freedom is the Almighty God’s gift to each man and woman in

this world. My administration will continue to pursue pro-growth

policies to ensure that America is the best place in the world to do

business. To keep the economy growing and create jobs, we will

keep the taxes low. We’ll continue to confront the problems of junk

lawsuits by pushing for meaningful asbestos and medical liability

reform. We’ll work with Congress to pass an energy bill that will

make America less dependent on foreign sources of energy.

I sent to Congress a disciplined federal budget, and both the

House and the Senate have passed budget resolutions. And now

they need to work out their differences and send me a budget that

meets America’s priorities, that restrains federal spending, and that

keeps us on track to cut the deﬁ cit in half by 2009. In Washington,

and in Columbia, South Carolina, government needs to follow a

straightforward principle, a taxpayer’s dollar must be spent wisely,

or not spent at all.

Strong leadership means rising to the challenges of the day.

It also means looking down the road. There will always be

problems that arise unexpectedly; yet problems — some problems

are completely predictable. And as leaders, you and I have a

responsibility to confront those problems today, and not pass them

on to future generations.

Over the past few weeks I’ve been traveling around the

country talking about one of the most serious and most predictable

challenges which face our nation, and that is the long-term ﬁ scal

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health of Social Security. Social Security has been a great success.

Franklin Roosevelt did a really smart thing in setting up the

Social Security system. It has provided an important safety net

for millions of Americans. Seniors in South Carolina and seniors

across this country depend on their monthly checks as an important

part of their lives, as an important source of income for their

retirement.

And today I have a message for every senior in South Carolina,

and every senior across this country: Do not pay attention to the

propaganda and scare ads. If you’re receiving a Social Security

check this month, you will continue receiving a Social Security

next month, and the month after that, and every month for the rest

of your life.

There are other Americans who are now approaching

retirement and have been paying into Social Security throughout

their lives. These workers are counting on Social Security as part

of their retirement plans, and there’s money in the system for them.

If you were born prior to 1950, America will honor the promise

of Social Security for you. The problem is that the government is

making promises for younger Americans that it cannot pay for. In

other words, there’s a hole in the safety net for younger Americans.

See, Social Security is a pay-as-you-go system — you pay and

we go ahead and spend here in Washington. We spend on — to

provide beneﬁ ts for current retirees, and with money left over,

we have spent your payroll taxes on government programs. Some

people think there’s a Social Security trust, where the government

is holding your money, in an account with your name on it. It just

doesn’t work that way. That’s not the way the system works. There

is no vault holding your cash, waiting for you to retire. Instead,

because we spend Social Security taxes on current retirees and

other government programs, all that is left over in the so-called

security trust is a bunch of ﬁ ling cabinets with IOUs in them.

As a matter of fact, I went to West Virginia the other day to

look at the ﬁ ling cabinets, to make sure the IOUs were there —

paper. And it’s there. And it’s, frankly, not a very encouraging

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sight. It’s not encouraging especially when you consider that

times are changing in America, that the math for Social Security

is changing signiﬁ cantly. By the math I mean this: In 1950, there

were about 16 workers paying taxes for every beneﬁ ciary — 16

workers for beneﬁ ciary. And today, there’s 3.3 workers for every

beneﬁ ciary. By the time our children and grandchildren are ready

to retire, there will only be 2 workers paying for every beneﬁ ciary

in the system.

That’s only part of the problem. To compound the problem,

the ﬁ rst baby boomers will soon start retiring. I happen to be

one of them. As a matter of fact, I’m eligible to start collecting

beneﬁ ts in 2008 — which happens to be a convenient year for

me. The retirement of the baby boomer generation is going to

have a huge impact on Social Security, because my generation is

about 50-percent larger than my parents’ generation. Today there

are about 40 million retirees receiving beneﬁ ts. By the time all

the baby boomers have retired, there will be more than 72 million

retirees receiving beneﬁ ts. And thanks to advances in modern

medicine, these retirees will live longer and collect beneﬁ ts over

longer retirements than the previous generation.

And to compound the problem even further, Congress has

ensured that beneﬁ ts to my generation will grow faster than our

economy or the rate of inﬂ ation. In other words, people went

around the country saying, vote for me, I’ll make sure your beneﬁ ts

are higher. And so this sets up an enormous ﬁ scal challenge

facing Social Security. With each passing year, there will be fewer

workers paying ever higher beneﬁ ts to a larger number of retirees

who are living longer.

And so here’s the result: Three years from now, when the ﬁ rst

baby boomers start collecting Social Security beneﬁ ts, the system

will start heading toward the red. Less than a decade later, in 2017,

Social Security will go negative. And by that I mean it will be

paying out more in beneﬁ ts than it collects in payroll taxes. More

money going out than coming in. And every year after that the

shortfall will get worse.

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In the year 2027, the government will somehow have to come

up with an extra $200 billion to fund the system — $200 billion

more going out than coming in through payroll taxes. In 2034, the

annual shortfall will be more than $300 billion a year. And by the

year 2041, the entire system will be bankrupt. Now, think about

that. If we don’t do something to ﬁ x the system now, the students

graduating this spring from the University of South Carolina, or, in

deference to the Speaker, Clemson will spend their entire careers

paying Social Security taxes only to see the system go bankrupt a

few years before they retire.

And I don’t care if you’re a Republican or Democrat, these are

the facts. And the question is, do we have the will to do something

about them. Now, in South Carolina, you know that once you’re

in the red, the options of getting out are never very appealing. If

we allow Social Security to continue on its current path toward

bankruptcy, we will leave our children and grandchildren with only

a few drastic options to keep the system aﬂ oat. In other words, the

longer you wait, the longer we don’t do anything in Washington,

the more drastic the solutions become.

For example, some estimate if we don’t do anything, the

payroll tax will get up to 18 percent. Is that a legacy we want to

leave on younger generations of Americans? I don’t think so. Or

we’re going to have to dramatically slash beneﬁ ts, or cut other

federal programs. The Social Security trust reported this: They

said, every year we wait to ﬁ x the system will add an additional

$600 billion to the cost of reform.

I understand why some in Washington don’t want to take

on this issue. I guess they calculate there’s a political cost when

dealing with a tough issue. I think there’s a political cost for not

dealing with the issue. And so I’ve been traveling this country

of ours, making it absolutely clear what the problems are. See,

my strategy is pretty simple: Take the message to the people and

deﬁ ne the facts of the problem, and let the people draw their own

conclusions. I’ve been to 22 states to explain the facts. I’ve been

to those states to explain the urgent need for the United States

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Congress to work with the administration to get something done

now. And more and more Americans are beginning to hear the

message.

I’m just starting, I’m just warming up. As a matter of fact, I

like getting out of Washington, D.C. I like coming to places like

South Carolina, to put the facts on the table so the people can make

their own mind about what’s happening in Social Security.

I don’t know if you’ve ever heard of Dutch Fork High School

in Irmo. I met a very innovative teacher who assigned her students

this assignment: Why don’t you write letters to the editor about

their impressions of Social Security? Here’s what one of her

students wrote: “By the time my generation gets to the age to

draw Social Security, there will be no money left for us to draw

on.” This is a young high school student writing that. This isn’t a

professor in economics. This is a high school student. He said, “I

don’t know about other people, but I don’t like the sound of that.”

People are beginning to get the message that there is a problem in

Social Security.

Today I met an 80-year-old — 80-year-old young woman from

Silverstreet named Shirley. She said she’s counting on Social

Security. She gets a Social Security check every month, and she’s

conﬁ dent she’ll keep getting her checks. And there’s no doubt in

her mind she’s going to get her checks, but there’s a doubt in her

mind as to whether or not her granddaughters are going to have

comfort in their retirement, whether or not the safety net will be

there for them. Here’s what she said: She said, “I don’t know what

I would do without it. It’s my granddaughters that I’m worried

about, and I want to do whatever is possible to ﬁ x the system for

them.”

Folks, we’re talking about a generational issue here in

America. The grandfolks are going to get their checks, and the

fundamental question is, do we have the will in Washington, D.C.

to make sure the system works for the grandchildren of America.

And that’s what I’m here talking about.

I believe I have a duty to ask people to bring ideas forward.

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I brought a few myself, and I appreciate the response of Senator

Lindsey Graham. He’s brought some ideas forward, as has Senator

Jim DeMint, as has your Governor. These men have been leaders

in the debate. They’ve stepped up, and said, here are some ideas

I’d like you to consider. But they’re not the only ones who have set

up good ideas. Former Congressman Tim Penny, a Democrat from

Minnesota, has suggested tying Social Security beneﬁ ts to prices

rather than wages. My predecessor, Bill Clinton, had time — had

meetings all around the country on Social Security and he spoke of

increasing the retirement age at one time.

I put together a commission of Republicans and Democrats,

headed by the late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York.

And they did ﬁ ne work. They recommended changing the way

beneﬁ ts are calculated. In other words, people are putting ideas

on the table. An interesting idea was put forward by a Democrat

Social Security expert named Robert Pozen, who has proposed a

progressive way of structuring beneﬁ ts that will be more generous

to low-income workers. And that’s an important idea.

In other words, all these ideas are on the table, but they have

one thing in common — they all require us to act now. Saving

Social Security is not a Republican goal, it is not a Democrat goal;

it is a vital goal to all our country. And people of both political

parties need to get the job done now.

There are some basic principles that must guide our efforts

to ﬁ x Social Security. We should not raise the payroll tax rate.

That would hurt the economy and cost jobs. We must ensure that

Social Security continues to provide dignity and peace of mind for

Americans in retirement, and include extra protections for those

with low incomes. We must reject temporary measures that put off

Social Security problems for another day.

You need to be skeptical about any talk that talks about a 75-

year ﬁ x. Back in 1983, Republicans and Democrats came together

on what they thought was a 75-year ﬁ x. You know, I like the spirit

of people of both parties coming together, and that was great.

President Reagan and Speaker O’Neill said, we got a problem,

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let’s come together to ﬁ x it. But they thought it was a 75-year ﬁ x;

here we are, 22 years later. It’s time to come up with a permanent

solution. When people bring forth their ideas in Congress I will

insist that we not have a band-aid approach to Social Security, that

we have a permanent ﬁ x. And I’m optimistic about the chances for

meaningful Social Security reform.

You know, a few weeks ago the United States Senate voted on a

resolution guaranteeing that any Social Security ﬁ x must be

permanent. The vote has the agreement of the two senators from

South Carolina, the two senators from Texas, the two senators

from Massachusetts. Anytime that happens you’ve got yourself a

bipartisan agreement. In fact, the vote in Congress was unanimous.

Think about that. Every single United States senator is on the record

supporting a permanent ﬁ x. Now those senators need to keep their

word and make Social Security solvent once and for all.

Bringing permanent solvency to Social Security is an important

start, but it’s only part of our duty. Preserving Social Security

should not mean preserving its problems. Today we have an

opportunity to offer younger Americans a better deal than the

current system. Today we can give every American the chance to

tap into the power of compound interest, so they can get a higher

rate of return on their money than the current system allows. You

might notice I said, “their money.” See, we’re not spending the

government’s money. The payroll taxes are the people’s money. It’s

coming from hardworking people.

We can build this opportunity into Social Security by giving

younger workers the option to set aside some of their own money in

a personal retirement account. The account would be a conservative

mix of bonds and stocks that grows over time and can deliver a

greater return than the Social Security system does. That would be a

good deal for younger workers.

Since 1983, since that reform took place, stock investments have

returned about 9 percent more than inﬂ ation per year, while the real

return on Social Security is about 2 percent a year. That means that

a dollar invested in the market in 1983 would be worth $11 today —

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one dollar would grow to eleven — while the same dollar would

be worth about three if it had been put in Social Security. Every

young American should have the opportunity to take advantage of

the compounding rate of interest, to earn a better return on his or

her own money.

Personal accounts would be completely voluntary; younger

workers could choose to join or choose not to join. That seems to

make sense for government to provide opportunities of choice for

individual Americans. Workers opting to open an account would

be able to put about a third of their payroll taxes in investments,

instead of sending their money to Washington. For example, a

younger worker earning an average of $35,000 a year over a

career, because of the growth of money, would be able to retire

with a nest egg of nearly a quarter-million dollars. That would be a

nice addition to the other Social Security beneﬁ ts.

These voluntary accounts would come with strict guidelines

to make sure they’re secure. You couldn’t take — put them in the

lottery — sorry to say, Speaker. You could make sure the earnings

aren’t eaten up by hidden Wall Street fees. We’ll make sure there

are good options to protect investments from sudden market

swings on the eve of retirement. You won’t be able to withdraw all

your money and take it to the racetrack. These accounts will offer

straightforward investment choices that are easy to understand.

By the way, this concept isn’t new. After all, in South Carolina,

all state employees can choose to put part of their retirement

savings in a traditional retirement plan, or in a conservative mix of

bonds and stocks that can deliver a better rate of return. So when

I talk about personal accounts available for younger workers, you

know what I’m talking about right here in South Carolina. You’ve

already made that decision for people who are serving the state.

I don’t know if you know this or not, but federal employees

have that same opportunity to watch their money grow, through

a program called the Thrift Savings Plan. It’s a plan that allows

members of the United States Congress and the United States

Senate to set aside some of their own money, if they so choose

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to do so, in a conservative mix of bonds and stocks. It seems fair

to me that if setting up a personal savings account is good enough

for a member of the United States Congress, it is good enough for

workers all across America.

By giving younger workers an option to set up a personal

savings account, we have an opportunity to modernize and

strengthen a great American program. We have a chance to bring

the Social Security system into the 21st century.

The reason I say that is, today young people are comfortable

investing in bonds and stocks. Millions of workers now choose

to plan for retirement with their own savings accounts, through

programs like 401(k)s. I don’t remember growing up hearing

the word 401(k) — I don’t think you remember that. You’re old

enough to be around when they didn’t have 401(k)s or IRAs. We’re

not talking about a new culture, we’re talking about a culture that’s

already taken hold in our society, where workers from all walks of

life are watching their money grow and making decisions on behalf

of their families with where they invest.

See, telling younger workers they have to save money in a

1930s retirement system is like telling them that they have to use

a cell phone with a rotary dial. If young people are conﬁ dent they

can improve their retirement by investing in a conservative mix of

bonds and stocks, the government should not stand in their way.

Creating these accounts will also give our children and

grandchildren a chance to replace a burden of uncertainty with

a new opportunity. Instead of leaving their full retirement in the

hands of future politicians, younger workers will be able to take

part of their retirement into their own hands. Instead of sending all

the payroll taxes to Washington, younger workers would be able

to transfer part of their money directly into an account they own

and that the government can never take away. Instead of forfeiting

years of Social Security contributions if they die before retirement,

younger workers would have peace of mind that their personal

accounts could be passed on to a loved one.

Young people are learning more about the opportunity to own

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part of their retirement, and they’re making their opinion pretty

clear. I met Philip Meador today. He’s a graduating senior from

The Citadel. He told me he’s going to be starting a new job in June.

He knows he’s going to start paying Social Security taxes. What

he’s not sure about is whether or not he’ll ever be seeing a Social

Security check. He certainly will be paying in; he’s not so sure

what’s going to be coming out. He likes the idea of keeping part

of his money in an account that he controls. He said, “I like the

options. You choose what to put in, you choose the investments. It

depends on what you’re looking for. I think every individual should

be able to choose a plan that ﬁ ts them.”

A lot of young people are beginning to say that. A lot of young

people want this United States government to come together of

young people want the government to give them the option of

making choices with their own money.

And I know you all feel the same way in this chamber. That’s

why you passed resolutions calling the United States Congress to

strengthen this important program, Social Security, and to give

younger workers the option of voluntary personal retirement

accounts. You recognize that a Social Security system that includes

personal accounts will give all Americans — not just a few, but all

Americans — a stake in the greatest creator of wealth the world has

ever known. You recognize that personal accounts will bring the

security and independence of ownership to millions of our citizens.

And you recognize that personal accounts are critical to building an

ownership society, a more optimistic and more hopeful America, in

which more people own their own homes, more people own their

own businesses, more people have a ownership in a retirement

account, more people have an asset base they call their own that

they can pass on to whomever they choose.

You see, owning assets ought not to be conﬁ ned to a few

people in our society. Owning an asset and being able to pass it

on to your son or daughter ought not to be the purview of a few.

In this great land, it ought to be spread — ownership ought to be

spread to everybody who is lucky enough to be an American. You

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recognize that when people own something, they have a vital stake

in the future of our country, and that personal accounts will help

give every citizen the chance, the opportunity to realize the dreams

of this land.

The legislature of this great state of South Carolina has shown

leadership on this important issue, and now the United States

Congress needs to do the same. I understand that Social Security

is a tough issue, but Congress has tackled tough issues before.

We’ve seen in the past how leaders from both parties can rise above

partisan politics to meet great responsibilities. And now is the time

for them to do so again.

I am conﬁ dent that members of Congress will come together

to reach a permanent solution. And when they do, our children

and grandchildren will one day look back and be grateful that our

generation made the difﬁ cult choices and the necessary choices to

renew the great promise of the Social Security system for the 21st

century.

I want to thank you all for the invitation to come to your great

state. I appreciate you giving me a chance to come and visit. It’s an

honor to talk about such an important topic with those who have

been willing to serve. May God bless you in your efforts, and may

God bless your families, and may God continue to bless the United

States of America.

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NOMINATION OF JOHN ROBERTS TO THE

UPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

THE STATE FLOOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JULY 19, 2005

Good evening. One of the most consequential decisions a

President makes is his appointment of a Justice to the Supreme

Court. When a President chooses a Justice, he’s placing in human

hands the authority and majesty of the law. The decisions of the

Supreme Court affect the life of every American.

And so a nominee to that Court must be a person of superb

credentials and the highest integrity; a person who will faithfully

apply the Constitution and keep our founding promise of equal

justice under law. I have found such a person in Judge John

Roberts.

And tonight, I’m honored to announce that I am nominating

him to serve as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. John

Roberts currently serves on one of the most inﬂ uential courts in

the nation, the United States Court of Appeals for the District of

Columbia Circuit.

Before he was a — before he was a respected judge, he was

known as one of the most distinguished and talented attorneys in

America. John Roberts has devoted his entire professional life

to the cause of justice and is widely admired for his intellect, his

sound judgment, and personal decency.

Judge Roberts was born in Buffalo and grew up in Indiana.

In high school, he captained his football team, and he worked

summers in a steel mill to help pay his way through college.

He’s an honors graduate of both Harvard College and Harvard

Law School. In his career, he has served as a law clerk to Justice

William Rehnquist, as an Associate Counsel to President Ronald

Reagan, and as the Principal Deputy Solicitor General in the

Department of Justice.

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In public service and in private practice, he has argued 39

cases before the Supreme Court and earned a reputation as one of

the best legal minds of his generation. Judge Roberts has earned

the respect of people from both political parties. After he was

nominated for the Court of Appeals in 2001, a bipartisan group

of more than 150 lawyers sent a letter to the Senate Judiciary

Committee. They wrote:

“Although as individuals we reﬂ ect a wide spectrum of

political party afﬁ liation and ideology, we are united in our belief

that John Roberts will be an outstanding federal court appeals

judge and should be conﬁ rmed by the United States Senate.”

The signers of this letter included a former counsel to a

Republican President, a former counsel to two Democratic

Presidents, and a former — and former high-ranking Justice

Department ofﬁ cials of both parties.

My decision to nominate Judge Roberts to the Supreme Court

came after a thorough and deliberative process. My staff and I

consulted with more than 70 members of the United States Senate.

I received good advice from both Republicans and Democrats.

I appreciate the care they took. I’m grateful for their advice. I

reviewed the credentials of many well-qualiﬁ ed men and women. I

met personally with a number of potential nominees.

In my meetings with Judge Roberts, I have been deeply

impressed. He’s a man of extraordinary accomplishment and

ability. He has a good heart. He has the qualities Americans expect

in a judge: experience, wisdom, fairness, and civility. He has

profound respect for the rule of law and for the liberties guaranteed

to every citizen. He will strictly apply the Constitution and laws,

not legislate from the bench.

He’s also a man of character who loves his country and his

family. I’m pleased that his wife, Jane, and his two beautiful

children, Jack and Josie, could be with us tonight. Judge Roberts

has served his fellow citizens well, and he is prepared for even

greater service.

Under the Constitution, Judge Roberts now goes before the

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United States Senate for conﬁ rmation. I’ve recently spoken with

leaders Senator First and Senator Reid, and with senior members

of the Judiciary Committee, Chairman Specter and Senator Leahy.

These senators share my goal of a digniﬁ ed conﬁ rmation process

that is conducted with fairness and civility. The appointments of

the two most recent Justices to the Supreme Court prove that this

conﬁ rmation can be done in a timely manner.

So I have full conﬁ dence that the Senate will rise to the

occasion and act promptly on this nomination. It is important

that the newest Justice be on the bench when the Supreme Court

reconvenes in October. I believe that Democrats and Republicans

alike will see the strong qualiﬁ cations of this ﬁ ne judge as they did

when they conﬁ rmed him by unanimous consent to the judicial seat

he now holds.

I look forward to the Senate voting to conﬁ rm Judge John

Roberts as the 109th Justice of the Supreme Court of the United

States. Judge Roberts, thank you for agreeing to serve, and

congratulations.

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PROMOTING THE CENTRAL AMERICAN

REE TRADE AGREEMENT

ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JULY 21, 2005

Thank you all. Siéntese. Thank you very much for the warm

welcome. Thank you to the Hispanic Alliance For Free Trade

for inviting me here today. And thanks to the Organization of

American States for providing this fantastic forum.

What a beautiful building. What makes it even more beautiful

is that the Organization of American States promotes democracy

and freedom. There’s nothing more beautiful than freedom. And

I appreciate your commitment to democracy and freedom. And I

appreciate the chance to come to talk about a treaty — CAFTA —

that will not only provide more prosperity in our hemisphere, it’s

not only a good deal for American workers and business owners

and farmers, this treaty will help spread democracy and peace.

Thanks for letting me come by. Raul, thank you. Muchos

gracias. It’s good to see you again. Raul is such a strong leader in

the Latino community in my state of Texas that he had the high

honor of having a school named for him. I can’t thank you enough

for being the leader you have been. And thank you Anne Alonzo

for inviting me here today, and for helping us get the bill passed.

For those of you who are members of the Hispanic Alliance

For Free Trade, I want to remind you, it’s one thing to come and

listen to a President speak; it’s another thing to work the halls of

Congress, so people speak by their votes, people that listen to you

in a concrete way. So thanks for coming. Thanks for being a part of

passing CAFTA.

I want to thank the Secretary General, General Insulza. Thank

you, sir, for you. I want to thank the Vice President, Samuel

Lewis, of the Republic of Panama. I appreciate the members of

the Diplomatic Corps who are here. I particularly want to thank

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the diplomats from Central America and the Dominican Republic.

I urge you to work the bill. I urge you to let people know the

consequence of passage and the consequences of failure. It’s

important for people to understand the stakes.

I want to thank the Permanent Representatives to the

Organization of American States. I want to thank my friend,

Ambassador Juan Maisto — Embajador. Thank you, Juan, for

being here.

I appreciate the members of my Cabinet who are working hard

on this piece of legislation. We got the Secretary of Agriculture,

Mike Johanns, who is with us. Secretary Carlos Gutierrez is with

us here. Ambassador Rob Portman, who is the point person from

my administration on this important piece of legislation. They’re

working hard; I’m working hard.

I want to thank the people from the United States Congress

who’ve joined us: Ileana Ros-Lehtinen from Florida, I’m glad

you’re here, thanks for coming. Randy Neugebauer from West

Texas, thank you for coming, Randy. Henry Cuellar, south Texas

— sur de Tejas. And, ﬁ nally, Charlie Dent, thanks for coming. I’m

proud you all are here. Thanks for lending your support to this

important occasion. I’ve made my decision to support this bill

because I think it’s in the best interest of the country.

As a matter of fact, I make a lot of decisions as your President.

made one the other night, when I announced my nomination of

Judge John Roberts to the Supreme Court. I appreciate so very

much the reception he’s receiving in the United States Senate.

I want to thank the senators from both political parties who are

giving Judge Roberts a chance to talk about his heart, to talk about

his philosophy.

He is a person that will make all Americans proud to be a

member of the Supreme Court. He is a — he’s got the experience,

wisdom, fairness and civility to be a really good judge. He has

a profound respect for the rule of law. He respects the liberties

guaranteed in our Constitution to all Americans, from — people

from all walks of life. He’ll strictly apply the Constitution; he’s not

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going to legislate from the bench.

The United States Senate can show our country that it’s able to

have a civil debate on this very important nomination — not only a

civil debate, but a timely debate. It’s important for Judge Roberts to

be conﬁ rmed by the time the Court reconvenes in October. I thank

the Senate for their action today. I urge the Senate to do its duty

to have a fair, timely hearing, and get this good man conﬁ rmed in

time for the October reconvening of the Court.

We’ll be talking about our economy and liberty in our

neighborhood here in a minute, but I want to remind you all, want

to remind leaders from our country, and of course the leaders from

other countries that are here, that we’re living in historic times.

And one of the reasons I say that is we’re still at war, see. And it’s

important for all of us who love freedom to understand that this is

a war being fought against ideologues that use terror to advance

an agenda. This is a war against killers, cold-blooded killers who

embrace an ideology of hatred. Their vision of the world is the

opposite of our vision of the world. We believe in human rights,

human dignity, minority rights and religious rights. We believe in

universal freedoms.

They have a different view of the world. They don’t believe in

women’s rights. They have usurped a great religion and deﬁ ned

it in their terms. And if you happen to live in a society in which

they’re dominant, like the Taliban was in Afghanistan, and if

you don’t adhere to their view of religion, you’re punished. They

have territorial designs. They have the desire to use their terrorist

techniques to frighten us. In other words, they understand when

they kill in cold blood it ends up on our TV screens. And they’re

trying to shake our will. And they’re trying to create vacuums into

which their ideology can move.

They don’t understand our country, though. They don’t

understand that when it comes to the defense of universal

freedoms, this country won’t be frightened. We will defend

ourselves by staying on the offense against these killers. We will

ﬁ nd them overseas so we don’t have to face them here at home.

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And at the same time we understand that to defeat an ideology of

hate, you work to spread an ideology of hope. And there’s nothing

more hopeful than a system which recognizes the rights of people,

in which government is accountable to the people. And that system

is democracy, based upon universal freedom.

We are laying the foundation for peace for generations to

come. As we ﬁ ght the terrorists and defend this homeland, we’re

also working to make sure this economy is strong and vibrant —

and we’ve got reason for optimism. The tax relief we delivered is

working. This economy of ours has overcome a lot and now it’s the

fastest-growing economy of any major industrialized nation in the

world. Inﬂ ation is low. We’re well ahead of reaching our goal to cut

our deﬁ cit in half by 2009. We’ve had 25 consecutive months of job

gains. The unemployment rate is down to 5 percent. More people

are working today in America than ever before in our nation’s

history.

And one of the reasons why is because this administration

recognizes that the way you grow an economy is you stimulate

the entrepreneurial sector. Government doesn’t create wealth,

government creates an environment in which the entrepreneur is

willing to take risks. And I’m pleased to report the entrepreneurial

spirit in our Latino communities across the country is strong,

vibrant and doing well.

We believe in encouraging ownership. The more people own

something, the better off this country will be. We want more

people owning their own business. Because of the vibrancy of

our economy, the Hispanic unemployment rate has dropped to 5.8

percent, down from 8.4 percent two years ago. More people are

working. More Hispanics own their home than ever before in our

nation’s history, and that’s great news for the American society.

SBA loans to Hispanic-owned businesses are up by —doubled since

I took ofﬁ ce. In other words, there is a role for government to help.

But the Hispanic community is an entrepreneurial community to

begin with, and it’s responding and it’s really good news for the

country.

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Therefore, it doesn’t surprise me to learn that many Hispanic

entrepreneurs and business owners and leaders understand the

importance of expanding trade within our hemisphere. And that is

why you have come to lend your support to the Central American-

Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement, and I’m grateful. By

eliminating barriers to exports from our country, CAFTA will help

keep the U.S. economy growing. In other words, this is a jobs

program. This will help jobs.

By opening up Central America and the Dominican Republic

to U.S. trade and investment, CAFTA will help those countries

develop a better life for their citizens. That seems to make sense

to me. I mean, if you’re living in a neighborhood, you want your

neighbors doing well. If you’re a good neighbor you say, gosh, I

hope everybody in the neighborhood is succeeding. And by helping

those economies improve, CAFTA will help the nations strengthen

their democracies. And that’s in our national security interest.

That’s makes us all more secure.

So this bill is more than a trade bill. This bill is a commitment

of freedom-loving nations to advance peace and prosperity

throughout the Western hemisphere. And that’s important for

members of Congress to understand.

CAFTA begins by ensuring that free trade is fair trade. I

mean — you know, I traveled the country quite extensively in the

recent past and said, I’m a free trader. But I reminded people in our

country I’m also for fair trade. It’s one thing to advocate free trade;

I believe the government has a role to make sure that trade is fair

for all of us. In other words, we want people treating us the way we

treat them.

It turns out that exports from Central America into the United

States face almost no tariffs. Now, I don’t see how a member of

Congress can go back to his or her district and say this is a good

deal for America, when our exports to Central America face hefty

tariffs. In other words, if you’re for free trade you ought to be

insisting that the trade be fair. And the only thing that makes the

trade fair to me, seems like, is to say to our friends in Central

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America, just treat us the way we treat you.

And that’s what CAFTA does — it eliminates tariffs on our

goods and services going into Central America. In other words,

they treat us the way we treat them. It levels the playing ﬁ eld,

which makes this a good deal for America’s farmers and small

business owners and manufacturers.

Last year, United States businesses exported more than $15

billion of goods to Central America. Now, when I say “export

goods,” people got to understand that means somebody is more

likely to have a job. It means somebody is producing something

that somebody wants in Central America, which is part of the

employment picture in our country. Our business leaders say that

CAFTA would signiﬁ cantly increase exports to the region. That’s

why I say this is a job program. As exports go up, somebody is

either more likely to ﬁ nd a job or somebody is more likely to retain

a job.

Take this example. California’s Haas Automation Company, it

is the largest machine tool manufacturer in the United States. They

strongly support this piece of legislation. It says that with CAFTA,

it expects to increase sales to Central America tenfold. In other

words, they see business opportunity, which means job opportunity

for somebody who’s helping Haas Automation manufacture

equipment that somebody in Central America wants to purchase.

Again, another company example here. It’s called, “Bush Hog.

” I don’t know why they would have put this example in this

speech. I hope it wasn’t named after me. But it is an Alabama

company that makes farm equipment like backhoes and tillers

and rotary cutters. And the folks at Bush Hog say that farmers in

Central America would ﬁ nd their high-quality, made-in-the-United

States machinery attractive — if the tariffs on that equipment

would be eliminated. So when you hear me say “tariff,” that really

means it’s pricing our equipment out of the reach of the market.

That’s what a tariff does. It’s like a tax.

So the good folks at Bush Hog manufacture something

somebody wants to buy, but it’s too pricey — not because of the

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cost of the product they produce, but because of government

action. And so the purpose of NAFTA [sic] is to remove the trade

barriers. Now, we’ve had people look at this piece of legislation,

the National Association of Manufacturers — people that represent

people who manufacture something here in America, say that

CAFTA would increase our manufacture exports to the region by

a billion dollars, a 7 percent increase. That’s good news for the

manufacturing sector of the American economy.

The American Farm Bureau — they represent farmers, needless

to say — estimate that by the time CAFTA is fully implemented,

it would increase U.S. farm exports by as much as $1.5 billion.

Let me talk about farming real quick. We produce more than we

consume in the United States. And, therefore, it makes sense for

government policy and for our Secretary of Agriculture to work

to ﬁ nd markets for that which we produce. And if the products

we produce are taxed via tariff, it makes those products more

expensive than need be. And, therefore, by reducing tariffs on

agricultural exports from the United States, it opened up markets

for our ranchers and farmers.

The U.S. International Trade Commission says that by passing

CAFTA we will reduce the trade deﬁ cit by more than $750 million.

So this bill is good for the overall ﬁ nancial picture of the United

States. That’s why the United States House of Representatives,

next week, ought to understand the economic wisdom of this

bill, and open up the market of 44 million consumers to U.S.

businesses, U.S. farms, and U.S. manufacturers.

CAFTA includes strong enforcement provisions that go further

than previous trade agreements. To protect our textile workers from

unfair competition, CAFTA gives our Custom agents the ability to

conduct surprise visits on Central American factories. It’s one way

you make sure trade is fair, you’re being treated fairly.

To promote a cleaner environment, CAFTA includes provisions

that will monitor and enforce environmental progress. To ensure

that Central American factories abide by acceptable labor

standards, CAFTA insists on stiff ﬁ nes for violations. And the

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United States government has committed about $180 million over

ﬁ ve years to ensure that labor laws are enforced. CAFTA is a trade

agreement that will be enforced. And we’ve got the money in the

budget to do so.

CAFTA will help the nations of Central America deliver

prosperity and opportunity for their citizens. Let me repeat that.

CAFTA is not only good for us, it’s good for their partners. That’s

a fair deal. That’s what you want. You want an agreement to be

balanced and fair. We want the agreement to be good for us, but we

also want the agreement to be good for our friends. It’s a lousy deal

if it’s a zero-sum deal. This is a good deal for CAFTA nations.

CAFTA will help nations attract investment they need for their

economies to grow. In other words, with a stable trading agreement

with the United States, it will make it much easier for investment

to ﬂ ow to our CAFTA friends. And investment means growth and

opportunity. That’s what that means.

By reducing tariffs on our products, CAFTA will allow

consumers in their countries to enjoy goods and services at better

prices. If a country doesn’t produce a lot of a particular product and

they need it, and it’s got a tariff on it, it means the consumers pay

an additional price. By reducing tariffs, it means that consumers in

the CAFTA nations will be able to more likely purchase that which

they want at a better price. It seems like to make sense to me that if

you lower the cost of food products coming from the United States

to CAFTA, that’s beneﬁ cial for a mom trying to buy food for her

child. This is consumer-friendly in the CAFTA countries.

By lowering tariffs, CAFTA will give Central American

businesses less — less costly access to high-quality machinery.

In other words, it’s going to be beneﬁ cial for the small business

owner, or the large business owner, the person who employs people

in the CAFTA country to be able to buy machinery necessary to

stay competitive.

By bringing economic growth — in other words, these are

all elements of creating growth — increasing consumer demand

by lowering prices, increasing investment make it more likely

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people will be able to purchase the equipment they need to stay

competitive — all this leads to more growth, which will help

contribute to a vibrant middle class. And that’s what we want

in our neighborhood. We want there to be prosperity. We want

people to have a better chance at a better life. It’s in our nation’s

advantage that prosperity grow throughout the neighborhood.

Elected leaders of Central America know that by opening up

their nations’ markets to competition they’re helping to raise

standards for their own businesses and farmers. In other words,

if you protect industries, it tends to become non-competitive.

It’s very important for our societies to remain productive, and

productivity increases happen because of competition.

By giving their garment makers an incentive to use U.S.

fabrics and materials, our partners are creating really a regional

partnership that will help both of us — both the CAFTA nations

and the Dominican Republic and the United States — compete

with Asian producers that are using Asian materials. And that’s

important for members of Congress to understand, that if we want

to — this agreement will help us remain competitive with Asian

producers on certain products.

People of Central America have made their choice. They know

their economic future lies in free and fair trade with the United

States. They’ve said, we want to join with the United States.

And that’s important. When this bill is passed, this country will

be sending a strong message: We want to join with you, as well.

You want to join with us in free and fair trade; we want to join

with you. And it’s that alliance of interest that will make this

neighborhood better. And it’s important for members of Congress

to understand that.

We cannot, and should not, reject these young democracies.

We must support democracy in our neighborhood. And CAFTA

will strengthen democracies. CAFTA nations a while ago were

struggling with dictatorship and tyranny and civil strife. It wasn’t

all that long ago that a lot of our foreign policy was occupied by

actions that had been taken by governments in Central America.

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Today, I’m more than proud to welcome democracies to the Oval

Ofﬁ ce. These are peaceful countries. These are freedom-loving

countries.

The leaders of these nations have made impressive gains toward

establishing — ﬁ rmly establishing democracy. But these gains

cannot be taken for granted. And that’s important for members of

the United States House of Representatives to understand clearly.

Democracy cannot be taken for granted. We must provide the

foundation for democracy through smart policy, CAFTA’s smart

policy. It’s good trade policy. It makes it more likely somebody is

going to be able to work in America when we pass CAFTA, but it

also helps the neighborhood.

You see, there’s no democracy — those new democracies

in Central America still face forces that oppose democratic

government. Make no mistake about it — there are people in

our own neighborhood that oppose democracy; they’re trying to

separate our friends from the United States by sewing resentment

and anger. People of this region need to see that democracy

produces more than just free elections, that democracy produces

measurable progress in their lives. As the oldest democracy in

this hemisphere, we have a moral obligation and a vital interest in

helping the Central American economies and societies succeed.

And, therefore, CAFTA needs to be passed.

By strengthening democracy in the region, CAFTA will lead

to greater security and stability. I appreciate so very much the hard

work of the Central American leadership. I’ve had a chance to visit

with these good folks. As a matter of fact, they’ve been coming to

America quite often, and I’ve been going there sometimes. And

that’s important; that’s what friends do, they strategize, they talk.

The American people have got to understand, we’ve got friends

in the leadership in Central America. And they’re working hard to

punish corruption and keep the streets safe. They’re working hard

to make sure they have a society that respects human rights and

the rule of law. We’re working together to nail the drug trafﬁ ckers

and terrorists and criminal gangs who feed on lawlessness and

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instability.

CAFTA will strengthen those who are taking on the forces of

radicalism and violence in this hemisphere, and it will make our

country more secure. As former governor of a state that shares

a long border with Mexico, I know ﬁ rst-hand the importance of

improving ties with our neighbors. It’s really important that you’ve

got strong ties in a neighborhood in which you live. I understand the

importance of removing trade barriers that make it difﬁ cult for our

businesses and farmers to compete.

This bill that the House of Representatives will be voting

on next week is pro-jobs, pro-growth, and pro-democracy. It is

important that we pass this piece of legislation. And I want to

thank you all for giving me a chance to come and talk about its

importance. And I encourage you to keep doing what you’re doing,

is talking to members of the United States Congress and remind

them, set aside partisan politics for the good of the United States of

America. It’s in our economic interests, it’s in our national security

interests that the House of Representatives join the United States

Senate and pass that CAFTA bill, which I’ll proudly sign on behalf

of America’s workers and small businesses and those of us who love

and cherish democracy.

May God bless you.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON HURRICANE KATRINA

JACKSON SQUARE

NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA

SEPTEMBER 15, 2005

Good evening. I’m speaking to you from the city of New

Orleans — nearly empty, still partly under water, and waiting for

life and hope to return. Eastward from Lake Pontchartrain, across

the Mississippi coast, to Alabama into Florida, millions of lives

were changed in a day by a cruel and wasteful storm.

In the aftermath, we have seen fellow citizens left stunned

and uprooted, searching for loved ones, and grieving for the dead,

and looking for meaning in a tragedy that seems so blind and

random. We’ve also witnessed the kind of desperation no citizen of

this great and generous nation should ever have to know — fellow

Americans calling out for food and water, vulnerable people left

at the mercy of criminals who had no mercy, and the bodies of the

dead lying uncovered and untended in the street.

These days of sorrow and outrage have also been marked by

acts of courage and kindness that make all Americans proud. Coast

Guard and other personnel rescued tens of thousands of people

from ﬂ ooded neighborhoods. Religious congregations and families

have welcomed strangers as brothers and sisters and neighbors.

In the community of Chalmette, when two men tried to break into

a home, the owner invited them to stay — and took in 15 other

people who had no place to go. At Tulane Hospital for Children,

doctors and nurses did not eat for days so patients could have food,

and eventually carried the patients on their backs up eight ﬂ ights

of stairs to helicopters.

Many ﬁ rst responders were victims themselves, wounded

healers, with a sense of duty greater than their own suffering.

When I met Steve Scott of the Biloxi Fire Department, he and his

colleagues were conducting a house-to-house search for survivors.

Steve told me this: “I lost my house and I lost my cars, but I still

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got my family ... and I still got my spirit.”

Across the Gulf Coast, among people who have lost much,

and suffered much, and given to the limit of their power, we are

seeing that same spirit — a core of strength that survives all hurt,

a faith in God no storm can take away, and a powerful American

determination to clear the ruins and build better than before.

Tonight so many victims of the hurricane and the ﬂ ood are far

from home and friends and familiar things. You need to know that

our whole nation cares about you, and in the journey ahead you’re

not alone. To all who carry a burden of loss, I extend the deepest

sympathy of our country. To every person who has served and

sacriﬁ ced in this emergency, I offer the gratitude of our country.

And tonight I also offer this pledge of the American people:

Throughout the area hit by the hurricane, we will do what it

takes, we will stay as long as it takes, to help citizens rebuild their

communities and their lives. And all who question the future of the

Crescent City need to know there is no way to imagine America

without New Orleans, and this great city will rise again.

The work of rescue is largely ﬁ nished; the work of recovery

is moving forward. In nearly all of Mississippi, electric power

has been restored. Trade is starting to return to the Port of

New Orleans, and agricultural shipments are moving down

the Mississippi River. All major gasoline pipelines are now in

operation, preventing the supply disruptions that many feared.

The breaks in the levees have been closed, the pumps are running,

and the water here in New Orleans is receding by the hour.

Environmental ofﬁ cials are on the ground, taking water samples,

identifying and dealing with hazardous debris, and working to get

drinking water and waste water treatment systems operating again.

And some very sad duties are being carried out by professionals

who gather the dead, treat them with respect, and prepare them for

their rest.

In the task of recovery and rebuilding, some of the hardest

work is still ahead, and it will require the creative skill and

generosity of a united country.

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Our ﬁ rst commitment is to meet the immediate needs of those

who had to ﬂ ee their homes and leave all their possessions behind.

For these Americans, every night brings uncertainty, every day

requires new courage, and in the months to come will bring more

than their fair share of struggles.

The Department of Homeland Security is registering evacuees

who are now in shelters and churches, or private homes, whether

in the Gulf region or far away. I have signed an order providing

immediate assistance to people from the disaster area. As of today,

more than 500,000 evacuee families have gotten emergency help

to pay for food, clothing, and other essentials. Evacuees who have

not yet registered should contact FEMA or the Red Cross. We

need to know who you are, because many of you will be eligible

for broader assistance in the future. Many families were separated

during the evacuation, and we are working to help you reunite.

Please call this number: 1-877-568-3317 — that’s 1-877-568-3317

— and we will work to bring your family back together, and pay

for your travel to reach them.

In addition, we’re taking steps to ensure that evacuees do not

have to travel great distances or navigate bureaucracies to get the

beneﬁ ts that are there for them. The Department of Health and

Human Services has sent more than 1,500 health professionals,

along with over 50 tons of medical supplies — including vaccines

and antibiotics and medicines for people with chronic conditions

such as diabetes. The Social Security Administration is delivering

checks. The Department of Labor is helping displaced persons

apply for temporary jobs and unemployment beneﬁ ts. And the

Postal Service is registering new addresses so that people can get

their mail.

To carry out the ﬁ rst stages of the relief effort and begin

rebuilding at once, I have asked for, and the Congress has provided,

more than $60 billion. This is an unprecedented response to an

unprecedented crisis, which demonstrates the compassion and

resolve of our nation.

Our second commitment is to help the citizens of the Gulf

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Coast to overcome this disaster, put their lives back together, and

rebuild their communities. Along this coast, for mile after mile,

the wind and water swept the land clean. In Mississippi, many

thousands of houses were damaged or destroyed. In New Orleans

and surrounding parishes, more than a quarter-million houses are no

longer safe to live in. Hundreds of thousands of people from across

this region will need to ﬁ nd longer-term housing.

Our goal is to get people out of the shelters by the middle of

October. So we’re providing direct assistance to evacuees that

allows them to rent apartments, and many already are moving into

places of their own. A number of states have taken in evacuees and

shown them great compassion — admitting children to school, and

providing health care. So I will work with the Congress to ensure

that states are reimbursed for these extra expenses.

In the disaster area, and in cities that have received huge

numbers of displaced people, we’re beginning to bring in mobile

homes and trailers for temporary use. To relieve the burden on local

health care facilities in the region, we’re sending extra doctors and

nurses to these areas. We’re also providing money that can be used

to cover overtime pay for police and ﬁ re departments while the

cities and towns rebuild.

Near New Orleans, and Biloxi, and other cities, housing is

urgently needed for police and ﬁ reﬁ ghters, other service providers,

and the many workers who are going to rebuild these cities. Right

now, many are sleeping on ships we have brought to the Port of

New Orleans — and more ships are on their way to the region. And

we’ll provide mobile homes, and supply them with basic services,

as close to construction areas as possible, so the rebuilding process

can go forward as quickly as possible.

And the federal government will undertake a close partnership

with the states of Louisiana and Mississippi, the city of New

Orleans, and other Gulf Coast cities, so they can rebuild in a

sensible, well-planned way. Federal funds will cover the great

majority of the costs of repairing public infrastructure in the disaster

zone, from roads and bridges to schools and water systems. Our

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goal is to get the work done quickly. And taxpayers expect this

work to be done honestly and wisely — so we’ll have a team of

inspectors general reviewing all expenditures.

In the rebuilding process, there will be many important

decisions and many details to resolve, yet we’re moving forward

according to some clear principles. The federal government will

be fully engaged in the mission, but Governor Barbour, Governor

Blanco, Mayor Nagin, and other state and local leaders will

have the primary role in planning for their own future. Clearly,

communities will need to move decisively to change zoning laws

and building codes, in order to avoid a repeat of what we’ve seen.

And in the work of rebuilding, as many jobs as possible should

go to the men and women who live in Louisiana, Mississippi, and

Alabama.

Our third commitment is this: When communities are

rebuilt, they must be even better and stronger than before the

storm. Within the Gulf region are some of the most beautiful and

historic places in America. As all of us saw on television, there’s

also some deep, persistent poverty in this region, as well. That

poverty has roots in a history of racial discrimination, which cut

off generations from the opportunity of America. We have a duty

to confront this poverty with bold action. So let us restore all that

we have cherished from yesterday, and let us rise above the legacy

of inequality. When the streets are rebuilt, there should be many

new businesses, including minority-owned businesses, along those

streets. When the houses are rebuilt, more families should own,

not rent, those houses. When the regional economy revives, local

people should be prepared for the jobs being created.

Americans want the Gulf Coast not just to survive, but to

thrive; not just to cope, but to overcome. We want evacuees to

come home, for the best of reasons — because they have a real

chance at a better life in a place they love.

When one resident of this city who lost his home was asked by

a reporter if he would relocate, he said, “Naw, I will rebuild — but

I will build higher.” That is our vision for the future, in this city

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and beyond: We’ll not just rebuild, we’ll build higher and better.

To meet this goal, I will listen to good ideas from Congress, and

state and local ofﬁ cials, and the private sector. I believe we should

start with three initiatives that the Congress should pass.

Tonight I propose the creation of a Gulf Opportunity Zone,

encompassing the region of the disaster in Louisiana and

Mississippi and Alabama. Within this zone, we should provide

immediate incentives for job-creating investment, tax relief

for small businesses, incentives to companies that create jobs,

and loans and loan guarantees for small businesses, including

minority-owned enterprises, to get them up and running again.

It is entrepreneurship that creates jobs and opportunity; it is

entrepreneurship that helps break the cycle of poverty; and we will

take the side of entrepreneurs as they lead the economic revival of

the Gulf region.

I propose the creation of Worker Recovery Accounts to help

those evacuees who need extra help ﬁ nding work. Under this plan,

the federal government would provide accounts of up to $5,000,

which these evacuees could draw upon for job training and

education to help them get a good job, and for child care expenses

during their job search.

And to help lower-income citizens in the hurricane region

build new and better lives, I also propose that Congress pass an

Urban Homesteading Act. Under this approach, we will identify

property in the region owned by the federal government, and

provide building sites to low-income citizens free of charge,

through a lottery. In return, they would pledge to build on the

lot, with either a mortgage or help from a charitable organization

like Habitat for Humanity. Home ownership is one of the great

strengths of any community, and it must be a central part of our

vision for the revival of this region.

In the long run, the New Orleans area has a particular

challenge, because much of the city lies below sea level. The

people who call it home need to have reassurance that their

lives will be safer in the years to come. Protecting a city that sits

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lower than the water around it is not easy, but it can, and has been

done. City and parish ofﬁ cials in New Orleans, and state ofﬁ cials

in Louisiana will have a large part in the engineering decisions to

come. And the Army Corps of Engineers will work at their side to

make the ﬂ ood protection system stronger than it has ever been.

The work that has begun in the Gulf Coast region will be one

of the largest reconstruction efforts the world has ever seen. When

that job is done, all Americans will have something to be very

proud of — and all Americans are needed in this common effort.

It is the armies of compassion — charities and houses of worship,

and idealistic men and women — that give our reconstruction effort

its humanity. They offer to those who hurt a friendly face, an arm

around the shoulder, and the reassurance that in hard times, they

can count on someone who cares. By land, by sea, and by air, good

people wanting to make a difference deployed to the Gulf Coast,

and they’ve been working around the clock ever since.

The cash needed to support the armies of compassion is great,

and Americans have given generously. For example, the private

fundraising effort led by former Presidents Bush and Clinton has

already received pledges of more than $100 million. Some of that

money is going to the Governors to be used for immediate needs

within their states. A portion will also be sent to local houses of

worship to help reimburse them for the expense of helping others.

This evening the need is still urgent, and I ask the American people

to continue donating to the Salvation Army, the Red Cross, other

good charities, and religious congregations in the region.

It’s also essential for the many organizations of our country

to reach out to your fellow citizens in the Gulf area. So I’ve asked

USA Freedom Corps to create an information clearinghouse,

available at usafreedomcorps.gov, so that families anywhere in the

country can ﬁ nd opportunities to help families in the region, or a

school can support a school. And I challenge existing organizations

— churches, and Scout troops, or labor union locals to get in touch

with their counterparts in Mississippi, Louisiana, or Alabama, and

learn what they can do to help. In this great national enterprise,

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important work can be done by everyone, and everyone should ﬁ nd

their role and do their part.

The government of this nation will do its part, as well. Our

cities must have clear and up-to-date plans for responding to natural

disasters, and disease outbreaks, or a terrorist attack, for evacuating

large numbers of people in an emergency, and for providing the

food and water and security they would need. In a time of terror

threats and weapons of mass destruction, the danger to our citizens

reaches much wider than a fault line or a ﬂ ood plain. I consider

detailed emergency planning to be a national security priority,

and therefore, I’ve ordered the Department of Homeland Security

to undertake an immediate review, in cooperation with local

counterparts, of emergency plans in every major city in America.

I also want to know all the facts about the government response

to Hurricane Katrina. The storm involved a massive ﬂ ood, a major

supply and security operation, and an evacuation order affecting

more than a million people. It was not a normal hurricane — and

the normal disaster relief system was not equal to it. Many of

the men and women of the Coast Guard, the Federal Emergency

Management Agency, the United States military, the National

Guard, Homeland Security, and state and local governments

performed skillfully under the worst conditions. Yet the system,

at every level of government, was not well-coordinated, and was

overwhelmed in the ﬁ rst few days. It is now clear that a challenge

on this scale requires greater federal authority and a broader role for

the armed forces — the institution of our government most capable

of massive logistical operations on a moment’s notice.

Four years after the frightening experience of September

the 11th, Americans have every right to expect a more effective

response in a time of emergency. When the federal government

fails to meet such an obligation, I, as President, am responsible

for the problem, and for the solution. So I’ve ordered every

Cabinet Secretary to participate in a comprehensive review of the

government response to the hurricane. This government will learn

the lessons of Hurricane Katrina. We’re going to review every

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action and make necessary changes, so that we are better prepared

for any challenge of nature, or act of evil men, that could threaten

our people.

The United States Congress also has an important oversight

function to perform. Congress is preparing an investigation, and I

will work with members of both parties to make sure this effort is

thorough.

In the life of this nation, we have often been reminded that

nature is an awesome force, and that all life is fragile. We’re the

heirs of men and women who lived through those ﬁ rst terrible

winters at Jamestown and Plymouth, who rebuilt Chicago after

a great ﬁ re, and San Francisco after a great earthquake, who

reclaimed the prairie from the Dust Bowl of the 1930s. Every time,

the people of this land have come back from ﬁ re, ﬂ ood, and storm

to build anew — and to build better than what we had before.

Americans have never left our destiny to the whims of nature —

and we will not start now.

These trials have also reminded us that we are often stronger

than we know — with the help of grace and one another. They

remind us of a hope beyond all pain and death, a God who

welcomes the lost to a house not made with hands. And they remind

us that we’re tied together in this life, in this nation — and that the

despair of any touches us all.

I know that when you sit on the steps of a porch where a home

once stood, or sleep on a cot in a crowded shelter, it is hard to

imagine a bright future. But that future will come. The streets of

Biloxi and Gulfport will again be ﬁ lled with lovely homes and the

sound of children playing. The churches of Alabama will have their

broken steeples mended and their congregations whole. And here

in New Orleans, the street cars will once again rumble down St.

Charles, and the passionate soul of a great city will return.

In this place, there’s a custom for the funerals of jazz musicians.

The funeral procession parades slowly through the streets, followed

by a band playing a mournful dirge as it moves to the cemetery.

Once the casket has been laid in place, the band breaks into a joyful

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“second line” — symbolizing the triumph of the spirit over death.

Tonight the Gulf Coast is still coming through the dirge — yet we

will live to see the second line.

Thank you, and may God bless America.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 109TH CONGRESS,

ECOND SESSION

UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 31, 2006

Thank you all. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members

of Congress, members of the Supreme Court and diplomatic corps,

distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Today our nation lost

a beloved, graceful, courageous woman who called America to

its founding ideals and carried on a noble dream. Tonight we are

comforted by the hope of a glad reunion with the husband who was

taken so long ago, and we are grateful for the good life of Coretta

Scott King.

Every time I’m invited to this rostrum, I’m humbled by the

privilege, and mindful of the history we’ve seen together. We have

gathered under this Capitol dome in moments of national mourning

and national achievement. We have served America through one of

the most consequential periods of our history — and it has been my

honor to serve with you.

In a system of two parties, two chambers, and two elected

branches, there will always be differences and debate. But even

tough debates can be conducted in a civil tone, and our differences

cannot be allowed to harden into anger. To confront the great issues

before us, we must act in a spirit of goodwill and respect for one

another — and I will do my part. Tonight the state of our Union is

strong — and together we will make it stronger.

In this decisive year, you and I will make choices that

determine both the future and the character of our country. We

will choose to act conﬁ dently in pursuing the enemies of freedom

— or retreat from our duties in the hope of an easier life. We will

choose to build our prosperity by leading the world economy — or

shut ourselves off from trade and opportunity. In a complex and

challenging time, the road of isolationism and protectionism may

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seem broad and inviting — yet it ends in danger and decline. The

only way to protect our people, the only way to secure the peace,

the only way to control our destiny is by our leadership — so the

United States of America will continue to lead.

Abroad, our nation is committed to an historic, long-term

goal — we seek the end of tyranny in our world. Some dismiss

that goal as misguided idealism. In reality, the future security of

America depends on it. On September the 11th, 2001, we found

that problems originating in a failed and oppressive state 7,000

miles away could bring murder and destruction to our country.

Dictatorships shelter terrorists, and feed resentment and radicalism,

and seek weapons of mass destruction. Democracies replace

resentment with hope, respect the rights of their citizens and their

neighbors, and join the ﬁ ght against terror. Every step toward

freedom in the world makes our country safer — so we will act

boldly in freedom’s cause.

Far from being a hopeless dream, the advance of freedom is the

great story of our time. In 1945, there were about two dozen lonely

democracies in the world. Today, there are 122. And we’re writing a

new chapter in the story of self-government — with women lining

up to vote in Afghanistan, and millions of Iraqis marking their

liberty with purple ink, and men and women from Lebanon to Egypt

debating the rights of individuals and the necessity of freedom. At

the start of 2006, more than half the people of our world live in

democratic nations. And we do not forget the other half — in places

like Syria and Burma, Zimbabwe, North Korea, and Iran — because

the demands of justice, and the peace of this world, require their

freedom, as well.

No one can deny the success of freedom, but some men rage and

ﬁ ght against it. And one of the main sources of reaction and

opposition is radical Islam — the perversion by a few of a noble

faith into an ideology of terror and death. Terrorists like bin Laden

are serious about mass murder — and all of us must take their

declared intentions seriously. They seek to impose a heartless

system of totalitarian control throughout the Middle East, and arm

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themselves with weapons of mass murder.

Their aim is to seize power in Iraq, and use it as a safe haven to

launch attacks against America and the world. Lacking the military

strength to challenge us directly, the terrorists have chosen the

weapon of fear. When they murder children at a school in Beslan,

or blow up commuters in London, or behead a bound captive, the

terrorists hope these horrors will break our will, allowing the violent

to inherit the Earth. But they have miscalculated: We love our

freedom, and we will ﬁ ght to keep it.

In a time of testing, we cannot ﬁ nd security by abandoning

our commitments and retreating within our borders. If we were to

leave these vicious attackers alone, they would not leave us alone.

They would simply move the battleﬁ eld to our own shores. There

is no peace in retreat. And there is no honor in retreat. By allowing

radical Islam to work its will — by leaving an assaulted world to

fend for itself — we would signal to all that we no longer believe

in our own ideals, or even in our own courage. But our enemies and

our friends can be certain: The United States will not retreat from

the world, and we will never surrender to evil.

America rejects the false comfort of isolationism. We are the

nation that saved liberty in Europe, and liberated death camps, and

helped raise up democracies, and faced down an evil empire. Once

again, we accept the call of history to deliver the oppressed and

move this world toward peace. We remain on the offensive against

terror networks. We have killed or captured many of their leaders —

and for the others, their day will come.

We remain on the offensive in Afghanistan, where a ﬁ ne

President and a National Assembly are ﬁ ghting terror while building

the institutions of a new democracy. We’re on the offensive in Iraq,

with a clear plan for victory. First, we’re helping Iraqis build an

inclusive government, so that old resentments will be eased and the

insurgency will be marginalized.

Second, we’re continuing reconstruction efforts, and helping the

Iraqi government to ﬁ ght corruption and build a modern economy,

so all Iraqis can experience the beneﬁ ts of freedom. And, third,

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we’re striking terrorist targets while we train Iraqi forces that are

increasingly capable of defeating the enemy. Iraqis are showing

their courage every day, and we are proud to be their allies in the

cause of freedom.

Our work in Iraq is difﬁ cult because our enemy is brutal.

But that brutality has not stopped the dramatic progress of a

new democracy. In less than three years, the nation has gone

from dictatorship to liberation, to sovereignty, to a constitution,

to national elections. At the same time, our coalition has been

relentless in shutting off terrorist inﬁ ltration, clearing out insurgent

strongholds, and turning over territory to Iraqi security forces. I am

conﬁ dent in our plan for victory; I am conﬁ dent in the will of the

Iraqi people; I am conﬁ dent in the skill and spirit of our military.

Fellow citizens, we are in this ﬁ ght to win, and we are winning.

The road of victory is the road that will take our troops home.

As we make progress on the ground, and Iraqi forces increasingly

take the lead, we should be able to further decrease our troop levels

— but those decisions will be made by our military commanders,

not by politicians in Washington, D.C.

Our coalition has learned from our experience in Iraq.

We’ve adjusted our military tactics and changed our approach to

reconstruction. Along the way, we have beneﬁ tted from responsible

criticism and counsel offered by members of Congress of both

parties. In the coming year, I will continue to reach out and seek

your good advice. Yet, there is a difference between responsible

criticism that aims for success, and defeatism that refuses to

acknowledge anything but failure. Hindsight alone is not wisdom,

and second-guessing is not a strategy.

With so much in the balance, those of us in public ofﬁ ce have

a duty to speak with candor. A sudden withdrawal of our forces

from Iraq would abandon our Iraqi allies to death and prison,

would put men like bin Laden and Zarqawi in charge of a strategic

country, and show that a pledge from America means little.

Members of Congress, however we feel about the decisions and

debates of the past, our nation has only one option: We must keep

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our word, defeat our enemies, and stand behind the American

military in this vital mission.

Our men and women in uniform are making sacriﬁ ces — and

showing a sense of duty stronger than all fear. They know what

it’s like to ﬁ ght house to house in a maze of streets, to wear heavy

gear in the desert heat, to see a comrade killed by a roadside bomb.

And those who know the costs also know the stakes. Marine Staff

Sergeant Dan Clay was killed last month ﬁ ghting in Fallujah. He

left behind a letter to his family, but his words could just as well

be addressed to every American. Here is what Dan wrote: “I know

what honor is. ... It has been an honor to protect and serve all

of you. I faced death with the secure knowledge that you would

not have to.... Never falter! Don’t hesitate to honor and support

those of us who have the honor of protecting that which is worth

protecting.”

Staff Sergeant Dan Clay’s wife, Lisa, and his mom and dad,

Sara Jo and Bud, are with us this evening. Welcome.

Our nation is grateful to the fallen, who live in the memory

of our country. We’re grateful to all who volunteer to wear our

nation’s uniform — and as we honor our brave troops, let us never

forget the sacriﬁ ces of America’s military families.

Our offensive against terror involves more than military action.

Ultimately, the only way to defeat the terrorists is to defeat their

dark vision of hatred and fear by offering the hopeful alternative

of political freedom and peaceful change. So the United States of

America supports democratic reform across the broader Middle

East. Elections are vital, but they are only the beginning. Raising

up a democracy requires the rule of law, and protection of

minorities, and strong, accountable institutions that last longer than

a single vote.

The great people of Egypt have voted in a multi-party

presidential election — and now their government should open

paths of peaceful opposition that will reduce the appeal of

radicalism. The Palestinian people have voted in elections. And

now the leaders of Hamas must recognize Israel, disarm, reject

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terrorism, and work for lasting peace. Saudi Arabia has taken the

ﬁ rst steps of reform — now it can offer its people a better future

by pressing forward with those efforts. Democracies in the Middle

East will not look like our own, because they will reﬂ ect the

traditions of their own citizens. Yet liberty is the future of every

nation in the Middle East, because liberty is the right and hope of

all humanity.

The same is true of Iran, a nation now held hostage by a small

clerical elite that is isolating and repressing its people. The regime

in that country sponsors terrorists in the Palestinian territories

and in Lebanon — and that must come to an end. The Iranian

government is defying the world with its nuclear ambitions, and

the nations of the world must not permit the Iranian regime to

gain nuclear weapons. America will continue to rally the world to

confront these threats.

Tonight, let me speak directly to the citizens of Iran: America

respects you, and we respect your country. We respect your right

to choose your own future and win your own freedom. And our

nation hopes one day to be the closest of friends with a free and

democratic Iran.

To overcome dangers in our world, we must also take the

offensive by encouraging economic progress, and ﬁ ghting disease,

and spreading hope in hopeless lands. Isolationism would not

only tie our hands in ﬁ ghting enemies, it would keep us from

helping our friends in desperate need. We show compassion abroad

because Americans believe in the God-given dignity and worth of

a villager with HIV/AIDS, or an infant with malaria, or a refugee

ﬂ eeing genocide, or a young girl sold into slavery. We also show

compassion abroad because regions overwhelmed by poverty,

corruption, and despair are sources of terrorism, and organized

crime, and human trafﬁ cking, and the drug trade.

In recent years, you and I have taken unprecedented action

to ﬁ ght AIDS and malaria, expand the education of girls, and

reward developing nations that are moving forward with economic

and political reform. For people everywhere, the United States

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is a partner for a better life. Short-changing these efforts would

increase the suffering and chaos of our world, undercut our

long-term security, and dull the conscience of our country. I urge

members of Congress to serve the interests of America by showing

the compassion of America.

Our country must also remain on the offensive against

terrorism here at home. The enemy has not lost the desire or

capability to attack us. Fortunately, this nation has superb

professionals in law enforcement, intelligence, the military, and

homeland security. These men and women are dedicating their

lives, protecting us all, and they deserve our support and our

thanks. They also deserve the same tools they already use to ﬁ ght

drug trafﬁ cking and organized crime — so I ask you to reauthorize

the Patriot Act.

It is said that prior to the attacks of September the 11th, our

government failed to connect the dots of the conspiracy. We

now know that two of the hijackers in the United States placed

telephone calls to al Qaeda operatives overseas. But we did not

know about their plans until it was too late. So to prevent another

attack — based on authority given to me by the Constitution and

by statute — I have authorized a terrorist surveillance program

to aggressively pursue the international communications of

suspected al Qaeda operatives and afﬁ liates to and from America.

Previous Presidents have used the same constitutional authority I

have, and federal courts have approved the use of that authority.

Appropriate members of Congress have been kept informed. The

terrorist surveillance program has helped prevent terrorist attacks.

It remains essential to the security of America. If there are people

inside our country who are talking with al Qaeda, we want to know

about it, because we will not sit back and wait to be hit again.

In all these areas — from the disruption of terror networks,

to victory in Iraq, to the spread of freedom and hope in troubled

regions — we need the support of our friends and allies. To

draw that support, we must always be clear in our principles and

willing to act. The only alternative to American leadership is a

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dramatically more dangerous and anxious world. Yet we also

choose to lead because it is a privilege to serve the values that

gave us birth. American leaders — from Roosevelt to Truman to

Kennedy to Reagan — rejected isolation and retreat, because they

knew that America is always more secure when freedom is on the

march.

Our own generation is in a long war against a determined

enemy — a war that will be fought by Presidents of both parties,

who will need steady bipartisan support from the Congress. And

tonight I ask for yours. Together, let us protect our country, support

the men and women who defend us, and lead this world toward

freedom.

Here at home, America also has a great opportunity: We will

build the prosperity of our country by strengthening our economic

leadership in the world.

Our economy is healthy and vigorous, and growing faster than

other major industrialized nations. In the last two-and-a-half years,

America has created 4.6 million new jobs — more than Japan and

the European Union combined. Even in the face of higher energy

prices and natural disasters, the American people have turned in an

economic performance that is the envy of the world.

The American economy is preeminent, but we cannot afford to

be complacent. In a dynamic world economy, we are seeing new

competitors, like China and India, and this creates uncertainty,

which makes it easier to feed people’s fears. So we’re seeing some

old temptations return. Protectionists want to escape competition,

pretending that we can keep our high standard of living while

walling off our economy. Others say that the government needs

to take a larger role in directing the economy, centralizing more

power in Washington and increasing taxes. We hear claims that

immigrants are somehow bad for the economy — even though this

economy could not function without them. All these are forms of

economic retreat, and they lead in the same direction — toward a

stagnant and second-rate economy.

Tonight I will set out a better path: an agenda for a nation that

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competes with conﬁ dence; an agenda that will raise standards

of living and generate new jobs. Americans should not fear our

economic future, because we intend to shape it.

Keeping America competitive begins with keeping our

economy growing. And our economy grows when Americans

have more of their own money to spend, save, and invest. In the

last ﬁ ve years, the tax relief you passed has left $880 billion in

the hands of American workers, investors, small businesses, and

families — and they have used it to help produce more than four

years of uninterrupted economic growth. Yet the tax relief is

set to expire in the next few years. If we do nothing, American

families will face a massive tax increase they do not expect and

will not welcome. Because America needs more than a temporary

expansion, we need more than temporary tax relief. I urge the

Congress to act responsibly, and make the tax cuts permanent.

Keeping America competitive requires us to be good stewards

of tax dollars. Every year of my presidency, we’ve reduced the

growth of non-security discretionary spending, and last year you

passed bills that cut this spending. This year my budget will cut

it again, and reduce or eliminate more than 140 programs that are

performing poorly or not fulﬁ lling essential priorities. By passing

these reforms, we will save the American taxpayer another $14

billion next year, and stay on track to cut the deﬁ cit in half by

2009.

I am pleased that members of Congress are working on

earmark reform, because the federal budget has too many special

interest projects. And we can tackle this problem together, if you

pass the line-item veto.

We must also confront the larger challenge of mandatory

spending, or entitlements. This year, the ﬁ rst of about 78 million

baby boomers turn 60, including two of my Dad’s favorite people

— me and President Clinton. This milestone is more than a

personal crisis, it is a national challenge. The retirement of the

baby boom generation will put unprecedented strains on the federal

government. By 2030, spending for Social Security, Medicare

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and Medicaid alone will be almost 60 percent of the entire federal

budget. And that will present future Congresses with impossible

choices — staggering tax increases, immense deﬁ cits, or deep cuts

in every category of spending. Congress did not act last year on my

proposal to save Social Security, yet the rising cost of entitlements

is a problem that is not going away. And every year we fail to act,

the situation gets worse.

So tonight, I ask you to join me in creating a commission

to examine the full impact of baby boom retirements on Social

Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. This commission should include

members of Congress of both parties, and offer bipartisan solutions.

We need to put aside partisan politics and work together and get this

problem solved.

Keeping America competitive requires us to open more markets

for all that Americans make and grow. One out of every ﬁ ve factory

jobs in America is related to global trade, and we want people

everywhere to buy American. With open markets and a level

playing ﬁ eld, no one can out-produce or out-compete the American

worker.

Keeping America competitive requires an immigration system

that upholds our laws, reﬂ ects our values, and serves the interests

of our economy. Our nation needs orderly and secure borders. To

meet this goal, we must have stronger immigration enforcement

and border protection. And we must have a rational, humane guest

worker program that rejects amnesty, allows temporary jobs for

people who seek them legally, and reduces smuggling and crime at

the border.

Keeping America competitive requires affordable health care.

Our government has a responsibility to provide health care for the

poor and the elderly, and we are meeting that responsibility. For all

Americans — for all Americans, we must confront the rising cost

of care, strengthen the doctor-patient relationship, and help people

afford the insurance coverage they need.

We will make wider use of electronic records and other

health information technology, to help control costs and reduce

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dangerous medical errors. We will strengthen health savings

accounts — making sure individuals and small business employees

can buy insurance with the same advantages that people working

for big businesses now get. We will do more to make this

coverage portable, so workers can switch jobs without having to

worry about losing their health insurance. And because lawsuits

are driving many good doctors out of practice — leaving women

in nearly 1,500 American counties without a single OB/GYN — I

ask the Congress to pass medical liability reform this year.

Keeping America competitive requires affordable energy. And

here we have a serious problem: America is addicted to oil, which

is often imported from unstable parts of the world. The best way

to break this addiction is through technology. Since 2001, we have

spent nearly $10 billion to develop cleaner, cheaper, and more

reliable alternative energy sources — and we are on the threshold

of incredible advances.

So tonight, I announce the Advanced Energy Initiative — a

22-percent increase in clean-energy research — at the Department

of Energy, to push for breakthroughs in two vital areas. To change

how we power our homes and ofﬁ ces, we will invest more in

zero-emission coal-ﬁ red plants, revolutionary solar and wind

technologies, and clean, safe nuclear energy.

We must also change how we power our automobiles.

We will increase our research in better batteries for hybrid and

electric cars, and in pollution-free cars that run on hydrogen. We’ll

also fund additional research in cutting-edge methods of producing

ethanol, not just from corn, but from wood chips and stalks,

or switch grass. Our goal is to make this new kind of ethanol

practical and competitive within six years.

Breakthroughs on this and other new technologies will help us

reach another great goal: to replace more than 75 percent of our oil

imports from the Middle East by 2025. By applying the talent and

technology of America, this country can dramatically improve our

environment, move beyond a petroleum-based economy, and make

our dependence on Middle Eastern oil a thing of the past.

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And to keep America competitive, one commitment is

necessary above all: We must continue to lead the world in human

talent and creativity. Our greatest advantage in the world has

always been our educated, hardworking, ambitious people — and

we’re going to keep that edge. Tonight I announce an American

Competitiveness Initiative, to encourage innovation throughout

our economy, and to give our nation’s children a ﬁ rm grounding in

math and science.

First, I propose to double the federal commitment to the most

critical basic research programs in the physical sciences over the

next 10 years. This funding will support the work of America’s

most creative minds as they explore promising areas such as

nanotechnology, supercomputing, and alternative energy sources.

Second, I propose to make permanent the research and

development tax credit to encourage bolder private-sector

initiatives in technology. With more research in both the public and

private sectors, we will improve our quality of life — and ensure

that America will lead the world in opportunity and innovation for

decades to come.

Third, we need to encourage children to take more math and

science, and to make sure those courses are rigorous enough

to compete with other nations. We’ve made a good start in the

early grades with the No Child Left Behind Act, which is raising

standards and lifting test scores across our country. Tonight I

propose to train 70,000 high school teachers to lead advanced-

placement courses in math and science, bring 30,000 math and

science professionals to teach in classrooms, and give early help to

students who struggle with math, so they have a better chance at

good, high-wage jobs. If we ensure that America’s children succeed

in life, they will ensure that America succeeds in the world.

Preparing our nation to compete in the world is a goal that all of

us can share. I urge you to support the American Competitiveness

Initiative, and together we will show the world what the American

people can achieve.

America is a great force for freedom and prosperity. Yet our

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greatness is not measured in power or luxuries, but by who we are

and how we treat one another. So we strive to be a compassionate,

decent, hopeful society.

In recent years, America has become a more hopeful nation.

Violent crime rates have fallen to their lowest levels since the

1970s. Welfare cases have dropped by more than half over the past

decade. Drug use among youth is down 19 percent since 2001.

There are fewer abortions in America than at any point in the last

three decades, and the number of children born to teenage mothers

has been falling for a dozen years in a row.

These gains are evidence of a quiet transformation — a

revolution of conscience, in which a rising generation is ﬁ nding

that a life of personal responsibility is a life of fulﬁ llment.

Government has played a role. Wise policies, such as welfare

reform and drug education and support for abstinence and

adoption have made a difference in the character of our country.

And everyone here tonight, Democrat and Republican, has a right

to be proud of this record.

Yet many Americans, especially parents, still have deep

concerns about the direction of our culture, and the health of our

most basic institutions. They’re concerned about unethical conduct

by public ofﬁ cials, and discouraged by activist courts that try to

redeﬁ ne marriage. They worry about children in our society who

need direction and love, and about fellow citizens still displaced by

natural disaster, and about suffering caused by treatable diseases.

As we look at these challenges, we must never give in to the

belief that America is in decline, or that our culture is doomed

to unravel. The American people know better than that. We have

proven the pessimists wrong before — and we will do it again.

A hopeful society depends on courts that deliver equal

justice under the law. The Supreme Court now has two superb

new members — new members on its bench: Chief Justice John

Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. I thank the Senate for conﬁ rming

both of them. I will continue to nominate men and women who

understand that judges must be servants of the law, and not

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legislate from the bench.

Today marks the ofﬁ cial retirement of a very special American.

For 24 years of faithful service to our nation, the United States is

grateful to Justice Sandra Day O’Connor.

A hopeful society has institutions of science and medicine that

do not cut ethical corners, and that recognize the matchless value

of every life. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to prohibit the

most egregious abuses of medical research: human cloning in all

its forms, creating or implanting embryos for experiments, creating

human-animal hybrids, and buying, selling, or patenting human

embryos. Human life is a gift from our Creator — and that gift

should never be discarded, devalued or put up for sale.

A hopeful society expects elected ofﬁ cials to uphold the public

trust. Honorable people in both parties are working on reforms

to strengthen the ethical standards of Washington — I support

your efforts. Each of us has made a pledge to be worthy of public

responsibility — and that is a pledge we must never forget, never

dismiss, and never betray.

As we renew the promise of our institutions, let us also show

the character of America in our compassion and care for one

another.

A hopeful society gives special attention to children who lack

direction and love. Through the Helping America’s Youth

Initiative, we are encouraging caring adults to get involved in the

life of a child — and this good work is being led by our First Lady,

Laura Bush. This year we will add resources to encourage young

people to stay in school, so more of America’s youth can raise their

sights and achieve their dreams.

A hopeful society comes to the aid of fellow citizens in times

of suffering and emergency — and stays at it until they’re back

on their feet. So far the federal government has committed $85

billion to the people of the Gulf Coast and New Orleans. We’re

removing debris and repairing highways and rebuilding stronger

levees. We’re providing business loans and housing assistance. Yet

as we meet these immediate needs, we must also address deeper

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challenges that existed before the storm arrived.

In New Orleans and in other places, many of our fellow citizens

have felt excluded from the promise of our country. The answer is

not only temporary relief, but schools that teach every child, and

job skills that bring upward mobility, and more opportunities to

own a home and start a business. As we recover from a disaster,

let us also work for the day when all Americans are protected by

justice, equal in hope, and rich in opportunity.

A hopeful society acts boldly to ﬁ ght diseases like HIV/AIDS,

which can be prevented, and treated, and defeated. More than

a million Americans live with HIV, and half of all AIDS cases

occur among African Americans. I ask Congress to reform and

reauthorize the Ryan White Act, and provide new funding to states,

so we end the waiting lists for AIDS medicines in America. We

will also lead a nationwide effort, working closely with African

American churches and faith-based groups, to deliver rapid HIV

tests to millions, end the stigma of AIDS, and come closer to the

day when there are no new infections in America.

Fellow citizens, we’ve been called to leadership in a period

of consequence. We’ve entered a great ideological conﬂ ict we did

nothing to invite. We see great changes in science and commerce

that will inﬂ uence all our lives. Sometimes it can seem that

history is turning in a wide arc, toward an unknown shore. Yet the

destination of history is determined by human action, and every

great movement of history comes to a point of choosing.

Lincoln could have accepted peace at the cost of disunity and

continued slavery. Martin Luther King could have stopped at

Birmingham or at Selma, and achieved only half a victory over

segregation. The United States could have accepted the permanent

division of Europe, and been complicit in the oppression of others.

Today, having come far in our own historical journey, we must

decide: Will we turn back, or ﬁ nish well?

Before history is written down in books, it is written in courage.

Like Americans before us, we will show that courage and we will

ﬁ nish well. We will lead freedom’s advance. We will compete and

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excel in the global economy. We will renew the deﬁ ning moral

commitments of this land. And so we move forward — optimistic

about our country, faithful to its cause, and conﬁ dent of the

victories to come.

May God bless America.

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REMARKS ON THE ADVANCED ENERGY INITIATIVE

JOHNSON CONTROLS

MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN

FEBRUARY 20, 2006

John, thanks. Thanks for letting me come by to say “hello.”

I’ve got something on my mind I want to share with you. First,

Happy President’s Day. It turns out most folks in Washington don’t

work on President’s Day. The only one working is the President.

I want to talk to you about the fact that I think we’re in

an important moment in history, and that we have a chance to

transform the way we power our economy and how we lead our

lives. That’s what I’m here to talk about. It’s a good place to

come to talk about it because, the truth of the matter is, in order to

seize the moment, this country has got to remain technologically

advanced.

Johnson Controls has been on the cutting edge of energy

technology and other technologies for more than a century. And the

innovators that work here and the smart folks who work here are on

the leading edge of change, and that’s why I’ve come. And there’s a

role for government to help and I want to explain that role. Before

I do, again, I want to thank you, John. I want to thank all the folks

who work for Johnson Controls. It’s not easy to host the President.

I had the honor of touring the laboratory on the other side of

town there, and it was really neat to see the engineers and the

scientists and the Ph.D.s all working hard to apply their God-

given talents to help this country remain on the leading edge of

technology. It reminded me of one of the challenges we have in

America, and that’s to make sure a new generation of our citizens

are interested in science and engineering and physics. And part of

making sure this country is the leader in the world, we’ve got to

make sure our children are properly educated so they’ll be ready for

the jobs of the 21st century.

I want to thank Congresswoman Gwen Moore for joining us;

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I appreciate you coming, nice to see you. They tell me this is your

congressional district, so it’s awfully kind of you to let two other

congress persons join us — that would be Congressman Mark

Green and Congressman Paul Ryan. Thank you both for coming.

We have eaten a lot of custard in the past. I’m still recovering, I

want you to know.

I want to thank the Speaker of the House who has joined us.

The Mayor of the great city of Milwaukee has joined us; and the

County Executive has joined us. Thank you all for coming, proud

you’re here.

By the way, it’s always important, if any of you ever run

for ofﬁ ce, to always remember to recognize the sheriff. Sheriff

Clarke, thank you for being here, good to see you again. Thank

you.

Our economy is strong. It’s gaining steam, too. We’re now

in our ﬁ fth year of uninterrupted economic growth. Last year our

economy grew at a healthy rate of 3.5 percent, in spite of high

energy prices and devastating storms. Real after-tax income is

up nearly 8 percent per American since 2001. And that’s one of

the explanations, one of the reasons why retail sales last month

made their biggest gain in more than four years. Homeownership

is at record levels. That’s a good sign. We want people owning

things in America. More minorities own a home than ever before

in our nation’s history. America’s unemployment rate is down to

4.7 percent. That’s the lowest level since 2001. We’ve added 4.7

million new jobs over the last two-and-a-half years. We’re doing

ﬁ ne.

The fundamental question is, how do we keep doing ﬁ ne? The

challenge that faces us is — is how we make sure that the

economic growth today carries over for tomorrow. And that’s

what I want to talk about. In order to understand what to do

you’ve got to understand what got us to where we are today. Part

of it is keeping taxes low, by the way, and that’s exactly what I

intend to do so long as I’m the President, is keep taxes low. Part

of it is being wise about how we spend our money. Part of it is

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understanding how technology plays in the future of the country.

Think back 25 years ago, in the start of the 1980s. It’s not all

that long ago, really. Some of us remember the ‘80s pretty clearly.

A lot of kind of grey-haired folks here that lived through the ‘80s.

Then most Americans used typewriters, instead of the computers.

They used payphones — you remember what those were — instead

of cell phones. They used carbon paper instead of laser printers,

bank tellers instead of ATMs, and they played the license plate

game on trips, as opposed to DVDs. Times have changed a lot in

25 years, because of technology.

We’re seeing new develops all the time — new developments

— advanced battery technology allows cell phones to last about 50

percent longer than they did just ﬁ ve years ago. In your laboratory

we’re seeing — ﬁ rsthand seeing the progress being made because

of your scientists and engineers in lighter, more potent battery

technology. Lightweight parts and better engines allow cars to

travel 60 percent farther on a gallon of gas than they did three

decades ago.

Technologies are helping this economy become more efﬁ cient.

Listen to this: Over the last 30 years our economy has grown three

times faster than our energy consumption. The economy has grown

three times faster than energy consumption. During that period

of time, we created 56 million jobs, while cutting air pollution

by 50 percent. Technology is really important for the future of

this country. And so in the State of the Union, I said that by using

technology, we can help make sure this country remains a world

leader. And that starts with making sure we change our energy

habits.

I know it came as a shock to some to hear a Texan stand up

there in front of the country and say, we’ve got a real problem,

America is addicted to oil. But I meant it, because it’s a true fact,

and we’ve got to do something about it now. Oil is the primary

source of gasoline; it is the primary source of diesel; it is the

primary source of jet fuel. And that means that oil accounts for

virtually all energy consumption in the vital transportation sector of

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our economy.

The oil we consume in this important sector comes from foreign

countries, most of it does. In 1985, three-quarters of the crude oil

used in U.S. reﬁ neries came from America; today that equation

has changed dramatically. Less than half the crude oil used in our

reﬁ neries is produced here at home, 60 percent comes from foreign

countries. Things have changed since 1985.

Some of the nations we rely on for oil have unstable

governments, or fundamental differences with the United States.

These countries know we need their oil and that reduces inﬂ uence.

It creates a national security issue when we’re held hostage for

energy by foreign nations that may not like us.

Energy is also part of our economic security, as well. That’s

obvious. I mean, the global demand for oil has been rising faster

than supply because there’s new economies that are beginning to

gin up, new economies growing, like China and India. Oil prices

rise sharply when demand is greater than supply. And when they

do, it strains your budgets. It hurts our families, it hurts our small

entrepreneurs. It’s like a hidden tax. And so we’re vulnerable to

high prices of oil, and we’re vulnerable to sudden disruptions of oil.

What I’m telling you is oil — the dependence upon oil is a national

security problem, and an economic security problem. And here’s

what we intend to do about it.

First, Congress passed a good energy bill last summer; I was

pleased to sign it. It took a little bit of work. It’s kind of hard to get

things done in Washington, there’s a lot of sharp partisan elbows up

there these days. But we got something done, and it’s a good bill.

It encourages conservation and new technologies and alternative

sources of energy. But there’s a lot more that needs to be done.

The ﬁ rst thing that needs to be done is to make sure that

there’s an incentive for private business to invest in research

and development. If technology is going to help us change our

energy habits and change the way we live, it makes sense for the

government to incent people to invest in research and development.

Right now we’ve got what we call a research and development

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tax credit, which is a major incentive for private companies such

as yourselves, to invest in research and development, which will

yield new technologies. The problem is, is that the R&D tax credit

expires. As a matter of fact, they’ve only renewed it on an annual

basis.

Now, I don’t know how in the heck Congress thinks that

people can plan properly if they’re uncertain as to whether or not

the tax credit is going to exist. So, therefore, if we want to be on the

leading edge of research and development, then Congress needs to

make the R&D tax credit a permanent part of the tax code.

Secondly, government can help. Government provides about a

third of the dollars for research and development. Two-thirds come

from the private sector, one-third comes from the government. And

so I propose to double the federal commitment to the most critical

basic research programs in the physical sciences over the next

decade.

Let me explain our strategy when it comes to energy. So in

other words, part of our strategy is to make sure people continue

to invest. The research you’re doing at Johnson Labs will change

people’s lives appreciably. But we’ve got to continue to make sure

we conduct research and development if we want to be a leader

in the world. If we don’t want to be a leader in the world, ﬁ ne,

we’ll just quit. That’s not how I view America. I want America to

lead the world, because by leading the world when it comes to the

economy, we’re helping our people, we’re making our people more

productive and productivity increases enhance standard of living.

And increased standards of living means the American people are

doing better.

Now, I laid out what’s called an Advanced Energy Initiative.

And a cornerstone of the initiative is a 22 percent increase in

funding for clean energy research at the Department of Energy. And

it’s got two major goals, or two objectives. First, to transform the

way we power our cars and trucks. And, secondly, to transform the

way we power our homes and ofﬁ ces.

So let me talk to you about the ﬁ rst one. Our nation is on the

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threshold of some new energy technologies that I think will startle

the American people. It’s not going to startle you here at Johnson

Controls because you know what I’m talking about. You take it for

granted. But the American people will be amazed at how far our

technology has advanced in order to meet an important goal, which

is to reduce our imports from the Middle East by 75 percent by

2025, and eventually getting rid of our dependence totally.

The ﬁ rst objective is to change the way we power our cars

and trucks. Today’s cars and trucks are fueled almost exclusively

by gasoline and diesel fuel, which, of course, comes from oil. To

transform the way we power the vehicles, we have got to diversify

away from oil. I just gave you a reason from a national security

perspective, as well as economic security perspective why reliance

upon oil is not good for the United States.

And so here are three ways that we can do that, change our

reliance from oil. First, invest in new kinds of vehicles that require

much less gasoline. It’s a practical thing to do. Secondly, ﬁ nd new

fuels that will replace gasoline and, therefore, dependence on oil.

And, ﬁ nally, develop new ways to run a car without gasoline at all.

The most promising ways to reduce gasoline consumption

quickly is through hybrid vehicles. Hybrid vehicles have both

a gasoline-powered engine and an electric battery based on

technologies that were developed by the Department of Energy.

In other words, this technology came to be because the federal

government made a research commitment. That’s why I think it’s

double — important to double research as we go down the next

decade. The gasoline engine charges the battery, which helps drive

the vehicle. And the twin sources of power allow hybrid cars and

trucks to travel about twice as far on a gallon of fuel as gasoline-

only vehicles. That is a good start when something that can go twice

as far on a gallon of gasoline than the conventional vehicle can.

Hybrid vehicles are a good deal for consumers and the

American people are ﬁ guring it out. More than 200,000 hybrids

were sold in the United States last year — the highest sales on

record. There’s growing demand for hybrid automobiles. And

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working with the Congress, we came up with an additional

incentive, and that is we provide a tax credit up to $3,400 per

hybrid vehicle purchaser. In other words, we want to stimulate

demand. In the marketplace when there is demand, suppliers

will meet that demand, and that’s positive, because if you can go

twice as far on a gallon of gasoline than otherwise it means we’re

becoming less dependent on oil. Hybrid vehicles on the road today

are delivering impressive gasoline savings.

But there is more to be done, and that’s why I’m here at

Johnson Controls, because engineers here are working on ways

to replace the current hybrid battery technology with advanced

lithium ion batteries that are now used in cell phones and laptops.

These batteries are lighter, they are more powerful, and they can

be recharged quickly. Using new lithium ion batteries, engineers

will be able to design the next generation of hybrid vehicles, called

plug-in hybrids, that can be recharged through a standard electrical

outlet. Start picturing what I’m talking about: you’ve got your car,

you pull in, you plug it right in the wall.

Development will make a big difference in the performance

of hybrid cars and trucks. Instead of depending on the gasoline

engine to recharge the electric battery, the plug-in hybrids will

have fully charged batteries as soon as you get in the automobile.

And that means plug-in hybrids will be able to travel much greater

distances on electricity alone, thereby saving more gas for our

consumers, thereby making us less dependent on oil.

The plug-in hybrid, they estimate, can initially go 40 miles

on electricity alone. So you’ve got a lot of folks living in cities

like Milwaukee, Wisconsin, who generally don’t drive more than

40 miles a day. Therefore, within 40 miles you’ll be on electricity

and using no gasoline. Eventually, plug-in hybrids with lithium

ion batteries will be able to get 100 miles per gallon. And now all

of a sudden you’re beginning to see the effects of this important

technology on our national security and on our economic security.

But, more important, for the pocketbook of our consumers.

Plug-in hybrids are a really important part of the strategy I’ve

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announced, and we’re going to provide $31 million to speed up

research on these advanced technologies — this is a 27-percent

increase over current funding levels. In other words, we like to

— the experts tell me this is a very good chance to have major

breakthroughs and we want to accelerate those breakthroughs.

And, again, I want to thank you all for being on the leading edge of

change.

We’re also supporting the development of advanced fuels that

can replace regular gasoline. Here again I’m talking to folks who

know what I’m talking about — I’m talking about ethanol. You’ve

got a lot of it here in Wisconsin because you’ve got corn. Ethanol

is produced — primarily produced from corn; it’s blended with

gasoline to produce clean and efﬁ cient fuel. And blends with that

ethanol concentration of less than 10 percent, ethanol can be used

in any vehicle. With minor modiﬁ cations — I emphasize “minor

modiﬁ cations” — cars and trucks can become what we call ﬂ ex-

fuel vehicles that run on a fuel blend called E85, which is a mix

of 85 percent ethanol and 15 percent gasoline. That’s a positive

development.

Ethanol, by the way, can be used in hybrid vehicles. So the

more ethanol we use, the less crude oil we consume. And using

ethanol has the added beneﬁ t of supporting our farmers. I like to

kind of tease in a way, but beneath the tease is serious — it will be

good one day when the President is given the crop report. It says,

“Mr. President, corn is up.” And we’re less dependent on foreign

sources of energy.

America produced a record 3.9 billion gallons of ethanol in

2005, was the record levels. That’s twice the level produced when

I got sworn in ﬁ rst time. There are ﬁ ve ethanol that plants up and

running here in Wisconsin, and more are coming. We offer a tax

credit to ethanol blenders of 51 cents per gallon. We’re committed

to ethanol. It makes sense. Ethanol beneﬁ ts a lot of folks, but, most

importantly, it beneﬁ ts those who are driving cars.

Now, we’re on the edge of advancing additional ethanol

production. New technology is going to make it possible to produce

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ethanol from wood chips and stalks and switch grass, and other

natural materials. Researchers at the Energy Department tell me

we’re ﬁ ve or six years away from breakthroughs in being able to

produce fuels from those waste products. In other words, we’re

beginning to — we’re coming up with a way to make something

out of nothing. And this is important because it’s — economics are

such that it’s important to have your ethanol-producing factories or

plants close to where the product is grown.

That’s why E85 has spread throughout the Midwest, that’s

where you’re growing the corn. Pretty soon, you know, if you’re

able to grow switch grass and convert that into ethanol, then

you’re going to have availability for ethanol in other parts of the

country. I mean, there’s a lot of stuff that gets thrown away that

may be converted into fuel, but it’s not just located in one part of

the country — it’s located around the country. And one of the goals

is to make sure that ethanol is widespread. If we want to affect

our consumption of oil, we want ethanol to be readily available

for consumers outside certain parts of the — certain regions of the

country.

And so we proposed spending $150 million for government

and private research into these homegrown fuels. It’s an important

initiative. We want to provide our consumers with reasonable, cost-

effective ways to help us become less dependent on foreign sources

of oil.

And we’ve got another initiative that I ﬁ nd interesting, and it’s

important. And that is we’re spending money — your hard-

earned money — on research to develop a vehicle that will not

use gasoline and it won’t produce any pollution whatsoever. And

that’s through hydrogen. When hydrogen is used in a device called

a fuel cell, it can deliver enough electricity that could power a car

that emits pure water instead of exhaust fumes. It’s an exciting

new technology. We’re a ways down the road from bringing it to

fruition, but we are spending $1.2 billion over ﬁ ve years to research

this important opportunity.

We’re seeing some progress, by the way, when it comes to

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hydrogen fuel cells. They tell me that the cost of manufacturing

hydrogen fuel cells has been cut in half, which is good. Research

is taking place. There could be a new technology available so that

when your children take their ﬁ rst driver’s test — or when some

of your children take their ﬁ rst driver’s test, they will do so in a

hydrogen-powered automobile.

And so those are three steps, three important steps, three steps

in which we can help change our driving habits. And by changing

our driving habits, we’ve changed our dependency on foreign

sources of oil.

Now, the second objective of the Advanced Energy Initiative

is to transform the way we power our homes and ofﬁ ces. And so

we’ve got to diversify our electricity supply is what I’m about to

— I’ll give you the bottom line ﬁ rst: We must diversify. Right now,

American electricity is generated by four principle sources. Coal

accounts for about 50 percent; nuclear power, about 20 percent;

natural gas about 18 percent; and renewable sources, like hydro

electric, solar and wind power account for the rest.

The most versatile of these fuels is natural gas. And there we

have a problem. We have a problem because natural gas is used for

more than just heating your homes. Natural gas is important for —

to help create fertilizer for farmers. Natural gas powers heavy duty

machinery used for manufacturing and chemical production. In

other words, there’s a lot of uses for natural gas. And, yet, natural

gas has become really popular for electricity generation in recent

years and the price has tripled recently. And these price increases

obviously affect our farmers, they affect our ranchers, they affect

our consumers.

And they affect our businesses. Businesses that rely upon

natural gas feedstocks have found that in order to stay in business

they’ve got to move their plants closer to where vast quantities of

natural gas are being discovered — and that’s not here in the United

States, that’s elsewhere.

And so we’ve got to ﬁ gure out how to confront this issue. And

here’s two ways to do it. First, we’ve got to make sure that we’ve

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got enough natural gas to meet our home heating and industrial

needs. And one of the best ways to secure supply is to expand

our ability to receive liqueﬁ ed natural gas. It’s a super cool form

of natural gas that can be transported from overseas on tankers.

Natural gas inside of America is generally transported by pipeline.

Huge supplies of gas exist outside the reach of pipelines. And

technology is being developed that can cool the gas, they can bring

the gas over in tankers in liqueﬁ ed form, de-liquefy it and put it into

our pipeline system.

The problem is, is that we didn’t have enough sites to set up

terminals to receive the LNG. And until there’s a place for the LNG

to unload, the liqueﬁ ed natural gas, what I’m talking about isn’t

going to come to fruition. And so one of the things in the energy

bill that was important is it clariﬁ ed federal authority to site new

receiving terminals for LNG. And that’s good. In other words, if we

need more natural gas to make sure that we take the pressure off the

heating bills, as well as meet our industrial needs, we’ve got to have

places for the liqueﬁ ed natural gas to come into the country.

And the bill also did another important thing, and that is to

streamline permitting processes for on-shore natural — off — on-

shore, off-shore natural gas exploration. In other words, we’ve got

to make it easier and at the same time protect our environment to

make sure that we can ﬁ nd natural gas that ﬁ ts into the pipeline to

help take the pressure off of price.

Secondly, we need to reduce our reliance on natural gas for

electricity generation. In other words, we’ve got to substitute other

forms of power for natural gas if we expect to be able to maintain a

manufacturing base that relies upon natural gas. And the best way

to do that is to expand our use of coal, nuclear power and renewable

sources of energy, like wind and solar.

Let me start with coal. Coal is by far our country’s most

abundant and affordable energy resource. It’s estimated we’ve got

more than 250 years of reserves. That’s a lot, that’s a lot. And I’m

sure you recognize this, or realize this, but in Wisconsin, when you

ﬂ ip on the light switch, there’s a 75-percent chance that electricity is

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generated by coal-powered plants. In other words, you use it here in

Wisconsin.

Coal has the potential to reduce our reliance on natural gas.

The problem is we’ve got to make sure that we can keep our

commitment to the environment. Coal requires investment to make

sure that we don’t pollute our air. And that’s the conundrum, that’s

the difﬁ culty with coal. This country is — I told you we’ve reduced

our air pollution by 50 percent, in spite of the fact that our economy

has grown substantially. We want to continue that commitment.

I told folks when I was running for President the ﬁ rst time

around that we would invest $2 billion over 10 years to promote

clean coal technology. In other words, I believed, as did many

others, that technology will help us deal with this dilemma. And

we’re on our way, by the way, to complete the promise several years

ahead of schedule. In other words, we are committing research

dollars to see if we can’t use this abundant resource and, at the same

time, protect our environment.

The coal research has helped pioneer more effective pollution

controls. We’re helping coal plant efﬁ ciency. We’ve also

implemented new clean air regulations that use a cap and trade

system, which gives utility companies incentives to continue

investing in clean coal technology. Congress needs to pass my Clear

Skies legislation.

But we’re getting closer to an interesting, important goal — that

by continuing to invest at the federal level, as well as encourage

private investment, we will build the world’s ﬁ rst power plant to

run on coal that produces zero emissions by 2015. That will be a

positive development for future generations of Americans.

I’d like to talk about nuclear power. Today there are more than

100 nuclear plants in America that operate in 31 states, including

right here in Wisconsin. The plants are producing electricity safely,

and they don’t emit any air pollution or greenhouse gases. America

hasn’t ordered a nuclear plant since the 1970s, and that’s the result

of litigation — or because of litigation — and complex regulations.

It’s interesting when you think about a country like France,

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however, they have built 58 plants since the 1970s; they get 78

percent of their electricity from nuclear power. It’s an interesting

contrast, isn’t it? We haven’t done anything since the ‘70s; this

country has decided to recognize the importance of having

renewable sources of energy that protect the environment, and 78

percent of their electricity comes from this form of energy. China

has eight nuclear plants in the works, by the way, and plans to build

at least 40 more over the next two decades.

I’m going to India later on — at the beginning of next month,

March 1st; I’m going to talk about a civilian nuclear power program

for India. I’ll tell you why I am in a minute, but ﬁ rst let’s talk about

here at home.

I think we ought to start building nuclear power plants again.

I think it makes sense to do so. Technology is such that we can do

so and say to the American people, these are safe — and they’re

important. To encourage construction of nuclear power plants,

there’s new federal risk insurance for the ﬁ rst six new plants that

will be built in the country. That’s part of the energy bill I signed.

This insurance helps protect the builders of these plants against

lawsuits or bureaucratic obstacles and other delays beyond their

control. In other words, there’s an incentive to say, let’s get six of

them started.

The administration has also launched what’s called Nuclear

Power 2010 Initiative. It’s a $1.1 billion partnership between the

government and industry to facilitate new plant orders. Chairman

Niles Diaz of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission is taking steps to

streamline the licensing process for new plant construction. In other

words, we’re analyzing barriers and hurdles and trying to eliminate

them so we can start this process.

If we’re trying to become less dependent on foreign sources of

oil or energy like natural gas, we want to free up our natural gas to

keep our manufacturing base intact, we need to move forward when

it comes to alternative sources like nuclear power. And there’s some

encouraging results and the mind-set is beginning to change. After

all, the mind-set needed to change; we haven’t built a plant since the

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1970s. That’s a fairly long period of time.

This time last year, only two companies were seeking to build

nuclear power plants; now nine companies have expressed a new

interest in new — interest in new construction. They’re considering

as many as 19 new plants. This progress is going to help an

important goal. We’ll start building nuclear power plants again by

the end of this decade. As part of our strategy, as part of our way to

make sure that the future is bright and that America remains a leader

in the world is to understand the promise of nuclear power.

We’re also going to work with other nations to help them build

nuclear power industries. And the reason why is this is a global

world in which we live and demand for oil in China and India

affects price here in America. And so, therefore, if we can help

relieve the pressure off of demand for fossil fuels, it helps the entire

world.

And so we’ve got some challenges, however, in dealing with

this issue. And that’s why I put together what’s called a global

nuclear energy partnership. It’s a partnership that works with

countries that have got advanced nuclear energy programs, or

civilian nuclear energy programs like France and Great Britain and

Japan and Russia. And here are the objectives of the partnership.

First, supplier nations will provide fuel for non-supplier nations

so they can start up a civilian nuclear energy program. In other

words, a lot of countries don’t know how to enrich; a handful do,

and it makes sense that we share that — share the beneﬁ ts of our

knowledge with others, but not share the knowledge because there’s

concern about proliferation.

One of the concerns you hear from the critics of expanding

nuclear power is all this will do to create proliferation concerns.

Well, here’s one way to address those concerns — to say, we’ll

provide the fuel for you — and we’ll collect the fuel from you,

by the way. And after we collect the fuel from you, we need to

reprocess the spent nuclear material. By reprocessing you can

continue to use the fuel base, but equally importantly, we’ll reduce

the amount of nuclear waste that needs to be stored.

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So here is an initiative that affects us here at home, and an

initiative that will help others develop nuclear power so they can

generate their economic growth. We want people growing in the

world. We want people — economies to be in good shape. And we

also expect others to help us protect the environment, as well.

Another electricity source with enormous potential is solar

power. Today Americans use small amounts of solar power, mainly

to heat water or to power small consumer products like outdoor

lights. After spending some time with you all here, I’m going

over to Michigan to go to a company that manufactures thin ﬁ lm,

photovoltaic cells. That’s kind of a fancy word for cells that can

generate electricity directly from sunlight.

The technology — solar technology has the potential to change

the way we live and work, if you really think about it. For example,

roof makers will one day be able to create a solar roof that protects

you from the elements and, at the same time, powers your house.

And that’s what these folks are working on.

The vision is this: that you will have — that the technology will

become so efﬁ cient that you’ll become a little power generator

in your home, and that if you don’t use the energy you generate,

you’ll be able to feed it back into the electricity grid. The whole

purpose of spending money on solar power — and we intend to

spend $150 million next year in funding for both government and

private research — is to bring to market as quickly as possible

this important and impressive technology. It’s really going to help

change the way we live, we think, and we want solar power to

become competitive by 2015.

Another promising renewable is wind. You’re getting — as

Laura says, when you speak too long you’re a little windy. I’m

not saying I’m wind power, but I am telling you I recognize the

importance of wind power. More than $3 billion worth of equipment

to generate electricity from wind was installed in America last year.

In other words, it’s a new industry, it’s beginning to grow — $3

billion is a good investment, good amount of investment. Obviously,

people think there’s potential when it comes to wind energy.

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About 6 percent of the continental U.S. has been identiﬁ ed

as highly suitable for construction of wind turbines. Some have

estimated that this area alone has the potential to supply up to

20 percent of our nation’s electricity. In other words, they’ve

identiﬁ ed 6 percent of the country’s landmass as a good place for

wind turbines that, if installed with the right technology, could

have a major effect on the electricity that we all use. So we’re

proposing additional money for research and development.

I think you’re beginning to get the drift of what I’m talking

about. We’re on the edge of some amazing breakthroughs —

breakthroughs all aimed at enhancing our national security and our

economic security, and the quality of life for the folks who live

here in the United States. And so, therefore, now is the time for

Congress to join me in spending this money. I think it’s a good use

of your money, to help us achieve major breakthroughs in how we

live and how we can reduce our dependency on oil. This is an issue

that Republicans and Democrats can, and must, come together on.

Think about how your children or your grandchildren may be

able to spend a President’s Day in the future. If you’re planning

a trip to visit relatives, you can plug in your hybrid car the night

before and drive the ﬁ rst 40 miles on your lithium ion battery.

If you’ve got more distance to go, you can ﬁ ll up at your local

ethanol station. If you’re in Wisconsin, you’ll be ﬁ lling it up with

corn product. In Crawford, it may just be switch grass. You may

decide to travel in a hydrogen-powered minivan, and refuel at a

station with hydrogen generated by a local nuclear power plant.

When you ﬁ nally make it to where you’re going, you can sit at a

house that is lit by clean coal, or wind energy, or solar-powered

roof over your head.

We’re close. We’re close to having this vision realized in

America. And by the way, this can all be done — the whole trip

can be done without consuming a single drop of oil. It’s within

our reach. There was a lot of time when most Americans would

never have imagined that we’d be traveling long distance in our

automobile instead of a buggy, or sending emails instead of letters.

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In the life of this nation we have seen incredible and rapid advances

in technology — in the history of this country.

I believe the greatest advances are yet to come. And I want

to thank the good folks here at Johnson for helping them come.

Thanks for your time. God bless.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON IMMIGRATION

THE OVAL OFFICE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

MAY 15, 2006

Good evening. I’ve asked for a few minutes of your time to

discuss a matter of national importance — the reform of America’s

immigration system.

The issue of immigration stirs intense emotions, and in recent

weeks, Americans have seen those emotions on display. On the

streets of major cities, crowds have rallied in support of those in

our country illegally. At our southern border, others have organized

to stop illegal immigrants from coming in. Across the country,

Americans are trying to reconcile these contrasting images. And in

Washington, the debate over immigration reform has reached a time

of decision. Tonight, I will make it clear where I stand, and where I

want to lead our country on this vital issue.

We must begin by recognizing the problems with our

immigration system. For decades, the United States has not been in

complete control of its borders. As a result, many who want to work

in our economy have been able to sneak across our border, and

millions have stayed.

Once here, illegal immigrants live in the shadows of our

society. Many use forged documents to get jobs, and that makes

it difﬁ cult for employers to verify that the workers they hire are

legal. Illegal immigration puts pressure on public schools and

hospitals, it strains state and local budgets, and brings crime to our

communities. These are real problems. Yet we must remember that

the vast majority of illegal immigrants are decent people who work

hard, support their families, practice their faith, and lead responsible

lives. They are a part of American life, but they are beyond the

reach and protection of American law.

We’re a nation of laws, and we must enforce our laws. We’re

also a nation of immigrants, and we must uphold that tradition,

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which has strengthened our country in so many ways. These are

not contradictory goals. America can be a lawful society and a

welcoming society at the same time. We will ﬁ x the problems

created by illegal immigration, and we will deliver a system that is

secure, orderly, and fair. So I support comprehensive immigration

reform that will accomplish ﬁ ve clear objectives.

First, the United States must secure its borders. This is a basic

responsibility of a sovereign nation. It is also an urgent requirement

of our national security. Our objective is straightforward: The

border should be open to trade and lawful immigration, and shut to

illegal immigrants, as well as criminals, drug dealers, and terrorists.

I was a governor of a state that has a 1,200-mile border with

Mexico. So I know how difﬁ cult it is to enforce the border, and

how important it is. Since I became President, we’ve increased

funding for border security by 66 percent, and expanded the Border

Patrol from about 9,000 to 12,000 agents. The men and women of

our Border Patrol are doing a ﬁ ne job in difﬁ cult circumstances,

and over the past ﬁ ve years, they have apprehended and sent home

about six million people entering America illegally.

Despite this progress, we do not yet have full control of the

border, and I am determined to change that. Tonight I’m calling

on Congress to provide funding for dramatic improvements in

manpower and technology at the border. By the end of 2008, we’ll

increase the number of Border Patrol ofﬁ cers by an additional

6,000. When these new agents are deployed, we’ll have more than

doubled the size of the Border Patrol during my presidency.

At the same time, we’re launching the most technologically

advanced border security initiative in American history. We will

construct high-tech fences in urban corridors, and build new patrol

roads and barriers in rural areas. We’ll employ motion sensors,

infrared cameras, and unmanned aerial vehicles to prevent illegal

crossings. America has the best technology in the world, and we

will ensure that the Border Patrol has the technology they need to

do their job and secure our border.

Training thousands of new Border Patrol agents and bringing the

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most advanced technology to the border will take time. Yet the

need to secure our border is urgent. So I’m announcing several

immediate steps to strengthen border enforcement during this period

of transition:

One way to help during this transition is to use the National

Guard. So, in coordination with governors, up to 6,000 Guard

members will be deployed to our southern border. The Border Patrol

will remain in the lead. The Guard will assist the Border Patrol by

operating surveillance systems, analyzing intelligence, installing

fences and vehicle barriers, building patrol roads, and providing

training. Guard units will not be involved in direct law enforcement

activities — that duty will be done by the Border Patrol. This

initial commitment of Guard members would last for a period of

one year. After that, the number of Guard forces will be reduced as

new Border Patrol agents and new technologies come online. It is

important for Americans to know that we have enough Guard forces

to win the war on terror, to respond to natural disasters, and to help

secure our border.

The United States is not going to militarize the southern border.

Mexico is our neighbor, and our friend. We will continue to work

cooperatively to improve security on both sides of the border, to

confront common problems like drug trafﬁ cking and crime, and to

reduce illegal immigration.

Another way to help during this period of transition is through

state and local law enforcement in our border communities. So we’ll

increase federal funding for state and local authorities assisting

the Border Patrol on targeted enforcement missions. We will give

state and local authorities the specialized training they need to help

federal ofﬁ cers apprehend and detain illegal immigrants. State and

local law enforcement ofﬁ cials are an important part of our border

security and they need to be a part of our strategy to secure our

borders.

The steps I’ve outlined will improve our ability to catch people

entering our country illegally. At the same time, we must ensure that

every illegal immigrant we catch crossing our southern border is

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returned home. More than 85 percent of the illegal immigrants we

catch crossing the southern border are Mexicans, and most are sent

back home within 24 hours. But when we catch illegal immigrants

from other country [sic] it is not as easy to send them home. For

many years, the government did not have enough space in our

detention facilities to hold them while the legal process unfolded.

So most were released back into our society and asked to return for

a court date. When the date arrived, the vast majority did not show

up. This practice, called “catch and release,” is unacceptable, and

we will end it.

We’re taking several important steps to meet this goal. We’ve

expanded the number of beds in our detention facilities, and we

will continue to add more. We’ve expedited the legal process to cut

the average deportation time. And we’re making it clear to foreign

governments that they must accept back their citizens who violate

our immigration laws. As a result of these actions, we’ve ended

“catch and release” for illegal immigrants from some countries. And

I will ask Congress for additional funding and legal authority, so

we can end “catch and release” at the southern border once and for

all. When people know that they’ll be caught and sent home if they

enter our country illegally, they will be less likely to try to sneak in.

Second, to secure our border, we must create a temporary

worker program. The reality is that there are many people on the

other side of our border who will do anything to come to America

to work and build a better life. They walk across miles of desert in

the summer heat, or hide in the back of 18-wheelers to reach our

country. This creates enormous pressure on our border that walls

and patrols alone will not stop. To secure the border effectively, we

must reduce the numbers of people trying to sneak across.

Therefore, I support a temporary worker program that would

create a legal path for foreign workers to enter our country in an

orderly way, for a limited period of time. This program would

match willing foreign workers with willing American employers

for jobs Americans are not doing. Every worker who applies for the

program would be required to pass criminal background checks.

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And temporary workers must return to their home country at the

conclusion of their stay.

A temporary worker program would meet the needs of our

economy, and it would give honest immigrants a way to provide

for their families while respecting the law. A temporary worker

program would reduce the appeal of human smugglers, and make

it less likely that people would risk their lives to cross the border.

It would ease the ﬁ nancial burden on state and local governments,

by replacing illegal workers with lawful taxpayers. And above all,

a temporary worker program would add to our security by making

certain we know who is in our country and why they are here.

Third, we need to hold employers to account for the workers

they hire. It is against the law to hire someone who is in this country

illegally. Yet businesses often cannot verify the legal status of their

employees because of the widespread problem of document fraud.

Therefore, comprehensive immigration reform must include a better

system for verifying documents and work eligibility. A key part

of that system should be a new identiﬁ cation card for every legal

foreign worker. This card should use biometric technology, such as

digital ﬁ ngerprints, to make it tamper-proof. A tamper-proof card

would help us enforce the law, and leave employers with no excuse

for violating it. And by making it harder for illegal immigrants to

ﬁ nd work in our country, we would discourage people from crossing

the border illegally in the ﬁ rst place.

Fourth, we must face the reality that millions of illegal

immigrants are here already. They should not be given an automatic

path to citizenship. This is amnesty, and I oppose it. Amnesty would

be unfair to those who are here lawfully, and it would invite further

waves of illegal immigration.

Some in this country argue that the solution is to deport every

illegal immigrant, and that any proposal short of this amounts to

amnesty. I disagree. It is neither wise, nor realistic to round up

millions of people, many with deep roots in the United States, and

send them across the border. There is a rational middle ground

between granting an automatic path to citizenship for every illegal

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immigrant, and a program of mass deportation. That middle ground

recognizes there are differences between an illegal immigrant who

crossed the border recently, and someone who has worked here

for many years, and has a home, a family, and an otherwise clean

record.

I believe that illegal immigrants who have roots in our country

and want to stay should have to pay a meaningful penalty for

breaking the law, to pay their taxes, to learn English, and to work

in a job for a number of years. People who meet these conditions

should be able to apply for citizenship, but approval would not

be automatic, and they will have to wait in line behind those who

played by the rules and followed the law. What I’ve just described

is not amnesty, it is a way for those who have broken the law to pay

their debt to society, and demonstrate the character that makes a

good citizen.

Fifth, we must honor the great American tradition of the

melting pot, which has made us one nation out of many peoples.

The success of our country depends upon helping newcomers

assimilate into our society, and embrace our common identity as

Americans. Americans are bound together by our shared ideals, an

appreciation of our history, respect for the ﬂ ag we ﬂ y, and an ability

to speak and write the English language. English is also the key to

unlocking the opportunity of America. English allows newcomers

to go from picking crops to opening a grocery, from cleaning ofﬁ ces

to running ofﬁ ces, from a life of low-paying jobs to a diploma, a

career, and a home of their own. When immigrants assimilate and

advance in our society, they realize their dreams, they renew our

spirit, and they add to the unity of America.

Tonight, I want to speak directly to members of the House and

the Senate: An immigration reform bill needs to be comprehensive,

because all elements of this problem must be addressed together,

or none of them will be solved at all. The House has passed an

immigration bill. The Senate should act by the end of this month

so we can work out the differences between the two bills, and

Congress can pass a comprehensive bill for me to sign into law.

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America needs to conduct this debate on immigration in a

reasoned and respectful tone. Feelings run deep on this issue, and

as we work it out, all of us need to keep some things in mind.

We cannot build a uniﬁ ed country by inciting people to anger, or

playing on anyone’s fears, or exploiting the issue of immigration

for political gain. We must always remember that real lives will be

affected by our debates and decisions, and that every human being

has dignity and value no matter what their citizenship papers say.

I know many of you listening tonight have a parent or a

grandparent who came here from another country with dreams of a

better life. You know what freedom meant to them, and you know

that America is a more hopeful country because of their hard work

and sacriﬁ ce. As President, I’ve had the opportunity to meet people

of many backgrounds, and hear what America means to them. On

a visit to Bethesda Naval Hospital, Laura and I met a wounded

Marine named Guadalupe Denogean. Master Gunnery Sergeant

Denogean came to the United States from Mexico when he was a

boy. He spent his summers picking crops with his family, and then

he volunteered for the United States Marine Corps as soon as he

was able. During the liberation of Iraq, Master Gunnery Sergeant

Denogean was seriously injured. And when asked if he had any

requests, he made two: a promotion for the corporal who helped

rescue him, and the chance to become an American citizen. And

when this brave Marine raised his right hand, and swore an oath to

become a citizen of the country he had defended for more than 26

years, I was honored to stand at his side.

We will always be proud to welcome people like Guadalupe

Denogean as fellow Americans. Our new immigrants are just what

they’ve always been — people willing to risk everything for the

dream of freedom. And America remains what she has always been:

the great hope on the horizon, an open door to the future, a blessed

and promised land. We honor the heritage of all who come here,

no matter where they come from, because we trust in our country’s

genius for making us all Americans — one nation under God.

Thank you, and good night.

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ADDRESS TO AMERICAN LEGION NATIONAL CONVENTION:

HE IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE OF THE 21ST CENTURY

SALT PALACE CONVENTION CENTER

SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH

AUGUST 31, 2006

Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thanks for the

warm welcome. It’s great to join you here in one of America’s most

beautiful cities. I appreciate your hospitality. I’m proud to stand

before some of our country’s ﬁ nest patriots, our veterans and their

families. And I’m pleased to call you my fellow Legionnaires. I

suspect I may be the only one here, though, from Post 77, Houston,

Texas. That’s what I thought. If you’re from Post 77, behave

yourself here in Salt Lake.

Laura did remind me the other night, though, that a few of

my fellow members — at least I’ve joined a few of my fellow

members in another illustrious organization, the “Over 60 Club.”

For almost 90 years, Legionnaires have stood proudly “for

God and country.” From big cities to small towns, the American

Legion name brings to mind the best of our nation — decency,

generosity, and character. I thank you for a lifetime of service. I

thank you for the positive contributions you make to our nation,

and I’m proud to join you today.

First, I want to thank Tom Bock, the National Commander,

for his kind introduction and his strong leadership. I always

am pleased to welcome the Commander to the Oval Ofﬁ ce to

discuss common issues, and you’ve done a ﬁ ne job leading this

organization, Tom. I also want to thank your wife, Elaine, and I

particularly want to pay respect to your son, Captain Bock, of the

United States Army, who’s joined us today.

I appreciate being here with Carol Van Kirk, the National

President of the American Legion Auxiliary. And I want to thank

all the Auxiliary members who are with us here today, as well.

I’m proud that the Governor of this great state, Jon Huntsman,

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and his wife Mary Kaye, have joined us. Governor, thank you

for your time. I’m also proud to be joined by two United States

Senators who are strong supporters of the United States military,

Senator Orrin Hatch, and Senator Bob Bennett.

Members of the congressional delegation from the state of

Utah have joined us: Congressman Rob Bishop, and Congressman

Chris Cannon. Thank you both for coming. Proud you’re here. I

thank the state Senator, John Valentine, who is the President of

the Utah State Senate. I appreciate Speaker Greg Curtis. I want to

thank all the state and local ofﬁ cials who have joined us here today.

Most particularly, I want to thank you all for giving me a chance

to come and speak to you. I particularly want to thank all the Gold

Star families who have joined us today. May God bless you. May

God bless you.

As veterans, all of you stepped forward when America

needed you most. From North Africa to Normandy, Iwo Jima

to Inchon, from Khe Sanh to Kuwait, your courage and service

have made it possible for generations to live in liberty. And we

owe you more than just thanks. We owe you the support of the

federal government. And so, in my ﬁ rst four years as President,

we increased funding for veterans more than the previous

administration did in eight years. Since then, we’ve increased it

even more. My budget for this year provides more than $80 billion

for veterans — that’s a 75-percent increase since I took ofﬁ ce. It’s

the highest level of support for veterans in American history.

For many veterans, health care is a top priority, and it’s a

top priority of my administration. When Congress passes my

2007 budget, we will have increased the VA health care budget

by 69 percent since 2001. We’ve extended treatment to a million

additional veterans, including more than 300,000 men and women

returning from Afghanistan and Iraq. We’re building new VA

facilities in places where veterans are retiring, so that more

veterans can get top-quality health care closer to their homes.

I appreciate the Legion’s strong history of care and

compassion for your fellow veterans. Earlier this week, I traveled

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to Mississippi and Louisiana to mark the ﬁ rst anniversary of

Hurricane Katrina. Veterans were hit hard by this storm, and

American Legion posts all across the United States responded with

vital relief. In an hour of suffering, you showed the good heart of

our nation, and you showed the world that America can always

count on Legionnaires.

I also appreciate the Legion’s long history of supporting

wise legislation in the Nation’s Capital. Earlier this year, the Senate

voted on a constitutional amendment to ban ﬂ ag desecration — we

came within a single vote of passing it. The administration looks

forward to continuing working with the American Legion to make

sure we get this important protection in the Constitution of the

United States of America.

Your organization supported another good piece of legislation

called the Respect for America’s Fallen Heroes Act. This bill

ensures that families of fallen service members will not have to

endure protests during military funerals.

My administration will also continue to work to locate the

men and women in uniform whose fate is still undetermined —

our prisoners of war and personnel missing in action. We will

not forget these brave Americans. We must not rest until we’ve

accounted for every soldier, sailor, airman, Coast Guardsman, and

Marine. And we will always honor their courage.

At this hour, a new generation of Americans in uniform is

showing great courage in defending our freedom in the ﬁ rst war

of the 21st century. I know that Legionnaires are following this

war closely, especially those of you with family and friends who

wear our uniform. The images that come back from the front lines

are striking, and sometimes unsettling. When you see innocent

civilians ripped apart by suicide bombs, or families buried inside

their homes, the world can seem engulfed in purposeless violence.

The truth is there is violence, but those who cause it have a clear

purpose. When terrorists murder at the World Trade Center, or car

bombers strike in Baghdad, or hijackers plot to blow up planes

over the Atlantic, or terrorist militias shoot rockets at Israeli

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towns, they are all pursuing the same objective — to turn back

the advance of freedom, and impose a dark vision of tyranny and

terror across the world.

The enemies of liberty come from different parts of the

world, and they take inspiration from different sources. Some are

radicalized followers of the Sunni tradition, who swear allegiance

to terrorist organizations like al Qaeda. Others are radicalized

followers of the Shia tradition, who join groups like Hezbollah

and take guidance from state sponsors like Syria and Iran. Still

others are “homegrown” terrorists — fanatics who live quietly

in free societies they dream to destroy. Despite their differences,

these groups from — form the outlines of a single movement, a

worldwide network of radicals that use terror to kill those who

stand in the way of their totalitarian ideology. And the unifying

feature of this movement, the link that spans sectarian divisions

and local grievances, is the rigid conviction that free societies are a

threat to their twisted view of Islam.

The war we ﬁ ght today is more than a military conﬂ ict; it is

the decisive ideological struggle of the 21st century. On one side

are those who believe in the values of freedom and moderation —

the right of all people to speak, and worship, and live in liberty.

And on the other side are those driven by the values of tyranny

and extremism — the right of a self-appointed few to impose their

fanatical views on all the rest. As veterans, you have seen this

kind of enemy before. They’re successors to Fascists, to Nazis,

to Communists, and other totalitarians of the 20th century. And

history shows what the outcome will be: This war will be difﬁ cult;

this war will be long; and this war will end in the defeat of the

terrorists and totalitarians, and a victory for the cause of freedom

and liberty.

We’re now approaching the ﬁ fth anniversary of the day this

war reached our shores. As the horror of that morning grows more

distant, there is a tendency to believe that the threat is receding

and this war is coming to a close. That feeling is natural and

comforting — and wrong. As we recently saw, the enemy still

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wants to attack us. We’re in a war we didn’t ask for, but it’s a war

we must wage, and a war we will win.

In the coming days, I’ll deliver a series of speeches describing

the nature of our enemy in the war on terror, the insights we’ve

gained about their aims and ambitions, the successes and setbacks

we’ve experienced, and our strategy to prevail in this long war.

Today, I’ll discuss a critical aspect of this war: the struggle between

freedom and terror in the Middle East, including the battle in Iraq,

which is the central front in our ﬁ ght against terrorism.

To understand the struggle unfolding in the Middle East, we

need to look at the recent history of the region. For a half- century,

America’s primary goal in the Middle East was stability. This was

understandable at the time; we were ﬁ ghting the Soviet Union

in the Cold War, and it was important to support Middle Eastern

governments that rejected communism. Yet, over the decades, an

undercurrent of danger was rising in the Middle East. Much of the

region was mired in stagnation and despair. A generation of young

people grew up with little hope to improve their lives, and many

fell under the sway of radical extremism. The terrorist movement

multiplied in strength, and resentment that had simmered for years

boiled over into violence across the world.

Extremists in Iran seized American hostages. Hezbollah

terrorists murdered American troops at the Marine barracks in

Beirut and Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia. Terrorists set off a

truck bomb at the World Trade Center. Al Qaeda blew up two U.S.

embassies in East Africa, and bombed the USS Cole. Then came

the nightmare of September the 11, 2001, when 19 hijackers killed

nearly 3,000 men, women, and children.

In the space of a single morning, it became clear that the calm

we saw in the Middle East was only a mirage. We realized that

years of pursuing stability to promote peace had left us with neither.

Instead, the lack of freedom in the Middle East made the region an

incubator for terrorist movements.

The status quo in the Middle East before September the 11th

was dangerous and unacceptable, so we’re pursuing a new strategy.

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First, we’re using every element of national power to confront al

Qaeda, those who take inspiration from them, and other terrorists

who use similar tactics. We have ended the days of treating

terrorism simply as a law enforcement matter. We will stay on the

offense. We will ﬁ ght the terrorists overseas so we do not have to

face them here at home.

Second, we have made it clear to all nations, if you harbor

terrorists, you are just as guilty as the terrorists; you’re an enemy

of the United States, and you will be held to account. And third,

we’ve launched a bold new agenda to defeat the ideology of the

enemy by supporting the forces of freedom in the Middle East and

beyond.

The freedom agenda is based upon our deepest ideals and

our vital interests. Americans believe that every person, of every

religion, on every continent, has the right to determine his or her

own destiny. We believe that freedom is a gift from an almighty

God, beyond any power on Earth to take away. And we also know,

by history and by logic, that promoting democracy is the surest

way to build security. Democracies don’t attack each other or

threaten the peace. Governments accountable to the voters focus

on building roads and schools — not weapons of mass destruction.

Young people who have a say in their future are less likely to

search for meaning in extremism. Citizens who can join a peaceful

political party are less likely to join a terrorist organization.

Dissidents with the freedom to protest around the clock are less

likely to blow themselves up during rush hour. And nations that

commit to freedom for their people will not support terrorists —

they will join us in defeating them.

So America has committed its inﬂ uence in the world to

advancing freedom and democracy as the great alternatives to

repression and radicalism. We will take the side of democratic

leaders and reformers across the Middle East. We will support

the voices of tolerance and moderation in the Muslim world. We

stand with the mothers and fathers in every culture who want to

see their children grow up in a caring and peaceful world. And by

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supporting the cause of freedom in a vital region, we’ll make our

children and our grandchildren more secure.

Over the past ﬁ ve years, we’ve begun to see the results of

our actions — and we have seen how our enemies respond to

the advance of liberty. In Afghanistan, we saw a vicious tyranny

that harbored the terrorists who planned the September the 11th

attacks. Within weeks, American forces were in Afghanistan.

Along with Afghan allies, we captured or killed hundreds of al

Qaeda and Taliban ﬁ ghters; we closed down their training camps,

and we helped the people of Afghanistan replace the Taliban with a

democratic government that answers to them.

Our enemies saw the transformation in Afghanistan, and

they’ve responded by trying to roll back all the progress. Al Qaeda

and the Taliban lost a coveted base in Afghanistan and they know

they will never reclaim it when democracy succeeds. And so

they’re trying to return to power by attacking Afghanistan’s free

institutions. And they will fail. Forces from 40 nations, including

every member of NATO, are now serving alongside American

troops to support the new Afghan government. The days of the

Taliban are over. The future of Afghanistan belongs to the people

of Afghanistan. And the future of Afghanistan belongs to freedom.

In Lebanon, we saw a sovereign nation occupied by the Syrian

dictatorship. We also saw the courageous people of Lebanon

take to the streets to demand their independence. So we worked

to enforce a United Nations resolution that required Syria to end

its occupation of the country. The Syrians withdrew their armed

forces, and the Lebanese people elected a democratic government

that began to reclaim their country.

Our enemies saw the transformation in Lebanon and set out to

destabilize the young democracy. Hezbollah launched an

unprovoked attack on Israel that undermined the democrat

government in Beirut. Yet their brazen action caused the world

to unite in support for Lebanon’s democracy. Secretary Rice

worked with the Security Council to pass Resolution 1701, which

will strengthen Lebanese forces as they take control of southern

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Lebanon — and stop Hezbollah from acting as a state within a

state.

I appreciate the troops pledged by France and Italy and other

allies for this important international deployment. Together, we’re

going to make it clear to the world that foreign forces and terrorists

have no place in a free and democratic Lebanon.

This summer’s crisis in Lebanon has made it clearer than ever

that the world now faces a grave threat from the radical regime

in Iran. The Iranian regime arms, funds, and advises Hezbollah,

which has killed more Americans than any terrorist network except

al Qaeda. The Iranian regime interferes in Iraq by sponsoring

terrorists and insurgents, empowering unlawful militias, and

supplying components for improvised explosive devices. The

Iranian regime denies basic human rights to millions of its people.

And the Iranian regime is pursuing nuclear weapons in open

deﬁ ance of its international obligations.

We know the death and suffering that Iran’s sponsorship of

terrorists has brought, and we can imagine how much worse it

would be if Iran were allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. Many

nations are working together to solve this problem. The United

Nations passed a resolution demanding that Iran suspend its

nuclear enrichment activities. Today is the deadline for Iran’s

leaders to reply to the reasonable proposal the international

community has made. If Iran’s leaders accept this offer and

abandon their nuclear weapons ambitions, they can set their

country on a better course. Yet, so far, the Iranian regime has

responded with further deﬁ ance and delay. It is time for Iran to

make a choice. We’ve made our choice: We will continue to work

closely with our allies to ﬁ nd a diplomatic solution — but there

must be consequences for Iran’s deﬁ ance, and we must not allow

Iran to develop a nuclear weapon.

In Iraq, we saw a dictator who harbored terrorists, ﬁ red at

military planes, paid the families of Palestinian suicide bombers,

invaded a neighbor, and pursued and used weapons of mass

destruction. The United Nations passed more than a dozen

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resolutions demanding that Saddam Hussein fully and openly

abandon his weapons of mass destruction. We gave him a last

chance to comply — and when he refused, we enforced the just

demands of the world. And now Saddam Hussein is in prison and

on trial. Soon he will have the justice he denied to so many for so

long. And with this tyrant gone from power, the United States,

Iraq, the Middle East, and the world are better off.

In the three years since Saddam’s fall the Iraqi people have

reclaimed sovereignty of their country. They cast their ballots in

free elections. They drafted and approved a democratic constitution

and elected a constitutional democracy at the heart of the Middle

East. Over the same period, Iraq has seen a rise of terrorist and

insurgent movements that use brutal and indiscriminate violence

to frustrate the desire of the Iraqi people for freedom and peace.

Al Qaeda terrorists, former elements of Saddam’s regime, illegal

militias and unlawful armed groups are all working to undermine

Iraq’s new democracy. These groups have different long-term

ambitions, but the same immediate goals. They want to drive

America and our coalition out of Iraq and the Middle East, so they

can stop the advance of freedom and impose their dark vision on

the people of the Middle East.

Our enemies in Iraq have employed ruthless tactics to achieve

those goals. They’ve targeted American and coalition troops

with ambushes and roadside bombs. They’ve taken hostage and

beheaded civilians on camera. They’ve blown up Iraqi army

posts and assassinated government leaders. We’ve adapted to the

tactics — and thanks to the skill and professionalism of Iraqi and

American forces, many of these enemies have met their end. At

every step along the way, our enemies have failed to break the

courage of the Iraqi people; they have failed to stop the rise of

Iraqi democracy — and they will fail in breaking the will of the

American people.

Now these enemies have launched a new effort. They have

embarked on a bloody campaign of sectarian violence, which they

hope will plunge Iraq into a civil war. The outbreak of sectarian

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violence was encouraged by the terrorist Zarqawi, al Qaeda’s man

in Iraq who called for an “all-out war” on Iraqi Shia. The Shia

community resisted the impulse to seek revenge for a while. But

after this February bombing of the Shia Golden Dome Mosque in

Samarra, extremist groups mobilized and sectarian death squads

formed on the streets of Baghdad and other areas. Our Ambassador

reports that thousands of Iraqis were murdered in Baghdad last

month, and large numbers of them were victims of sectarian

violence.

This cruelty and carnage has led some to question whether Iraq

has descended into civil war. Our commanders and our diplomats

on the ground in Iraq believe that’s not the case. They report that

only a small number of Iraqis are engaged in sectarian violence,

while the overwhelming majority want peace and a normal life in

a uniﬁ ed country. Iraqi leaders from all backgrounds remember the

elections that brought them to power, in which 12 million Iraqis

deﬁ ed the car bombers and killers to claim, “We want to be free.”

Iraq’s government is working tirelessly to hold the nation

together and to heal Iraq’s divisions, not to exploit them. The

Iraqi people have come a long way. They are not going to let their

country fall apart or relapse into tyranny. As Prime Minister Maliki

told the United States Congress, “Iraqis have tasted freedom and

we will defend it absolutely.”

America has a clear strategy to help the Iraqi people protect

their new freedom, and build a democracy that can govern itself,

and sustain itself, and defend itself. On the political side, we’re

working closely with Prime Minister Maliki to strengthen Iraq’s

unity government and develop — and to deliver better services

to the Iraqi people. This is a crucial moment for the new Iraqi

government; its leaders understand the challenge. They believe

that now is the time to hammer out compromises on Iraq’s most

contentious issues.

I’ve been clear with each Iraqi leader I meet: America is a

patient nation, and Iraq can count on our partnership, as long as the

new government continues to make the hard decisions necessary

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to advance a uniﬁ ed, democratic and peaceful Iraq. Prime Minister

Maliki has shown courage in laying out an agenda to do just that —

and he can count on an ally, the United States of America, to help

him promote this agenda.

On the security side, we’re reﬁ ning our tactics to meet the

threats on the ground. I’ve given our commanders in Iraq all the

ﬂ exibility they need to make adjustments necessary to stay on

the offense and defeat the enemies of freedom. We’ve deployed

Special Operation forces to kill or capture terrorists operating in

Iraq. Zarqawi found out what they can do. We continue to train

Iraqi police forces to defend their own nation. We’ve handed over

security responsibility for a southern province to Iraqi forces. Five

of Iraq’s 10 army divisions are now taking the lead in their areas

of operation. The Iraqi security forces are determined; they’re

becoming more capable; and together, we will defeat the enemies

of a free Iraq.

Recently, we also launched a major new campaign to end the

security crisis in Baghdad. Side by side, Iraqi and American forces

are conducting operations in the city’s most violent areas to disrupt

al Qaeda, to capture enemy ﬁ ghters, crack down on IED makers,

and break up the death squads. These forces are helping Iraq’s

national police force undergo retraining to better enforce law in

Baghdad. And these forces are supporting the Iraqi government as

it provides reconstruction assistance.

The Baghdad Security Plan is still in its early stages. We cannot

expect immediate success. Yet, the initial results are encouraging.

According to one military report, a Sunni man in a diverse Baghdad

neighborhood said this about the Shia soldiers on patrol: “Their

image has changed. Now you feel they’re there to protect you.”

Over the coming weeks and months, the operation will expand

throughout Baghdad. until Iraq’s democratic government is in full

control of its capital. The work is difﬁ cult and dangerous, but the

Iraqi government and their forces are determined to reclaim their

country. And the United States is determined to help them succeed.

Here at home we have a choice to make about Iraq. Some

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politicians look at our efforts in Iraq and see a diversion from the

war on terror. That would come as news to Osama bin Laden, who

proclaimed that the “third world war is raging” in Iraq. It would

come as news to the number two man of al Qaeda, Zawahiri, who

has called the struggle in Iraq, quote, “the place for the greatest

battle.” It would come as news to the terrorists from Syria, Saudi

Arabia, Egypt, Sudan, Libya, Yemen and other countries, who have

to come to Iraq to ﬁ ght the rise of democracy.

It’s hard to believe that these terrorists would make long

journeys across dangerous borders, endure heavy ﬁ ghting, or

blow themse lves up in the streets of Baghdad, for a so-called

“diversion.” Some Americans didn’t support my decision to

remove Saddam Hussein; many are frustrated with the level of

violence. But we should all agree that the battle for Iraq is now

central to the ideological struggle of the 21st century. We will not

allow the terrorists to dictate the future of this century — so we

will defeat them in Iraq.

Still, there are some in our country who insist that the best

option in Iraq is to pull out, regardless of the situation on the

ground. Many of these folks are sincere and they’re patriotic, but

they could be — they could not be more wrong. If America were

to pull out before Iraq can defend itself, the consequences would

be absolutely predictable — and absolutely disastrous. We would

be handing Iraq over to our worst enemies — Saddam’s former

henchmen, armed groups with ties to Iran, and al Qaeda terrorists

from all over the world who would suddenly have a base of

operations far more valuable than Afghanistan under the Taliban.

They would have a new sanctuary to recruit and train terrorists

at the heart of the Middle East, with huge oil riches to fund their

ambitions. And we know exactly where those ambitions lead. If

we give up the ﬁ ght in the streets of Baghdad, we will face the

terrorists in the streets of our own cities.

We can decide to stop ﬁ ghting the terrorists in Iraq and other

parts of the world, but they will not decide to stop ﬁ ghting us.

General John Abizaid, our top commander in the Middle East

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region, recently put it this way: “If we leave, they will follow us.”

And he is right. The security of the civilized world depends on

victory in the war on terror, and that depends on victory in Iraq.

So the United States of America will not leave until victory is

achieved.

Victory in Iraq will be difﬁ cult and it will require more

sacriﬁ ce. The ﬁ ghting there can be as ﬁ erce as it was at Omaha

Beach or Guadalcanal. And victory is as important as it was in

those earlier battles. Victory in Iraq will result in a democracy that

is a friend of America and an ally in the war on terror. Victory in

Iraq will be a crushing defeat for our enemies, who have staked so

much on the battle there. Victory in Iraq will honor the sacriﬁ ce

of the brave Americans who have given their lives. And victory

in Iraq would be a powerful triumph in the ideological struggle

of the 21st century. From Damascus to Tehran, people will look

to a democratic Iraq as inspiration that freedom can succeed in

the Middle East, and as evidence that the side of freedom is the

winning side. This is a pivotal moment for the Middle East. The

world is watching — and in Iraq and beyond, the forces of freedom

will prevail.

For all the debate, American policy in the Middle East comes

down to a straightforward choice. We can allow the Middle East

to continue on its course — on the course it was headed before

September the 11th, and a generation from now, our children will

face a region dominated by terrorist states and radical dictators

armed with nuclear weapons. Or we can stop that from happening,

by rallying the world to confront the ideology of hate, and give the

people of the Middle East a future of hope. And that is the choice

America has made.

We see a day when people across the Middle East have

governments that honor their dignity, unleash their creativity, and

count their votes. We see a day when leaders across the Middle

East reject terror and protect freedom. We see a day when the

nations of the Middle East are allies in the cause of peace. The path

to that day will be uphill and uneven, but we can be conﬁ dent of

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the outcome, because we know that the direction of history leads

toward freedom.

In the early years of our republic, Thomas Jefferson said

that we cannot expect to move “from despotism to liberty in a

featherbed.” That’s been true in every time and place. No one

understands that like you, our veterans, understand that. With the

distance of history, it can be easy to look back at the wars of the

20th century and see a straight path to victory. You know better

than that. You waged the hard battles, you suffered the wounds,

you lost friends and brothers. You were there for dark times and

the moments of uncertainty. And you know that freedom is always

worth the sacriﬁ ce.

You also know what it takes to win. For all that is new about

this war, one thing has not changed: Victory still depends on the

courage and the patience and the resolve of the American people.

Above all, it depends on patriots who are willing to ﬁ ght for

freedom. Our nation is blessed to have these men and women in

abundance. Our military forces make this nation strong; they make

this nation safe; and they make this nation proud.

We thank them and their families for their sacriﬁ ce. We will

remember all those who have given their lives in this struggle —

and I vow that we will give our men and women in uniform all the

resources they need to accomplish their missions.

One brave American we remember is Marine Corporal Adam

Galvez, from here in Salt Lake City. Yesterday Adam’s mom and

dad laid their son to rest. We’re honored by their presence with

us today. About a month ago, Adam was wounded by a suicide

bomb in Iraq’s Anbar Province. When he regained consciousness,

he found he was buried alive, so he dug himself out of the rubble.

And then ran through gunﬁ re to get a shovel to dig out his

fellow Marines. As soon as he recovered from his injuries, Adam

volunteered to go back to the front lines. and 11 days ago, he was

killed when a roadside bomb hit his convoy.

Here is what Adam’s mom and dad said about the cause for

which their son gave his life: “Though many are debating the

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justiﬁ cation of this war, Adam believed in his country — Adam’s

belief in his country did not waver, even to the point of the ultimate

sacriﬁ ce. It’s our hope and our prayer that people share the same

conviction and dedication to our troops and fellow Americans.”

Our nation will always remember the selﬂ essness and sacriﬁ ce

of Americans like Adam Galvez. We will honor their lives by

completing the good and noble work they have started. And we can

be conﬁ dent that one day, veterans of the war on terror will gather

at American Legion halls across the country, and say the same

things you say: We made our nation safer; we made a region more

peaceful; and we left behind a better world for our children and our

grandchildren.

Thanks for having me. May God bless our veterans. May God

bless our troops. And may God continue to bless the United States

of America.

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REMARKS ON THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR:

HE ENEMY IN THEIR OWN WORDS

CAPITAL HILTON HOTEL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 5, 2006

Thank you all very much. Thank you all. Please be seated.

General Hendrix, thank you for the invitation to be here. Thanks

for the kind introduction. I’m honored to stand with the men

and women of the Military Ofﬁ cers Association of America. I

appreciate the Board of Directors who are here, and the leaders

who have given me this platform from which to speak. I’m proud

to be here with active members of the United States military.

Thank you for your service. I’m proud to be your Commander-in-

Chief.

I am pleased also to stand with members of the diplomatic

corps, including many representing nations that have been attacked

by al Qaeda and its terrorist allies since September the 11th, 2001.

Your presence here reminds us that we’re engaged in a global war

against an enemy that threatens all civilized nations. And today the

civilized world stands together to defend our freedom; we stand

together to defeat the terrorists; and were working to secure the

peace for generations to come.

I appreciate my Attorney General joining us today, Al

Gonzales. Thank you for being here. The Secretary of Homeland

Security, Michael Chertoff, is with us. Three members of the

United States Senate — I might say, three important members of

the United States Senate — Senate President Pro Tem Ted Stevens

of Alaska. Thank you for joining us, Senator. Chairman of the

Appropriations Committee, Senator Thad Cochran of Mississippi.

The Chairman of the Armed Services Committee, John Warner of

Virginia.

I thank Norb Ryan, as well, for his leadership. I do appreciate

all the folks that are at Walter Reed who have joined us today. I’m

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going to tell the parents of our troops, we provide great health care

to those who wear the uniform. I’m proud of those folks at Bethesda

and Walter Reed — are providing you the best possible care to help

you recover from your injuries. Thank you for your courage. Thank

you for joining us here today. May God bless you in your recovery.

Next week, America will mark the ﬁ fth anniversary of

September the 11th, 2001 terrorist attacks. As this day approaches,

it brings with it a ﬂ ood of painful memories. We remember the

horror of watching planes ﬂ y into the World Trade Center, and

seeing the towers collapse before our eyes. We remember the

sight of the Pentagon, broken and in ﬂ ames. We remember the

rescue workers who rushed into burning buildings to save lives,

knowing they might never emerge again. We remember the brave

passengers who charged the cockpit of their hijacked plane, and

stopped the terrorists from reaching their target and killing more

innocent civilians. We remember the cold brutality of the enemy

who inﬂ icted this harm on our country — an enemy whose leader,

Osama bin Laden, declared the massacre of nearly 3,000 people that

day — I quote — “an unparalleled and magniﬁ cent feat of valor,

unmatched by any in humankind before them.”

In ﬁ ve years since our nation was attacked, al Qaeda and

terrorists it has inspired have continued to attack across the world.

They’ve killed the innocent in Europe and Africa and the Middle

East, in Central Asia and the Far East, and beyond. Most recently,

they attempted to strike again in the most ambitious plot since the

attacks of September the 11th — a plan to blow up passenger planes

headed for America over the Atlantic Ocean.

Five years after our nation was attacked, the terrorist danger

remains. We’re a nation at war — and America and her allies are

ﬁ ghting this war with relentless determination across the world.

Together with our coalition partners, we’ve removed terrorist

sanctuaries, disrupted their ﬁ nances, killed and captured key

operatives, broken up terrorist cells in America and other nations,

and stopped new attacks before they’re carried out. We’re on the

offense against the terrorists on every battlefront — and we’ll

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accept nothing less than complete victory.

In the ﬁ ve years since our nation was attacked, we’ve also

learned a great deal about the enemy we face in this war. We’ve

learned about them through videos and audio recordings, and letters

and statements they’ve posted on websites. We’ve learned about

them from captured enemy documents that the terrorists have never

meant for us to see. Together, these documents and statements

have given us clear insight into the mind of our enemies — their

ideology, their ambitions, and their strategy to defeat us.

We know what the terrorists intend to do because they’ve told us

— and we need to take their words seriously. So today I’m going to

describe — in the terrorists’ own words, what they believe… what

they hope to accomplish, and how they intend to accomplish it. I’ll

discuss how the enemy has adapted in the wake of our sustained

offensive against them, and the threat posed by different strains of

violent Islamic radicalism. I’ll explain the strategy we’re pursuing

to protect America, by defeating the terrorists on the battleﬁ eld, and

defeating their hateful ideology in the battle of ideas.

The terrorists who attacked us on September the 11th, 2001,

are men without conscience — but they’re not madmen. They kill

in the name of a clear and focused ideology, a set of beliefs that

are evil, but not insane. These al Qaeda terrorists and those who

share their ideology are violent Sunni extremists. They’re driven

by a radical and perverted vision of Islam that rejects tolerance,

crushes all dissent, and justiﬁ es the murder of innocent men,

women and children in the pursuit of political power. They hope to

establish a violent political utopia across the Middle East, which

they call a “Caliphate” — where all would be ruled according to

their hateful ideology. Osama bin Laden has called the 9/11 attacks

— in his words — “a great step towards the unity of Muslims and

establishing the Righteous… [Caliphate].”

This caliphate would be a totalitarian Islamic empire

encompassing all current and former Muslim lands, stretching from

Europe to North Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. We

know this because al Qaeda has told us. About two months ago,

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the terrorist Zawahiri — he’s al Qaeda’s second in command —

declared that al Qaeda intends to impose its rule in “every land

that was a home for Islam, from [Spain] to Iraq. He went on to say,

“The whole world is an open ﬁ eld for us.”

We know what this radical empire would look like in practice,

because we saw how the radicals imposed their ideology on the

people of Afghanistan. Under the rule of the Taliban and al Qaeda,

Afghanistan was a totalitarian nightmare — a land where women

were imprisoned in their homes, men were beaten for missing

prayer meetings, girls could not go to school, and children were

forbidden the smallest pleasures like ﬂ ying kites. Religious police

roamed the streets, beating and detaining civilians for perceived

offenses. Women were publicly whipped. Summary executions

were held in Kabul’s soccer stadium in front of cheering mobs. And

Afghanistan was turned into a launching pad for horriﬁ c attacks

against America and other parts of the civilized world — including

many Muslim nations.

The goal of these Sunni extremists is to remake the entire

Muslim world in their radical image. In pursuit of their imperial

aims, these extremists say there can be no compromise or dialogue

with those they call “inﬁ dels” — a category that includes America,

the world’s free nations, Jews, and all Muslims who reject their

extreme vision of Islam. They reject the possibility of peaceful

coexistence with the free world. Again, hear the words of Osama

bin Laden earlier this year: “Death is better than living on this

Earth with the unbelievers among us.”

These radicals have declared their uncompromising hostility

to freedom. It is foolish to think that you can negotiate with

them. We see the uncompromising nature of the enemy in many

captured terrorist documents. Here are just two examples: After

the liberation of Afghanistan, coalition forces searching through

a terrorist safe house in that country found a copy of the al Qaeda

charter. This charter states that “there will be continuing enmity

until everyone believes in Allah. We will not meet [the enemy]

halfway. There will be no room for dialogue with them.” Another

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document was found in 2000 by British police during an anti-

terrorist raid in London — a grisly al Qaeda manual that includes

chapters with titles such as “Guidelines for Beating and Killing

Hostages.” This manual declares that their vision of Islam “does

not… make a truce with unbelief, but rather confronts it.” The

confrontation… calls for… the dialogue of bullets, the ideals of

assassination, bombing, and destruction, and the diplomacy of the

cannon and machine gun.”

Still other captured documents show al Qaeda’s strategy for

inﬁ ltrating Muslim nations, establishing terrorist enclaves,

overthrowing governments, and building their totalitarian empire.

We see this strategy laid out in a captured al Qaeda document found

during a recent raid in Iraq, which describes their plans to inﬁ ltrate

and take over Iraq’s western Anbar Province. The document lays

out an elaborate al Qaeda governing structure for the region that

includes an Education Department, a Social Services Department,

a Justice Department, and an “Execution Unit” responsible for

“Sorting out, Arrest, Murder, and Destruction.”

According to their public statements, countries that have — they

have targeted stretch from the Middle East to Africa, to Southeast

Asia. Through this strategy, al Qaeda and its allies intend to create

numerous, decentralized operating bases across the world, from

which they can plan new attacks, and advance their vision of a

uniﬁ ed, totalitarian Islamic state that can confront and eventually

destroy the free world.

These violent extremists know that to realize this vision, they

must ﬁ rst drive out the main obstacle that stands in their way — the

United States of America. According to al Qaeda, their strategy to

defeat America has two parts: First, they’re waging a campaign of

terror across the world. They’re targeting our forces abroad, hoping

that the American people will grow tired of casualties and give up

the ﬁ ght. And they’re targeting America’s ﬁ nancial centers and

economic infrastructure at home, hoping to terrorize us and cause

our economy to collapse.

Bin Laden calls this his “bleed-until-bankruptcy plan.” And he

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cited the attacks of 9/11 as evidence that such a plan can succeed.

With the 9/11 attacks, Osama bin Laden says, “al Qaeda spent

$500,000 on the event, while America… lost — according to the

lowest estimate — $500 billion… Meaning that every dollar of al

Qaeda defeated a million dollars” of America. Bin Laden concludes

from this experience that “America is deﬁ nitely a great power,

with… unbelievable military strength and a vibrant economy, but

all of these have been built on a very weak and hollow foundation.”

He went on to say, “Therefore, it is very easy to target the ﬂ imsy

base and concentrate on their weak points, and even if we’re able to

target one-tenth of these weak points, we will be able [to] crush and

destroy them.”

Secondly, along with this campaign of terror, the enemy

has a propaganda strategy. Osama bin Laden laid out this strategy

in a letter to the Taliban leader, Mullah Omar, that coalition

forces uncovered in Afghanistan in 2002. In it, bin Laden says

that al Qaeda intends to “[launch],” in his words, “a media

campaign… to create a wedge between the American people and

their government.” This media campaign, bin Laden says, will

send the American people a number of messages, including “that

their government [will] bring them more losses, in ﬁ nances and

casualties.” And he goes on to say that “they are being sacriﬁ ced…

to serve… the big investors, especially the Jews.” Bin Laden says

that by delivering these messages, al Qaeda “aims at creating

pressure from the American people on the American government to

stop their campaign against Afghanistan.”

Bin Laden and his allies are absolutely convinced they can

succeed in forcing America to retreat and causing our economic

collapse. They believe our nation is weak and decadent, and lacking

in patience and resolve. And they’re wrong. Osama bin Laden has

written that the “defeat of... American forces in Beirut” in 1983 is

proof America does not have the stomach to stay in the ﬁ ght. He’s

declared that “in Somalia… the United States [pulled] out, trailing

disappointment, defeat, and failure behind it.” And last year, the

terrorist Zawahiri declared that Americans “know better than others

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that there is no hope in victory. The Vietnam specter is closing every

outlet.”

These terrorists hope to drive America and our coalition

out of Afghanistan, so they can restore the safe haven they lost

when coalition forces drove them out ﬁ ve years ago. But they’ve

made clear that the most important front in their struggle against

America is Iraq — the nation bin Laden has declared the “capital

of the Caliphate.” Hear the words of bin Laden: “I now address…

the whole… Islamic nation: Listen and understand… The most…

serious issue today for the whole world is this Third World War…

[that] is raging in [Iraq].” He calls it “a war of destiny between

inﬁ delity and Islam.” He says, “The whole world is watching

this war,” and that it will end in “victory and glory or misery and

humiliation.” For al Qaeda, Iraq is not a distraction from their war

on America — it is the central battleﬁ eld where the outcome of this

struggle will be decided.

Here is what al Qaeda says they will do if they succeed in

driving us out of Iraq: The terrorist Zawahiri has said that al Qaeda

will proceed with “several incremental goals. The ﬁ rst stage: Expel

the Americans from Iraq. The second stage: Establish an Islamic

authority or amirate, then develop it and support it until it achieves

the level of Caliphate… The third stage: Extend the jihad wave to

the secular countries neighboring Iraq. And the fourth stage: …the

clash with Israel.”

These evil men know that a fundamental threat to their

aspirations is a democratic Iraq that can govern itself, sustain itself,

and defend itself. They know that given a choice, the Iraqi people

will never choose to live in the totalitarian state the extremists hope

to establish. And that is why we must not, and we will not, give the

enemy victory in Iraq by deserting the Iraqi people.

Last year, the terrorist Zarqawi declared in a message posted

on the Internet that democracy “is the essence of inﬁ delity and

deviation from the right path.” The Iraqi people disagree. Last

December, nearly 12 million Iraqis from every ethnic and religious

community turned out to vote in their country’s third free election

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in less than a year. Iraq now has a unity government that represents

Iraq’s diverse population — and al Qaeda’s top commander in Iraq

breathed his last breath.

Despite these strategic setbacks, the enemy will continue to

ﬁ ght freedom’s advance in Iraq, because they understand the stakes

in this war. Again, hear the words of bin Laden, in a message to

the American people earlier this year. He says: “The war is for you

or for us to win. If we win it, it means your defeat and disgrace

forever.”

Now, I know some of our country hear the terrorists’ words,

and hope that they will not, or cannot, do what they say. History

teaches that underestimating the words of evil and ambitious men

is a terrible mistake. In the early 1900s, an exiled lawyer in Europe

published a pamphlet called “What Is To Be Done?” — in which

he laid out his plan to launch a communist revolution in Russia.

The world did not heed Lenin’s words, and paid a terrible price.

The Soviet Empire he established killed tens of millions, and

brought the world to the brink of thermonuclear war. In the 1920s,

a failed Austrian painter published a book in which he explained

his intention to build an Aryan super-state in Germany and take

revenge on Europe and eradicate the Jews. The world ignored

Hitler’s words, and paid a terrible price. His Nazi regime killed

millions in the gas chambers, and set the world aﬂ ame in war,

before it was ﬁ nally defeated at a terrible cost in lives.

Bin Laden and his terrorist allies have made their intentions

as clear as Lenin and Hitler before them. The question is: Will we

listen? Will we pay attention to what these evil men say? America

and our coalition partners have made our choice. We’re taking the

words of the enemy seriously. We’re on the offensive, and we will

not rest, we will not retreat, and we will not withdraw from the

ﬁ ght, until this threat to civilization has been removed.

Five years into this struggle, it’s important to take stock of

what’s been accomplished — and the difﬁ cult work that remains.

Al Qaeda has been weakened by our sustained offensive against

them, and today it is harder for al Qaeda’s leaders to operate

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freely, to move money, or to communicate with their operatives

and facilitators. Yet al Qaeda remains dangerous and determined.

Bin Laden and Zawahiri remain in hiding in remote regions of

this world. Al Qaeda continues to adapt in the face of our global

campaign against them. Increasingly, al Qaeda is taking advantage

of the Internet to disseminate propaganda, and to conduct “virtual

recruitment” and “virtual training” of new terrorists. Al Qaeda’s

leaders no longer need to meet face-to-face with their operatives.

They can ﬁ nd new suicide bombers, and facilitate new terrorist

attacks, without ever laying eyes on those they’re training,

ﬁ nancing, or sending to strike us.

As al Qaeda changes, the broader terrorist movement is also

changing, becoming more dispersed and self-directed. More and

more, we’re facing threats from locally established terrorist cells

that are inspired by al Qaeda’s ideology and goals, but do not

necessarily have direct links to al Qaeda, such as training and

funding. Some of these groups are made up of “homegrown”

terrorists, militant extremists who were born and educated in

Western nations, were indoctrinated by radical Islamists or

attracted to their ideology, and joined the violent extremist cause.

These locally established cells appear to be responsible for a

number of attacks and plots, including those in Madrid, and

Canada, and other countries across the world.

As we continue to ﬁ ght al Qaeda and these Sunni extremists

inspired by their radical ideology, we also face the threat posed

by Shia extremists, who are learning from al Qaeda, increasing

their assertiveness, and stepping up their threats. Like the vast

majority of Sunnis, the vast majority of Shia across the world

reject the vision of extremists — and in Iraq, millions of Shia have

deﬁ ed terrorist threats to vote in free elections, and have shown

their desire to live in freedom. The Shia extremists want to deny

them this right. This Shia strain of Islamic radicalism is just as

dangerous, and just as hostile to America, and just as determined

to establish its brand of hegemony across the broader Middle East.

And the Shia extremists have achieved something that al Qaeda has

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so far failed to do: In 1979, they took control of a major power, the

nation of Iran, subjugating its proud people to a regime of tyranny,

and using that nation’s resources to fund the spread of terror and

pursue their radical agenda.

Like al Qaeda and the Sunni extremists, the Iranian regime

has clear aims: They want to drive America out of the region,

to destroy Israel, and to dominate the broader Middle East. To

achieve these aims, they are funding and arming terrorist groups

like Hezbollah, which allow them to attack Israel and America by

proxy. Hezbollah, the source of the current instability in Lebanon,

has killed more Americans than any terrorist organization except

al Qaeda. Unlike al Qaeda, they’ve not yet attacked the American

homeland. Yet they’re directly responsible for the murder of

hundreds of Americans abroad. It was Hezbollah that was behind

the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut that

killed 241 Americans. And Saudi Hezbollah was behind the

1996 bombing of Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia that killed 19

Americans, an attack conducted by terrorists who we believe were

working with Iranian ofﬁ cials.

Just as we must take the words of the Sunni extremists

seriously, we must take the words of the Shia extremists seriously.

Listen to the words of Hezbollah’s leader, the terrorist Nasrallah,

who has declared his hatred of America. He says, “Let the entire

world hear me. Our hostility to the Great Satan [America] is

absolute… Regardless of how the world has changed after 11

September, Death to America will remain our reverberating and

powerful slogan: Death to America.”

Iran’s leaders, who back Hezbollah, have also declared their

absolute hostility to America. Last October, Iran’s President

declared in a speech that some people ask — in his words —

“whether a world without the United States and Zionism can

be achieved… I say that this… goal is achievable.” Less than

three months ago, Iran’s President declared to America and other

Western powers: “open your eyes and see the fate of pharaoh… if

you do not abandon the path of falsehood… your doomed destiny

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will be annihilation.” Less than two months ago, he warned: “The

anger of Muslims may reach an explosion point soon. If such a day

comes… [America and the West] should know that the waves of

the blast will not remain within the boundaries of our region.” He

also delivered this message to the American people: “If you would

like to have good relations with the Iranian nation in the future…

bow down before the greatness of the Iranian nation and surrender.

If you don’t accept [to do this], the Iranian nation will… force you

to surrender and bow down.”

America will not bow down to tyrants.

The Iranian regime and its terrorist proxies have demonstrated

their willingness to kill Americans — and now the Iranian regime

is pursuing nuclear weapons. The world is working together to

prevent Iran’s regime from acquiring the tools of mass murder.

The international community has made a reasonable proposal to

Iran’s leaders, and given them the opportunity to set their nation

on a better course. So far, Iran’s leaders have rejected this offer.

Their choice is increasingly isolating the great Iranian nation from

the international community, and denying the Iranian people an

opportunity for greater economic prosperity. It’s time for Iran’s

leader to make a different choice. And we’ve made our choice.

We’ll continue to work closely with our allies to ﬁ nd a diplomatic

solution. The world’s free nations will not allow Iran to develop a

nuclear weapon.

The Shia and Sunni extremists represent different faces of the

same threat. They draw inspiration from different sources, but

both seek to impose a dark vision of violent Islamic radicalism

across the Middle East. They oppose the advance of freedom, and

they want to gain control of weapons of mass destruction. If they

succeed in undermining fragile democracies, like Iraq, and drive

the forces of freedom out of the region, they will have an open

ﬁ eld to pursue their dangerous goals. Each strain of violent Islamic

radicalism would be emboldened in their efforts to topple moderate

governments and establish terrorist safe havens.

Imagine a world in which they were able to control

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governments, a world awash with oil and they would use oil

resources to punish industrialized nations. And they would use those

resources to fuel their radical agenda, and pursue and purchase

weapons of mass murder. And armed with nuclear weapons, they

would blackmail the free world, and spread their ideologies of hate,

and raise a mortal threat to the American people. If we allow them

to do this, if we retreat from Iraq, if we don’t uphold our duty to

support those who are desirous to live in liberty, 50 years from now

history will look back on our time with unforgiving clarity, and

demand to know why we did not act.

I’m not going to allow this to happen — and no future

American President can allow it either. America did not seek this

global struggle, but we’re answering history’s call with conﬁ dence

and a clear strategy. Today we’re releasing a document called

the “National Strategy for Combating Terrorism.” This is an

unclassiﬁ ed version of the strategy we’ve been pursuing since

September the 11th, 2001. This strategy was ﬁ rst released in

February 2003; it’s been updated to take into account the changing

nature of this enemy. This strategy document is posted on the White

House website — whitehouse.gov. And I urge all Americans to read

it.

Our strategy for combating terrorism has ﬁ ve basic elements:

First, we’re determined to prevent terrorist attacks before they

occur. So we’re taking the ﬁ ght to the enemy. The best way to

protect America is to stay on the offense. Since 9/11, our coalition

has captured or killed al Qaeda managers and operatives, and scores

of other terrorists across the world. The enemy is living under

constant pressure, and we intend to keep it that way — and this

adds to our security. When terrorists spend their days working to

avoid death or capture, it’s harder for them to plan and execute new

attacks.

We’re also ﬁ ghting the enemy here at home. We’ve given our

law enforcement and intelligence professionals the tools they need

to stop the terrorists in our midst. We passed the Patriot Act to break

down the wall that prevented law enforcement and intelligence from

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sharing vital information. We created the Terrorist Surveillance

Program to monitor the communications between al Qaeda

commanders abroad and terrorist operatives within our borders. If

al Qaeda is calling somebody in America, we need to know why, in

order to stop attacks.

I want to thank these three Senators for working with us to give

our law enforcement and intelligence ofﬁ cers the tools necessary to

do their jobs. And over the last ﬁ ve years, federal, state, and local

law enforcement have used those tools to break up terrorist cells,

and to prosecute terrorist operatives and supporters in New York,

and Oregon, and Virginia, and Texas, and New Jersey, and Illinois,

Ohio, and other states. By taking the battle to the terrorists and their

supporters on our own soil and across the world, we’ve stopped a

number of al Qaeda plots.

Second, we’re determined to deny weapons of mass

destruction to outlaw regimes and terrorists who would use them

without hesitation. Working with Great Britain and Pakistan

and other nations, the United States shut down the world’s most

dangerous nuclear trading cartel, the AQ Khan network. This

network had supplied Iran and Libya and North Korea with

equipment and know-how that advanced their efforts to obtain

nuclear weapons. And we launched the Proliferation Security

Initiative, a coalition of more than 70 nations that is working

together to stop shipments related to weapons of mass destruction

on land, at sea, and in the air. The greatest threat this world faces

is the danger of extremists and terrorists armed with weapons of

mass destruction — and this is a threat America cannot defeat on

her own. We applaud the determined efforts of many nations around

the world to stop the spread of these dangerous weapons. Together,

we pledge we’ll continue to work together to stop the world’s

most dangerous men from getting their hands on the world’s most

dangerous weapons.

Third, we’re determined to deny terrorists the support of outlaw

regimes. After September the 11th, I laid out a clear doctrine:

America makes no distinction between those who commit acts of

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terror, and those that harbor and support them, because they’re

equally guilty of murder. Thanks to our efforts, there are now

three fewer state sponsors of terror in the world than there were

on September the 11th, 2001. Afghanistan and Iraq have been

transformed from terrorist states into allies in the war on terror.

And the nation of Libya has renounced terrorism, and given up its

weapons of mass destruction programs, and its nuclear materials

and equipment. Over the past ﬁ ve years, we’ve acted to disrupt

the ﬂ ow of weapons and support from terrorist states to terrorist

networks. And we have made clear that any government that

chooses to be an ally of terror has also chosen to be an enemy of

civilization.

Fourth, we’re determined to deny terrorist networks control

of any nation, or territory within a nation. So, along with our

coalition and the Iraqi government, we’ll stop the terrorists from

taking control of Iraq, and establishing a new safe haven from

which to attack America and the free world. And we’re working

with friends and allies to deny the terrorists the enclaves they seek

to establish in ungoverned areas across the world. By helping

governments reclaim full sovereign control over their territory, we

make ourselves more secure.

Fifth, we’re working to deny terrorists new recruits, by

defeating their hateful ideology and spreading the hope of freedom

— by spreading the hope of freedom across the Middle East. For

decades, American policy sought to achieve peace in the Middle

East by pursuing stability at the expense of liberty. The lack of

freedom in that region helped create conditions where anger and

resentment grew, and radicalism thrived, and terrorists found

willing recruits. And we saw the consequences on September

the 11th, when the terrorists brought death and destruction to our

country. The policy wasn’t working.

The experience of September the 11th made clear, in the long

run, the only way to secure our nation is to change the course of

the Middle East. So America has committed its inﬂ uence in the

world to advancing freedom and liberty and democracy as the

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great alternatives to repression and radicalism. We’re taking the

side of democratic leaders and moderates and reformers across

the Middle East. We strongly support the voices of tolerance

and moderation in the Muslim world. We’re standing with

Afghanistan’s elected government against al Qaeda and the Taliban

remnants that are trying to restore tyranny in that country. We’re

standing with Lebanon’s young democracy against the foreign

forces that are seeking to undermine the country’s sovereignty and

independence. And we’re standing with the leaders of Iraq’s unity

government as they work to defeat the enemies of freedom, and

chart a more hopeful course for their people. This is why victory is

so important in Iraq. By helping freedom succeed in Iraq, we will

help America, and the Middle East, and the world become more

secure.

During the last ﬁ ve years we’ve learned a lot about this enemy.

We’ve learned that they’re cunning and sophisticated. We’ve

witnessed their ability to change their methods and their tactics

with deadly speed — even as their murderous obsessions remain

unchanging. We’ve seen that it’s the terrorists who have declared

war on Muslims, slaughtering huge numbers of innocent Muslim

men and women around the world.

We know what the terrorists believe, we know what they have

done, and we know what they intend to do. And now the world’s

free nations must summon the will to meet this great challenge.

The road ahead is going to be difﬁ cult, and it will require more

sacriﬁ ce. Yet we can have conﬁ dence in the outcome, because

we’ve seen freedom conquer tyranny and terror before. In the

20th century, free nations confronted and defeated Nazi Germany.

During the Cold War, we confronted Soviet communism, and

today Europe is whole, free and at peace.

And now, freedom is once again contending with the forces of

darkness and tyranny. This time, the battle is unfolding in a new

region — the broader Middle East. This time, we’re not waiting

for our enemies to gather in strength. This time, we’re confronting

them before they gain the capacity to inﬂ ict unspeakable damage

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on the world, and we’re confronting their hateful ideology before it

fully takes root.

We see a day when people across the Middle East have

governments that honor their dignity, and unleash their creativity,

and count their votes. We see a day when across this region citizens

are allowed to express themselves freely, women have full rights,

and children are educated and given the tools necessary to succeed

in life. And we see a day when all the nations of the Middle East are

allies in the cause of peace.

We ﬁ ght for this day, because the security of our own citizens

depends on it. This is the great ideological struggle of the 21st

century — and it is the calling of our generation. All civilized

nations are bound together in this struggle between moderation and

extremism. By coming together, we will roll back this grave threat

to our way of life. We will help the people of the Middle East claim

their freedom, and we will leave a safer and more hopeful world for

our children and grandchildren.

God bless.

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ADDRESS ON THE CREATION OF MILITARY COMMISSIONS

TO TRY SUSPECTED TERRORISTS

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 6, 2006

Thank you. Thanks for the warm welcome. Welcome to the

White House. Mr. Vice President, Secretary Rice, Attorney General

Gonzales, Ambassador Negroponte, General Hayden, members

of the United States Congress, families who lost loved ones in the

terrorist attacks on our nation, and my fellow citizens: Thanks for

coming.

On the morning of September the 11th, 2001, our nation awoke

to a nightmare attack. Nineteen men, armed with box cutters, took

control of airplanes and turned them into missiles. They used them

to kill nearly 3,000 innocent people. We watched the Twin Towers

collapse before our eyes — and it became instantly clear that we’d

entered a new world, and a dangerous new war.

The attacks of September the 11th horriﬁ ed our nation.

And amid the grief came new fears and urgent questions: Who

had attacked us? What did they want? And what else were they

planning? Americans saw the destruction the terrorists had caused

in New York, and Washington, and Pennsylvania, and they

wondered if there were other terrorist cells in our midst poised to

strike; they wondered if there was a second wave of attacks still to

come.

With the Twin Towers and the Pentagon still smoldering,

our country on edge, and a stream of intelligence coming in

about potential new attacks, my administration faced immediate

challenges: We had to respond to the attack on our country. We had

to wage an unprecedented war against an enemy unlike any we

had fought before. We had to ﬁ nd the terrorists hiding in America

and across the world, before they were able to strike our country

again. So in the early days and weeks after 9/11, I directed our

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government’s senior national security ofﬁ cials to do everything in

their power, within our laws, to prevent another attack.

Nearly ﬁ ve years have passed since these — those initial days

of shock and sadness — and we are thankful that the terrorists have

not succeeded in launching another attack on our soil. This is not

for the lack of desire or determination on the part of the enemy.

As the recently foiled plot in London shows, the terrorists are

still active, and they’re still trying to strike America, and they’re

still trying to kill our people. One reason the terrorists have not

succeeded is because of the hard work of thousands of dedicated

men and women in our government, who have toiled day and

night, along with our allies, to stop the enemy from carrying out

their plans. And we are grateful for these hardworking citizens of

ours.

Another reason the terrorists have not succeeded is because

our government has changed its policies — and given our military,

intelligence, and law enforcement personnel the tools they need to

ﬁ ght this enemy and protect our people and preserve our freedoms.

The terrorists who declared war on America represent no

nation, they defend no territory, and they wear no uniform. They

do not mass armies on borders, or ﬂ otillas of warships on the high

seas. They operate in the shadows of society; they send small

teams of operatives to inﬁ ltrate free nations; they live quietly

among their victims; they conspire in secret, and then they strike

without warning. In this new war, the most important source of

information on where the terrorists are hiding and what they are

planning is the terrorists, themselves. Captured terrorists have

unique knowledge about how terrorist networks operate. They

have knowledge of where their operatives are deployed, and

knowledge about what plots are underway. This intelligence —

this is intelligence that cannot be found any other place. And our

security depends on getting this kind of information. To win the

war on terror, we must be able to detain, question, and, when

appropriate, prosecute terrorists captured here in America, and on

the battleﬁ elds around the world.

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After the 9/11 attacks, our coalition launched operations

across the world to remove terrorist safe havens, and capture or

kill terrorist operatives and leaders. Working with our allies, we’ve

captured and detained thousands of terrorists and enemy ﬁ ghters in

Afghanistan, in Iraq, and other fronts of this war on terror. These

enemy — these are enemy combatants, who were waging war on

our nation. We have a right under the laws of war, and we have an

obligation to the American people, to detain these enemies and stop

them from rejoining the battle.

Most of the enemy combatants we capture are held in

Afghanistan or in Iraq, where they’re questioned by our military

personnel. Many are released after questioning, or turned over

to local authorities — if we determine that they do not pose a

continuing threat and no longer have signiﬁ cant intelligence value.

Others remain in American custody near the battleﬁ eld, to ensure

that they don’t return to the ﬁ ght.

In some cases, we determine that individuals we have captured

pose a signiﬁ cant threat, or may have intelligence that we and our

allies need to have to prevent new attacks. Many are al Qaeda

operatives or Taliban ﬁ ghters trying to conceal their identities,

and they withhold information that could save American lives. In

these cases, it has been necessary to move these individuals to an

environment where they can be held secretly [sic], questioned by

experts, and — when appropriate — prosecuted for terrorist acts.

Some of these individuals are taken to the United States Naval

Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. It’s important for Americans

and others across the world to understand the kind of people held

at Guantanamo. These aren’t common criminals, or bystanders

accidentally swept up on the battleﬁ eld — we have in place a

rigorous process to ensure those held at Guantanamo Bay belong at

Guantanamo. Those held at Guantanamo include suspected bomb

makers, terrorist trainers, recruiters and facilitators, and potential

suicide bombers. They are in our custody so they cannot murder

our people. One detainee held at Guantanamo told a questioner

questioning him — he said this: “I’ll never forget your face. I will

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kill you, your brothers, your mother, and sisters.”

In addition to the terrorists held at Guantanamo, a small

number of suspected terrorist leaders and operatives captured

during the war have been held and questioned outside the United

States, in a separate program operated by the Central Intelligence

Agency. This group includes individuals believed to be the key

architects of the September the 11th attacks, and attacks on the

USS Cole, an operative involved in the bombings of our embassies

in Kenya and Tanzania, and individuals involved in other attacks

that have taken the lives of innocent civilians across the world.

These are dangerous men with unparalleled knowledge about

terrorist networks and their plans for new attacks. The security of

our nation and the lives of our citizens depend on our ability to

learn what these terrorists know.

Many speciﬁ cs of this program, including where these

detainees have been held and the details of their conﬁ nement,

cannot be divulged. Doing so would provide our enemies with

information they could use to take retribution against our allies

and harm our country. I can say that questioning the detainees in

this program has given us information that has saved innocent

lives by helping us stop new attacks — here in the United States

and across the world. Today, I’m going to share with you some of

the examples provided by our intelligence community of how this

program has saved lives; why it remains vital to the security of the

United States, and our friends and allies; and why it deserves the

support of the United States Congress and the American people.

Within months of September the 11th, 2001, we captured a

man known as Abu Zubaydah. We believe that Zubaydah was a

senior terrorist leader and a trusted associate of Osama bin Laden.

Our intelligence community believes he had run a terrorist camp in

Afghanistan where some of the 9/11 hijackers trained, and that he

helped smuggle al Qaeda leaders out of Afghanistan after coalition

forces arrived to liberate that country. Zubaydah was severely

wounded during the ﬁ reﬁ ght that brought him into custody — and

he survived only because of the medical care arranged by the CIA.

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After he recovered, Zubaydah was deﬁ ant and evasive. He

declared his hatred of America. During questioning, he at ﬁ rst

disclosed what he thought was nominal information — and then

stopped all cooperation. Well, in fact, the “nominal” information he

gave us turned out to be quite important. For example, Zubaydah

disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed — or KSM — was the

mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks, and used the alias “Muktar.”

This was a vital piece of the puzzle that helped our intelligence

community pursue KSM. Abu Zubaydah also provided information

that helped stop a terrorist attack being planned for inside the

United States — an attack about which we had no previous

information. Zubaydah told us that al Qaeda operatives were

planning to launch an attack in the U.S., and provided physical

descriptions of the operatives and information on their general

location. Based on the information he provided, the operatives

were detained — one while traveling to the United States.

We knew that Zubaydah had more information that could

save innocent lives, but he stopped talking. As his questioning

proceeded, it became clear that he had received training on how

to resist interrogation. And so the CIA used an alternative set of

procedures. These procedures were designed to be safe, to comply

with our laws, our Constitution, and our treaty obligations. The

Department of Justice reviewed the authorized methods extensively

and determined them to be lawful. I cannot describe the speciﬁ c

methods used — I think you understand why — if I did, it would

help the terrorists learn how to resist questioning, and to keep

information from us that we need to prevent new attacks on our

country. But I can say the procedures were tough, and they were

safe, and lawful, and necessary.

Zubaydah was questioned using these procedures, and soon

he began to provide information on key al Qaeda operatives,

including information that helped us ﬁ nd and capture more of those

responsible for the attacks on September the 11th. For example,

Zubaydah identiﬁ ed one of KSM’s accomplices in the 9/11

attacks — a terrorist named Ramzi bin al Shibh. The information

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Zubaydah provided helped lead to the capture of bin al Shibh. And

together these two terrorists provided information that helped in

the planning and execution of the operation that captured Khalid

Sheikh Mohammed.

Once in our custody, KSM was questioned by the CIA using

these procedures, and he soon provided information that helped

us stop another planned attack on the United States. During

questioning, KSM told us about another al Qaeda operative he

knew was in CIA custody — a terrorist named Majid Khan. KSM

revealed that Khan had been told to deliver $50,000 to individuals

working for a suspected terrorist leader named Hambali, the leader

of al Qaeda’s Southeast Asian afﬁ liate known as “J-I”. CIA ofﬁ cers

confronted Khan with this information. Khan conﬁ rmed that the

money had been delivered to an operative named Zubair, and

provided both a physical description and contact number for this

operative.

Based on that information, Zubair was captured in June of 2003,

and he soon provided information that helped lead to the capture

of Hambali. After Hambali’s arrest, KSM was questioned again.

He identiﬁ ed Hambali’s brother as the leader of a “J-I” cell, and

Hambali’s conduit for communications with al Qaeda. Hambali’s

brother was soon captured in Pakistan, and, in turn, led us to a cell

of 17 Southeast Asian “J-I” operatives. When confronted with the

news that his terror cell had been broken up, Hambali admitted that

the operatives were being groomed at KSM’s request for attacks

inside the United States — probably [sic] using airplanes.

During questioning, KSM also provided many details of other

plots to kill innocent Americans. For example, he described the

design of planned attacks on buildings inside the United States,

and how operatives were directed to carry them out. He told us the

operatives had been instructed to ensure that the explosives went

off at a point that was high enough to prevent the people trapped

above from escaping out the windows.

KSM also provided vital information on al Qaeda’s efforts to

obtain biological weapons. During questioning, KSM admitted

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that he had met three individuals involved in al Qaeda’s efforts to

produce anthrax, a deadly biological agent — and he identiﬁ ed

one of the individuals as a terrorist named Yazid. KSM apparently

believed we already had this information, because Yazid had been

captured and taken into foreign custody before KSM’s arrest. In

fact, we did not know about Yazid’s role in al Qaeda’s anthrax

program. Information from Yazid then helped lead to the capture

of his two principal assistants in the anthrax program. Without

the information provided by KSM and Yazid, we might not have

uncovered this al Qaeda biological weapons program, or stopped

this al Qaeda cell from developing anthrax for attacks against the

United States.

These are some of the plots that have been stopped because

of the information of this vital program. Terrorists held in CIA

custody have also provided information that helped stop a planned

strike on U.S. Marines at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti — they were

going to use an explosive laden water tanker. They helped stop a

planned attack on the U.S. consulate in Karachi using car bombs

and motorcycle bombs, and they helped stop a plot to hijack

passenger planes and ﬂ y them into Heathrow or the Canary Wharf

in London.

We’re getting vital information necessary to do our jobs, and

that’s to protect the American people and our allies.

Information from the terrorists in this program has helped us to

identify individuals that al Qaeda deemed suitable for Western

operations, many of whom we had never heard about before. They

include terrorists who were set to case targets inside the United

States, including ﬁ nancial buildings in major cities on the East

Coast. Information from terrorists in CIA custody has played a

role in the capture or questioning of nearly every senior al Qaeda

member or associate detained by the U.S. and its allies since

this program began. By providing everything from initial leads

to photo identiﬁ cations, to precise locations of where terrorists

were hiding, this program has helped us to take potential mass

murderers off the streets before they were able to kill.

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This program has also played a critical role in helping us

understand the enemy we face in this war. Terrorists in this

program have painted a picture of al Qaeda’s structure and

ﬁ nancing, and communications and logistics. They identiﬁ ed

al Qaeda’s travel routes and safe havens, and explained how al

Qaeda’s senior leadership communicates with its operatives in

places like Iraq. They provided information that allows us — that

has allowed us to make sense of documents and computer records

that we have seized in terrorist raids. They’ve identiﬁ ed voices

in recordings of intercepted calls, and helped us understand the

meaning of potentially critical terrorist communications.

The information we get from these detainees is corroborated

by intelligence, and we’ve received — that we’ve received from

other sources — and together this intelligence has helped us

connect the dots and stop attacks before they occur. Information

from the terrorists questioned in this program helped unravel plots

and terrorist cells in Europe and in other places. It’s helped our

allies protect their people from deadly enemies. This program has

been, and remains, one of the most vital tools in our war against the

terrorists. It is invaluable to America and to our allies. Were it not

for this program, our intelligence community believes that al Qaeda

and its allies would have succeeded in launching another attack

against the American homeland. By giving us information about

terrorist plans we could not get anywhere else, this program has

saved innocent lives.

This program has been subject to multiple legal reviews by the

Department of Justice and CIA lawyers; they’ve determined it

complied with our laws. This program has received strict oversight

by the CIA’s Inspector General. A small number of key leaders

from both political parties on Capitol Hill were briefed about this

program. All those involved in the questioning of the terrorists are

carefully chosen and they’re screened from a pool of experienced

CIA ofﬁ cers. Those selected to conduct the most sensitive

questioning had to complete more than 250 additional hours of

specialized training before they are allowed to have contact with a

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captured terrorist.

I want to be absolutely clear with our people, and the world:

The United States does not torture. It’s against our laws, and

it’s against our values. I have not authorized it — and I will not

authorize it. Last year, my administration worked with Senator

John McCain, and I signed into law the Detainee Treatment Act,

which established the legal standard for treatment of detainees

wherever they are held. I support this act. And as we implement

this law, our government will continue to use every lawful method

to obtain intelligence that can protect innocent people, and stop

another attack like the one we experienced on September the 11th,

2001.

The CIA program has detained only a limited number of

terrorists at any given time — and once we’ve determined that the

terrorists held by the CIA have little or no additional intelligence

value, many of them have been returned to their home countries

for prosecution or detention by their governments. Others have

been accused of terrible crimes against the American people,

and we have a duty to bring those responsible for these crimes to

justice. So we intend to prosecute these men, as appropriate, for

their crimes.

Soon after the war on terror began, I authorized a system

of military commissions to try foreign terrorists accused of war

crimes. Military commissions have been used by Presidents

from George Washington to Franklin Roosevelt to prosecute

war criminals, because the rules for trying enemy combatants

in a time of conﬂ ict must be different from those for trying

common criminals or members of our own military. One of the

ﬁ rst suspected terrorists to be put on trial by military commission

was one of Osama bin Laden’s bodyguards — a man named

Hamdan. His lawyers challenged the legality of the military

commission system. It took more than two years for this case to

make its way through the courts. The Court of Appeals for the

District of Columbia Circuit upheld the military commissions we

had designed, but this past June, the Supreme Court overturned

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that decision. The Supreme Court determined that military

commissions are an appropriate venue for trying terrorists, but

ruled that military commissions needed to be explicitly authorized

by the United States Congress.

So today, I’m sending Congress legislation to speciﬁ cally

authorize the creation of military commissions to try terrorists for

war crimes. My administration has been working with members

of both parties in the House and Senate on this legislation. We put

forward a bill that ensures these commissions are established in a

way that protects our national security, and ensures a full and fair

trial for those accused. The procedures in the bill I am sending to

Congress today reﬂ ect the reality that we are a nation at war, and

that it’s essential for us to use all reliable evidence to bring these

people to justice.

We’re now approaching the ﬁ ve-year anniversary of the 9/11

attacks — and the families of those murdered that day have waited

patiently for justice. Some of the families are with us today —

they should have to wait no longer. So I’m announcing today that

Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Abu Zubaydah, Ramzi bin al-Shibh,

and 11 other terrorists in CIA custody have been transferred to

the United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay. They are

being held in the custody of the Department of Defense. As soon

as Congress acts to authorize the military commissions I have

proposed, the men our intelligence ofﬁ cials believe orchestrated

the deaths of nearly 3,000 Americans on September the 11th,

2001, can face justice.

We’ll also seek to prosecute those believed to be responsible

for the attack on the USS Cole, and an operative believed to be

involved in the bombings of the American embassies in Kenya

and Tanzania. With these prosecutions, we will send a clear

message to those who kill Americans: No longer — how long it

takes, we will ﬁ nd you and we will bring you to justice.

These men will be held in a high-security facility at

Guantanamo. The International Committee of the Red Cross is

being advised of their detention, and will have the opportunity to

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meet with them. Those charged with crimes will be given access

to attorneys who will help them prepare their defense — and they

will be presumed innocent. While at Guantanamo, they will have

access to the same food, clothing, medical care, and opportunities

for worship as other detainees. They will be questioned subject

to the new U.S. Army Field Manual, which the Department of

Defense is issuing today. And they will continue to be treated with

the humanity that they denied others.

As we move forward with the prosecutions, we will continue

to urge nations across the world to take back their nationals

at Guantanamo who will not be prosecuted by our military

commissions. America has no interest in being the world’s jailer.

But one of the reasons we have not been able to close Guantanamo

is that many countries have refused to take back their nationals

held at the facility. Other countries have not provided adequate

assurances that their nationals will not be mistreated — or they will

not return to the battleﬁ eld, as more than a dozen people released

from Guantanamo already have. We will continue working to

transfer individuals held at Guantanamo, and ask other countries

to work with us in this process. And we will move toward the day

when we can eventually close the detention facility at Guantanamo

Bay.

I know Americans have heard conﬂ icting information about

Guantanamo. Let me give you some facts. Of the thousands of

terrorists captured across the world, only about 770 have ever been

sent to Guantanamo. Of these, about 315 have been returned to

other countries so far — and about 455 remain in our custody. They

are provided the same quality of medical care as the American

service members who guard them. The International Committee of

the Red Cross has the opportunity to meet privately with all who

are held there. The facility has been visited by government ofﬁ cials

from more than 30 countries, and delegations from international

organizations, as well. After the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe came to visit, one of its delegation members

called Guantanamo “a model prison” where people are treated

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better than in prisons in his own country. Our troops can take great

pride in the work they do at Guantanamo Bay — and so can the

American people.

As we prosecute suspected terrorist leaders and operatives

who have now been transferred to Guantanamo, we’ll continue

searching for those who have stepped forward to take their places.

This nation is going to stay on the offense to protect the American

people. We will continue to bring the world’s most dangerous

terrorists to justice — and we will continue working to collect

the vital intelligence we need to protect our country. The current

transfers mean that there are now no terrorists in the CIA program.

But as more high-ranking terrorists are captured, the need to obtain

intelligence from them will remain critical — and having a CIA

program for questioning terrorists will continue to be crucial to

getting life-saving information.

Some may ask: Why are you acknowledging this program now?

There are two reasons why I’m making these limited disclosures

today. First, we have largely completed our questioning of the

men — and to start the process for bringing them to trial, we must

bring them into the open. Second, the Supreme Court’s recent

decision has impaired our ability to prosecute terrorists through

military commissions, and has put in question the future of the

CIA program. In its ruling on military commissions, the Court

determined that a provision of the Geneva Conventions known as

“Common Article Three” applies to our war with al Qaeda. This

article includes provisions that prohibit “outrages upon personal

dignity” and “humiliating and degrading treatment.” The problem

is that these and other provisions of Common Article Three are

vague and undeﬁ ned, and each could be interpreted in different

ways by American or foreign judges. And some believe our military

and intelligence personnel involved in capturing and questioning

terrorists could now be at risk of prosecution under the War Crimes

Act — simply for doing their jobs in a thorough and professional

way.

This is unacceptable. Our military and intelligence personnel go

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face to face with the world’s most dangerous men every day. They

have risked their lives to capture some of the most brutal terrorists

on Earth. And they have worked day and night to ﬁ nd out what

the terrorists know so we can stop new attacks. America owes our

brave men and women some things in return. We owe them their

thanks for saving lives and keeping America safe. And we owe

them clear rules, so they can continue to do their jobs and protect

our people.

So today, I’m asking Congress to pass legislation that will

clarify the rules for our personnel ﬁ ghting the war on terror. First,

I’m asking Congress to list the speciﬁ c, recognizable offenses that

would be considered crimes under the War Crimes Act — so our

personnel can know clearly what is prohibited in the handling of

terrorist enemies. Second, I’m asking that Congress make explicit

that by following the standards of the Detainee Treatment Act

our personnel are fulﬁ lling America’s obligations under Common

Article Three of the Geneva Conventions. Third, I’m asking that

Congress make it clear that captured terrorists cannot use the

Geneva Conventions as a basis to sue our personnel in courts — in

U.S. courts. The men and women who protect us should not have to

fear lawsuits ﬁ led by terrorists because they’re doing their jobs.

The need for this legislation is urgent. We need to ensure that

those questioning terrorists can continue to do everything within

the limits of the law to get information that can save American

lives. My administration will continue to work with the Congress to

get this legislation enacted — but time is of the essence. Congress

is in session just for a few more weeks, and passing this legislation

ought to be the top priority.

As we work with Congress to pass a good bill, we will also

consult with congressional leaders on how to ensure that the CIA

program goes forward in a way that follows the law, that meets the

national security needs of our country, and protects the brave men

and women we ask to obtain information that will save innocent

lives. For the sake of our security, Congress needs to act, and

update our laws to meet the threats of this new era. And I know

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they will.

We’re engaged in a global struggle — and the entire civilized

world has a stake in its outcome. America is a nation of law. And

as I work with Congress to strengthen and clarify our laws here at

home, I will continue to work with members of the international

community who have been our partners in this struggle. I’ve

spoken with leaders of foreign governments, and worked with

them to address their concerns about Guantanamo and our

detention policies. I’ll continue to work with the international

community to construct a common foundation to defend our

nations and protect our freedoms.

Free nations have faced new enemies and adjusted to new

threats before — and we have prevailed. Like the struggles of

the last century, today’s war on terror is, above all, a struggle for

freedom and liberty. The adversaries are different, but the stakes in

this war are the same: We’re ﬁ ghting for our way of life, and our

ability to live in freedom. We’re ﬁ ghting for the cause of humanity,

against those who seek to impose the darkness of tyranny and

terror upon the entire world. And we’re ﬁ ghting for a peaceful

future for our children and our grandchildren.

May God bless you all.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON THE

IFTH ANNIVERSARY OF 9/11

THE OVAL OFFICE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 11, 2006

Good evening. Five years ago, this date — September the 11th

— was seared into America’s memory. Nineteen men attacked us

with a barbarity unequaled in our history. They murdered people of

all colors, creeds, and nationalities — and made war upon the entire

free world. Since that day, America and her allies have taken the

offensive in a war unlike any we have fought before. Today, we are

safer, but we are not yet safe. On this solemn night, I’ve asked for

some of your time to discuss the nature of the threat still before us,

what we are doing to protect our nation, and the building of a more

hopeful Middle East that holds the key to peace for America and

the world.

On 9/11, our nation saw the face of evil. Yet on that awful day,

we also witnessed something distinctly American: ordinary citizens

rising to the occasion, and responding with extraordinary acts of

courage. We saw courage in ofﬁ ce workers who were trapped on

the high ﬂ oors of burning skyscrapers — and called home so that

their last words to their families would be of comfort and love. We

saw courage in passengers aboard Flight 93, who recited the 23rd

Psalm — and then charged the cockpit. And we saw courage in the

Pentagon staff who made it out of the ﬂ ames and smoke — and

ran back in to answer cries for help. On this day, we remember the

innocent who lost their lives — and we pay tribute to those who

gave their lives so that others might live.

For many of our citizens, the wounds of that morning are still

fresh. I’ve met ﬁ reﬁ ghters and police ofﬁ cers who choke up at

the memory of fallen comrades. I’ve stood with families gathered

on a grassy ﬁ eld in Pennsylvania, who take bittersweet pride in

loved ones who refused to be victims — and gave America our

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ﬁ rst victory in the war on terror. I’ve sat beside young mothers

with children who are now ﬁ ve years old — and still long for

the daddies who will never cradle them in their arms. Out of this

suffering, we resolve to honor every man and woman lost. And we

seek their lasting memorial in a safer and more hopeful world.

Since the horror of 9/11, we’ve learned a great deal about

the enemy. We have learned that they are evil and kill without

mercy — but not without purpose. We have learned that they form

a global network of extremists who are driven by a perverted

vision of Islam — a totalitarian ideology that hates freedom,

rejects tolerance, and despises all dissent. And we have learned

that their goal is to build a radical Islamic empire where women

are prisoners in their homes, men are beaten for missing prayer

meetings, and terrorists have a safe haven to plan and launch

attacks on America and other civilized nations. The war against

this enemy is more than a military conﬂ ict. It is the decisive

ideological struggle of the 21st century, and the calling of our

generation.

Our nation is being tested in a way that we have not been

since the start of the Cold War. We saw what a handful of our

enemies can do with box-cutters and plane tickets. We hear their

threats to launch even more terrible attacks on our people. And we

know that if they were able to get their hands on weapons of mass

destruction, they would use them against us. We face an enemy

determined to bring death and suffering into our homes. America

did not ask for this war, and every American wishes it were over.

So do I. But the war is not over — and it will not be over until

either we or the extremists emerge victorious. If we do not defeat

these enemies now, we will leave our children to face a Middle

East overrun by terrorist states and radical dictators armed with

nuclear weapons. We are in a war that will set the course for this

new century — and determine the destiny of millions across the

world.

For America, 9/11 was more than a tragedy — it changed the

way we look at the world. On September the 11th, we resolved

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that we would go on the offense against our enemies, and we

would not distinguish between the terrorists and those who harbor

or support them. So we helped drive the Taliban from power in

Afghanistan. We put al Qaeda on the run, and killed or captured

most of those who planned the 9/11 attacks, including the man

believed to be the mastermind, Khalid Sheik Mohammed. He and

other suspected terrorists have been questioned by the Central

Intelligence Agency, and they provided valuable information that

has helped stop attacks in America and across the world. Now these

men have been transferred to Guantanamo Bay, so they can be held

to account for their actions. Osama bin Laden and other terrorists

are still in hiding. Our message to them is clear: No matter how

long it takes, America will ﬁ nd you, and we will bring you to

justice.

On September the 11th, we learned that America must confront

threats before they reach our shores, whether those threats come

from terrorist networks or terrorist states. I’m often asked why

we’re in Iraq when Saddam Hussein was not responsible for the

9/11 attacks. The answer is that the regime of Saddam Hussein was

a clear threat. My administration, the Congress, and the United

Nations saw the threat — and after 9/11, Saddam’s regime posed

a risk that the world could not afford to take. The world is safer

because Saddam Hussein is no longer in power. And now the

challenge is to help the Iraqi people build a democracy that fulﬁ lls

the dreams of the nearly 12 million Iraqis who came out to vote in

free elections last December.

Al Qaeda and other extremists from across the world have

come to Iraq to stop the rise of a free society in the heart of the

Middle East. They have joined the remnants of Saddam’s regime

and other armed groups to foment sectarian violence and drive us

out. Our enemies in Iraq are tough and they are committed — but

so are Iraqi and coalition forces. We’re adapting to stay ahead of

the enemy, and we are carrying out a clear plan to ensure that a

democratic Iraq succeeds.

We’re training Iraqi troops so they can defend their nation.

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We’re helping Iraq’s unity government grow in strength and serve

its people. We will not leave until this work is done. Whatever

mistakes have been made in Iraq, the worst mistake would be to

think that if we pulled out, the terrorists would leave us alone. They

will not leave us alone. They will follow us. The safety of America

depends on the outcome of the battle in the streets of Baghdad.

Osama bin Laden calls this ﬁ ght “the Third World War” — and

he says that victory for the terrorists in Iraq will mean America’s

“defeat and disgrace forever.” If we yield Iraq to men like bin

Laden, our enemies will be emboldened; they will gain a new

safe haven; they will use Iraq’s resources to fuel their extremist

movement. We will not allow this to happen. America will stay in

the ﬁ ght. Iraq will be a free nation, and a strong ally in the war on

terror.

We can be conﬁ dent that our coalition will succeed because the

Iraqi people have been steadfast in the face of unspeakable violence.

And we can be conﬁ dent in victory because of the skill and resolve

of America’s Armed Forces. Every one of our troops is a volunteer,

and since the attacks of September the 11th, more than 1.6 million

Americans have stepped forward to put on our nation’s uniform.

In Iraq, Afghanistan, and other fronts in the war on terror, the men

and women of our military are making great sacriﬁ ces to keep us

safe. Some have suffered terrible injuries — and nearly 3,000 have

given their lives. America cherishes their memory. We pray for their

families. And we will never back down from the work they have

begun.

We also honor those who toil day and night to keep our

homeland safe, and we are giving them the tools they need to

protect our people. We’ve created the Department of Homeland

Security. We have torn down the wall that kept law enforcement

and intelligence from sharing information. We’ve tightened

security at our airports and seaports and borders, and we’ve created

new programs to monitor enemy bank records and phone calls.

Thanks to the hard work of our law enforcement and intelligence

professionals, we have broken up terrorist cells in our midst and

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saved American lives.

Five years after 9/11, our enemies have not succeeded in

launching another attack on our soil, but they’ve not been idle.

Al Qaeda and those inspired by its hateful ideology have carried

out terrorist attacks in more than two dozen nations. And just last

month, they were foiled in a plot to blow up passenger planes

headed for the United States. They remain determined to attack

America and kill our citizens — and we are determined to stop

them. We’ll continue to give the men and women who protect us

every resource and legal authority they need to do their jobs.

In the ﬁ rst days after the 9/11 attacks I promised to use every

element of national power to ﬁ ght the terrorists, wherever we ﬁ nd

them. One of the strongest weapons in our arsenal is the power

of freedom. The terrorists fear freedom as much as they do our

ﬁ repower. They are thrown into panic at the sight of an old man

pulling the election lever, girls enrolling in schools, or families

worshiping God in their own traditions. They know that given a

choice, people will choose freedom over their extremist ideology.

So their answer is to deny people this choice by raging against the

forces of freedom and moderation. This struggle has been called a

clash of civilizations. In truth, it is a struggle for civilization. We

are ﬁ ghting to maintain the way of life enjoyed by free nations.

And we’re ﬁ ghting for the possibility that good and decent people

across the Middle East can raise up societies based on freedom and

tolerance and personal dignity.

We are now in the early hours of this struggle between tyranny

and freedom. Amid the violence, some question whether the people

of the Middle East want their freedom, and whether the forces

of moderation can prevail. For 60 years, these doubts guided

our policies in the Middle East. And then, on a bright September

morning, it became clear that the calm we saw in the Middle East

was only a mirage. Years of pursuing stability to promote peace

had left us with neither. So we changed our policies, and committed

America’s inﬂ uence in the world to advancing freedom and

democracy as the great alternatives to repression and radicalism.

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With our help, the people of the Middle East are now stepping

forward to claim their freedom. From Kabul to Baghdad to Beirut,

there are brave men and women risking their lives each day for

the same freedoms that we enjoy. And they have one question for

us: Do we have the conﬁ dence to do in the Middle East what our

fathers and grandfathers accomplished in Europe and Asia? By

standing with democratic leaders and reformers, by giving voice to

the hopes of decent men and women, we’re offering a path away

from radicalism. And we are enlisting the most powerful force for

peace and moderation in the Middle East: the desire of millions to

be free.

Across the broader Middle East, the extremists are ﬁ ghting to

prevent such a future. Yet America has confronted evil before, and

we have defeated it — sometimes at the cost of thousands of good

men in a single battle. When Franklin Roosevelt vowed to defeat

two enemies across two oceans, he could not have foreseen D-Day

and Iwo Jima — but he would not have been surprised at the

outcome. When Harry Truman promised American support for free

peoples resisting Soviet aggression, he could not have foreseen the

rise of the Berlin Wall — but he would not have been surprised

to see it brought down. Throughout our history, America has seen

liberty challenged, and every time, we have seen liberty triumph

with sacriﬁ ce and determination.

At the start of this young century, America looks to the day

when the people of the Middle East leave the desert of despotism

for the fertile gardens of liberty, and resume their rightful place in a

world of peace and prosperity. We look to the day when the nations

of that region recognize their greatest resource is not the oil in the

ground, but the talent and creativity of their people. We look to the

day when moms and dads throughout the Middle East see a future

of hope and opportunity for their children. And when that good

day comes, the clouds of war will part, the appeal of radicalism

will decline, and we will leave our children with a better and safer

world.

On this solemn anniversary, we rededicate ourselves to this

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cause. Our nation has endured trials, and we face a difﬁ cult road

ahead. Winning this war will require the determined efforts of a

uniﬁ ed country, and we must put aside our differences and work

together to meet the test that history has given us. We will defeat

our enemies. We will protect our people. And we will lead the 21st

century into a shining age of human liberty.

Earlier this year, I traveled to the United States Military

Academy. I was there to deliver the commencement address to the

ﬁ rst class to arrive at West Point after the attacks of September

the 11th. That day I met a proud mom named RoseEllen Dowdell.

She was there to watch her son, Patrick, accept his commission in

the ﬁ nest Army the world has ever known. A few weeks earlier,

RoseEllen had watched her other son, James, graduate from the

Fire Academy in New York City. On both these days, her thoughts

turned to someone who was not there to share the moment: her

husband, Kevin Dowdell. Kevin was one of the 343 ﬁ reﬁ ghters

who rushed to the burning towers of the World Trade Center on

September the 11th — and never came home. His sons lost their

father that day, but not the passion for service he instilled in them.

Here is what RoseEllen says about her boys: “As a mother, I cross

my ﬁ ngers and pray all the time for their safety — but as worried

as I am, I’m also proud, and I know their dad would be, too.”

Our nation is blessed to have young Americans like these —

and we will need them. Dangerous enemies have declared their

intention to destroy our way of life. They’re not the ﬁ rst to try, and

their fate will be the same as those who tried before. Nine-Eleven

showed us why. The attacks were meant to bring us to our knees,

and they did, but not in the way the terrorists intended. Americans

united in prayer, came to the aid of neighbors in need, and resolved

that our enemies would not have the last word. The spirit of our

people is the source of America’s strength. And we go forward

with trust in that spirit, conﬁ dence in our purpose, and faith in a

loving God who made us to be free.

Thank you, and may God bless you.

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ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY:

A W

ORLD BEYOND TERROR

UNITED NATIONS

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

SEPTEMBER 19, 2006

Mr. Secretary General, Madam President, distinguished

delegates, and ladies and gentlemen: I want to thank you for the

privilege of speaking to this General Assembly.

Last week, America and the world marked the ﬁ fth anniversary

of the attacks that ﬁ lled another September morning with death

and suffering. On that terrible day, extremists killed nearly

3,000 innocent people, including citizens of dozens of nations

represented right here in this chamber. Since then, the enemies of

humanity have continued their campaign of murder. Al Qaeda and

those inspired by its extremist ideology have attacked more than

two dozen nations. And recently a different group of extremists

deliberately provoked a terrible conﬂ ict in Lebanon. At the start

of the 21st century, it is clear that the world is engaged in a great

ideological struggle, between extremists who use terror as a

weapon to create fear, and moderate people who work for peace.

Five years ago, I stood at this podium and called on the

community of nations to defend civilization and build a more

hopeful future. This is still the great challenge of our time; it is the

calling of our generation. This morning, I want to speak about the

more hopeful world that is within our reach, a world beyond terror,

where ordinary men and women are free to determine their own

destiny, where the voices of moderation are empowered, and where

the extremists are marginalized by the peaceful majority. This

world can be ours if we seek it and if we work together.

The principles of this world beyond terror can be found in the

very ﬁ rst sentence of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

This document declares that the “equal and inalienable rights of

all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom and

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justice and peace in the world.” One of the authors of this document

was a Lebanese diplomat named Charles Malik, who would go on

to become President of this Assembly. Mr. Malik insisted that these

principles apply equally to all people, of all regions, of all religions,

including the men and women of the Arab world that was his home.

In the nearly six decades since that document was approved,

we have seen the forces of freedom and moderation transform

entire continents. Sixty years after a terrible war, Europe is now

whole, free, and at peace — and Asia has seen freedom progress

and hundreds of millions of people lifted out of desperate poverty.

The words of the Universal Declaration are as true today as they

were when they were written. As liberty ﬂ ourishes, nations grow in

tolerance and hope and peace. And we’re seeing that bright future

begin to take root in the broader Middle East.

Some of the changes in the Middle East have been dramatic,

and we see the results in this chamber. Five years ago, Afghanistan

was ruled by the brutal Taliban regime, and its seat in this body was

contested. Now this seat is held by the freely elected government

of Afghanistan, which is represented today by President Karzai.

Five years ago, Iraq’s seat in this body was held by a dictator who

killed his citizens, invaded his neighbors, and showed his contempt

for the world by defying more than a dozen U.N. Security Council

resolutions. Now Iraq’s seat is held by a democratic government

that embodies the aspirations of the Iraq people, who’s represented

today by President Talabani. With these changes, more than 50

million people have been given a voice in this chamber for the ﬁ rst

time in decades.

Some of the changes in the Middle East are happening

gradually, but they are real. Algeria has held its ﬁ rst competitive

presidential election, and the military remained neutral. The

United Arab Emirates recently announced that half of the seats in

its Federal National Council will be chosen by elections. Kuwait

held elections in which women were allowed to vote and run for

ofﬁ ce for the ﬁ rst time. Citizens have voted in municipal elections

in Saudi Arabia, in parliamentary elections in Jordan and Bahrain,

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and in multiparty presidential elections in Yemen and Egypt. These

are important steps, and the governments should continue to move

forward with other reforms that show they trust their people. Every

nation that travels the road to freedom moves at a different pace,

and the democracies they build will reﬂ ect their own culture and

traditions. But the destination is the same: A free society where

people live at peace with each other and at peace with the world.

Some have argued that the democratic changes we’re seeing in

the Middle East are destabilizing the region. This argument rests on

a false assumption, that the Middle East was stable to begin with.

The reality is that the stability we thought we saw in the Middle

East was a mirage. For decades, millions of men and women in the

region have been trapped in oppression and hopelessness. And these

conditions left a generation disillusioned, and made this region a

breeding ground for extremism.

Imagine what it’s like to be a young person living in a country

that is not moving toward reform. You’re 21 years old, and while

your peers in other parts of the world are casting their ballots

for the ﬁ rst time, you are powerless to change the course of your

government. While your peers in other parts of the world have

received educations that prepare them for the opportunities of a

global economy, you have been fed propaganda and conspiracy

theories that blame others for your country’s shortcomings. And

everywhere you turn, you hear extremists who tell you that you can

escape your misery and regain your dignity through violence and

terror and martyrdom. For many across the broader Middle East,

this is the dismal choice presented every day.

Every civilized nation, including those in the Muslim world,

must support those in the region who are offering a more hopeful

alternative. We know that when people have a voice in their future,

they are less likely to blow themselves up in suicide attacks. We

know that when leaders are accountable to their people, they are

more likely to seek national greatness in the achievements of their

citizens, rather than in terror and conquest. So we must stand with

democratic leaders and moderate reformers across the broader

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Middle East. We must give them voice to the hopes of decent men

and women who want for their children the same things we want

for ours. We must seek stability through a free and just Middle

East where the extremists are marginalized by millions of citizens

in control of their own destinies.

Today, I’d like to speak directly to the people across the

broader Middle East: My country desires peace. Extremists in your

midst spread propaganda claiming that the West is engaged in a

war against Islam. This propaganda is false, and its purpose is to

confuse you and justify acts of terror. We respect Islam, but we

will protect our people from those who pervert Islam to sow death

and destruction. Our goal is to help you build a more tolerant and

hopeful society that honors people of all faiths and promote the

peace.

To the people of Iraq: Nearly 12 million of you braved the

car bombers and assassins last December to vote in free elections.

The world saw you hold up purple ink-stained ﬁ ngers, and your

courage ﬁ lled us with admiration. You’ve stood ﬁ rm in the face of

horrendous acts of terror and sectarian violence — and we will not

abandon you in your struggle to build a free nation. America and

our coalition partners will continue to stand with the democratic

government you elected. We will continue to help you secure the

international assistance and investment you need to create jobs

and opportunity, working with the United Nations and through

the International Compact with Iraq endorsed here in New York

yesterday. We will continue to train those of you who stepped

forward to ﬁ ght the enemies of freedom. We will not yield the

future of your country to terrorists and extremists. In return, your

leaders must rise to the challenges your country is facing, and

make difﬁ cult choices to bring security and prosperity. Working

together, we will help your democracy succeed, so it can become a

beacon of hope for millions in the Muslim world.

To the people of Afghanistan: Together, we overthrew the

Taliban regime that brought misery into your lives and harbored

terrorists who brought death to the citizens of many nations. Since

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then, we have watched you choose your leaders in free elections

and build a democratic government. You can be proud of these

achievements. We respect your courage, and your determination

to live in peace and freedom. We will continue to stand with you

to defend your democratic gains. Today forces from more than 40

countries, including members of the NATO Alliance, are bravely

serving side-by-side with you against the extremists who want to

bring down the free government you’ve established. We’ll help

you defeat these enemies and build a free Afghanistan that will

never again oppress you, or be a safe haven for terrorists.

To the people of Lebanon: Last year, you inspired the world

when you came out into the streets to demand your independence

from Syrian dominance. You drove Syrian forces from your

country and you reestablished democracy. Since then, you

have been tested by the ﬁ ghting that began with Hezbollah’s

unprovoked attacks on Israel. Many of you have seen your homes

and communities caught in crossﬁ re. We see your suffering, and

the world is helping you to rebuild your country, and helping

you deal with the armed extremists who are undermining your

democracy by acting as a state within a state. The United Nations

has passed a good resolution that has authorized an international

force, led by France and Italy, to help you restore Lebanese

sovereignty over Lebanese soil. For many years, Lebanon was a

model of democracy and pluralism and openness in the region —

and it will be again.

To the people of Iran: The United States respects you; we

respect your country. We admire your rich history, your vibrant

culture, and your many contributions to civilization. You deserve

an opportunity to determine your own future, an economy that

rewards your intelligence and your talents, and a society that

allows you to fulﬁ ll your tremendous potential. The greatest

obstacle to this future is that your rulers have chosen to deny you

liberty and to use your nation’s resources to fund terrorism, and

fuel extremism, and pursue nuclear weapons. The United Nations

has passed a clear resolution requiring that the regime in Tehran

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meet its international obligations. Iran must abandon its nuclear

weapons ambitions. Despite what the regime tells you, we have

no objection to Iran’s pursuit of a truly peaceful nuclear power

program. We’re working toward a diplomatic solution to this crisis.

And as we do, we look to the day when you can live in freedom —

and America and Iran can be good friends and close partners in the

cause of peace.

To the people of Syria: Your land is home to a great people

with a proud tradition of learning and commerce. Today your rulers

have allowed your country to become a crossroad for terrorism. In

your midst, Hamas and Hezbollah are working to destabilize the

region, and your government is turning your country into a tool of

Iran. This is increasing your country’s isolation from the world.

Your government must choose a better way forward by ending its

support for terror, and living in peace with your neighbors, and

opening the way to a better life for you and your families.

To the people of Darfur: You have suffered unspeakable

violence, and my nation has called these atrocities what they

are — genocide. For the last two years, America joined with

the international community to provide emergency food aid

and support for an African Union peacekeeping force. Yet your

suffering continues. The world must step forward to provide

additional humanitarian aid — and we must strengthen the African

Union force that has done good work, but is not strong enough to

protect you. The Security Council has approved a resolution that

would transform the African Union force into a blue-helmeted

force that is larger and more robust. To increase its strength and

effectiveness, NATO nations should provide logistics and other

support. The regime in Khartoum is stopping the deployment

of this force. If the Sudanese government does not approve this

peacekeeping force quickly, the United Nations must act. Your

lives and the credibility of the United Nations is at stake. So

today I’m announcing that I’m naming a Presidential Special

Envoy — former USAID Administrator Andrew Natsios — to

lead America’s efforts to resolve the outstanding disputes and help

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bring peace to your land.

The world must also stand up for peace in the Holy Land. I’m

committed to two democratic states — Israel and Palestine

— living side-by-side in peace and security. I’m committed

to a Palestinian state that has territorial integrity and will live

peacefully with the Jewish state of Israel. This is the vision set

forth in the road map — and helping the parties reach this goal

is one of the great objectives of my presidency. The Palestinian

people have suffered from decades of corruption and violence

and the daily humiliation of occupation. Israeli citizens have

endured brutal acts of terrorism and constant fear of attack since

the birth of their nation. Many brave men and women have made

the commitment to peace. Yet extremists in the region are stirring

up hatred and trying to prevent these moderate voices from

prevailing.

This struggle is unfolding in the Palestinian territories.

Earlier this year, the Palestinian people voted in a free election.

The leaders of Hamas campaigned on a platform of ending

corruption and improving the lives of the Palestinian people, and

they prevailed. The world is waiting to see whether the Hamas

government will follow through on its promises, or pursue an

extremist agenda. And the world has sent a clear message to the

leaders of Hamas: Serve the interests of the Palestinian people.

Abandon terror, recognize Israel’s right to exist, honor agreements,

and work for peace.

President Abbas is committed to peace, and to his people’s

aspirations for a state of their own. Prime Minister Olmert is

committed to peace, and has said he intends to meet with President

Abbas to make real progress on the outstanding issues between

them. I believe peace can be achieved, and that a democratic

Palestinian state is possible. I hear from leaders in the region

who want to help. I’ve directed Secretary of State Rice to lead a

diplomatic effort to engage moderate leaders across the region, to

help the Palestinians reform their security services, and support

Israeli and Palestinian leaders in their efforts to come together to

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resolve their differences. Prime Minister Blair has indicated that

his country will work with partners in Europe to help strengthen

the governing institutions of the Palestinian administration. We

welcome his initiative. Countries like Saudi Arabia and Jordan and

Egypt have made clear they’re willing to contribute the diplomatic

and ﬁ nancial assistance necessary to help these efforts succeed.

I’m optimistic that by supporting the forces of democracy and

moderation, we can help Israelis and Palestinians build a more

hopeful future and achieve the peace in a Holy Land we all want.

Freedom, by its nature, cannot be imposed — it must be

chosen. From Beirut to Baghdad, people are making the choice for

freedom. And the nations gathered in this chamber must make a

choice, as well: Will we support the moderates and reformers who

are working for change across the Middle East — or will we yield

the future to the terrorists and extremists? America has made its

choice: We will stand with the moderates and reformers.

Recently a courageous group of Arab and Muslim intellectuals

wrote me a letter. In it, they said this: “The shore of reform is the

only one on which any lights appear, even though the journey

demands courage and patience and perseverance.” The United

Nations was created to make that journey possible. Together

we must support the dreams of good and decent people who are

working to transform a troubled region — and by doing so, we will

advance the high ideals on which this institution was founded.

Thank you for your time. God bless.

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CHRISTENING CEREMONY OF THE GEORGE H. W. BUSH

NORTHROP GRUMMAN NEWPORT NEWS SHIPYARD

NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA

OCTOBER 7, 2006

Mr. Secretary, thank you very much. Laura and I are honored

to be here to honor our dad. We appreciate you coming. Mother,

it’s good to see you. Members of the Bush family, all of you,

distinguished members of Congress, Governor, ex-governors, the

men and women of the United States Navy, military veterans, the

workers who helped build this great ship: I join you — I know you

join me in saying to our father: President Bush, your ship has come

in. In a few minutes, my sister Dorothy will christen the newest

and most advanced aircraft carrier in the Navy — the George H. W.

Bush. For the pilots of the World War II generation who are with

us today, this carrier may seem a little more inviting than the ones

you landed on. As you can see, our Navy has made a few upgrades.

The George H. W. Bush is the latest in the Nimitz line of aircraft

carriers. She is unrelenting, she is unshakable, she is unyielding,

she is unstoppable. As a matter of fact, probably should have been

named the Barbara Bush.

In accord with a long and honored tradition, we gather to

christen this ﬁ ne ship. We recall the service and sacriﬁ ce of earlier

generations. And we pay tribute to a new generation of sailors and

Marines who have stepped forward to serve in freedom’s cause.

The George H. W. Bush is named for a man who exempliﬁ es

the great character of our country. On the day Pearl Harbor was

attacked, George H. W. Bush was a teenager, he was a high school

senior. Six months later, he was sworn into the Navy. A year later,

he received his wings at a ceremony in Corpus Christi, Texas. Here

is what he said. He said, “I had an ensign’s stripe and an admiral’s

conﬁ dence.” “I was a Navy pilot.”

Our dad would become known as one of the Navy’s youngest

pilots. But that wasn’t his only distinction. While training along the

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Chesapeake Bay, the pilots in our dad’s ﬂ ight class learned about

a beach across the way where young ladies liked to sunbathe. It

became popular for the pilots to ﬂ y low over the beach. So one day

he came in low to take a look. It just so happened to be the same

day that a traveling circus had set up its tents. Dad’s ﬂ yover upset

an elephant, causing him to break lose and make a run throughout

the town. He was called in for a reprimand from his commander.

He puts it this way, “I was grounded for causing an elephant

stampede” — probably the only Navy pilot in American history

who can make that claim.

After training, he was assigned to a light carrier. He took part

in the Great Turkey Shoot of the Marianas. He knew the horror of

kamikaze attacks. He would complete 58 combat missions. These

were tough days, but he had something that kept him going. And

if you look closely at the photographs of the planes he ﬂ ew, you

will ﬁ nd what kept him going in the name he had painted under his

cockpit: Barbara.

One of Dad’s most important missions was a strike on a radio

tower on an island called Chichi Jima. The Japanese were using

that tower to intercept U.S. military radio transmissions and alert

the enemy about impending American air strikes. On September

2, 1944, his squadron was given a simple assignment: to take it

out. The pilots knew they would face heavy enemy ﬁ re, because

the Japanese had fortiﬁ ed the island. But Dad and his fellow pilots

did their duty without complaint or hesitation. During that raid, his

plane was hit by anti-aircraft artillery and it caught on ﬁ re. Yet he

kept his plane on course, he released his four bombs, and scored

four direct hits on that tower. He headed out to sea, he ejected.

Japanese boats were sent out to capture him. And after more

than two harrowing hours at sea alone in a rubber life raft, he was

rescued by the crew of the USS Finback. For his action, he earned

the Distinguished Flying Cross. Yet it is characteristic that from

those moments aboard his life raft to this ceremony today, Dad’s

thoughts have always been of the two ﬁ ne members of his crew

who did not make it home: Radioman Second Class John Delaney

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and Lieutenant JG Ted White. On that day over Chichi Jima, a

young American became a war hero and learned an old lesson:

With the defense of freedom comes loss and sacriﬁ ce.

The George H. W. Bush honors a generation that valued

service above self. Like so many who served in World War II,

duty came naturally to our father. In the four years of that war, 16

million Americans would put on the uniform. And the human costs

were appalling: from the beaches of Normandy to the jungles of

Southeast Asia, more than 400,000 Americans would give their

lives.

From the beginning of that war, there were those who argued

that freedom had seen its day, and that the future belonged to the

hard men in Tokyo and Berlin. Yet the war machines of Imperial

Japan and Nazi Germany would be brought down by American

GIs who only months before had been students, and farmers, and

bank clerks, and factory hands. The generation of World War II

taught the world’s tyrants a telling lesson: There is no power like

the power of freedom — and no soldier as strong as a soldier who

ﬁ ghts for a free future for his children.

The George H. W. Bush will serve as a new generation of

Americans every bit as brave and selﬂ ess as those who have come

before them. The 21st century — in the 21st century, freedom

is again under attack, and young Americans are volunteering to

answer the call. In the years since September the 11th, 2001, more

than 1.6 million Americans have volunteered to wear the uniform

of the United States. Today they serve in distant lands and on far

seas — from the islands of Southeast Asia, to the Horn of Africa,

to the mountains of Afghanistan and in Iraq. And once again,

with perseverance, and courage, and conﬁ dence in the power of

freedom, a new generation of Americans will leave a more hopeful

and peaceful world for generations to come.

The men and women of the United States military represent the

best of America. And they deserve the best America can give them.

And the George H. W. Bush is the best America can give them.

During his time in the South Paciﬁ c, Ensign Bush served on a

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light carrier called the USS San Jacinto. That ship was named for

the 1836 battle of San Jacinto. And in that battle, the free Texas

forces led by Sam Houston defeated a Mexican army that was

much larger in size — and Sam Houston succeeded in capturing

the Mexican general responsible for the slaughter of the Alamo just

a few weeks before. Yet on the eve of the battle, the outcome was

far from certain, and the Mexicans seemed to hold the advantage.

So Sam Houston called his Texans together, and he reminded them

what they were ﬁ ghting for. He told them, “Be men, be free men,

that your children may bless their father’s name.”

On this proud day, the children of George H. W. Bush bless

their father’s name, the United States Navy honors his name, and

the ship that bears his name sails into this young century as a

symbol of American strength and freedom. May God watch over

all those who sail this ship, all those who ﬂ y from her deck, and all

those at home who pray for their safe return.

It is my honor to bring to you the 41st President, a great dad,

George H. W. Bush.

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COMMEMORATING GERALD R. FORD, THIRTY-EIGHTH

RESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

THE NATIONAL CATHEDRAL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 2, 2007

Mrs. Ford, the Ford family; distinguished guests, including our

Presidents and First Ladies; and our fellow citizens:

We are here today to say goodbye to a great man. Gerald Ford

was born and reared in the American heartland. He belonged to a

generation that measured men by their honesty and their courage.

He grew to manhood under the roof of a loving mother and father

— and when times were tough, he took part-time jobs to help them

out. In President Ford, the world saw the best of America — and

America found a man whose character and leadership would bring

calm and healing to one of the most divisive moments in our

nation’s history.

Long before he was known in Washington, Gerald Ford

showed his character and his leadership. As a star football player

for the University of Michigan, he came face to face with racial

prejudice when Georgia Tech came to Ann Arbor for a football

game. One of Michigan’s best players was an African American

student named Willis Ward. Georgia Tech said they would not

take the ﬁ eld if a black man were allowed to play. Gerald Ford

was furious at Georgia Tech for making the demand, and for the

University of Michigan for caving in. He agreed to play only

after Willis Ward personally asked him to. The stand Gerald Ford

took that day was never forgotten by his friend. And Gerald Ford

never forgot that day either — and three decades later, he proudly

supported the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act in the

United States Congress.

Gerald Ford showed his character in the devotion to his family.

On the day he became President, he told the nation, “I am indebted

to no man, and only to one woman — to my dear wife.” By then

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Betty Ford had a pretty good idea of what marriage to Gerald Ford

involved. After all, their wedding had taken place less than three

weeks before his ﬁ rst election to the United States Congress, and

his idea of a “honeymoon” was driving to Ann Arbor with his bride

so they could attend a brunch before the Michigan-Northwestern

game the next day. And that was the beginning of a great marriage.

The Fords would have four ﬁ ne children. And Steve, Jack, Mike,

and Susan know that, as proud as their Dad was of being President,

Gerald Ford was even prouder of the other titles he held: father, and

grandfather, and great-grandfather.

Gerald Ford showed his character in the uniform of our country.

When Pearl Harbor was attacked in December 1941, Gerald Ford

was an attorney fresh out of Yale Law School, but when his nation

called he did not hesitate. In early 1942 he volunteered for the Navy

and, after receiving his commission, worked hard to get assigned

to a ship headed into combat. Eventually his wish was granted, and

Lieutenant Ford was assigned to the aircraft carrier, USS Monterey,

which saw action in some of the biggest battles of the Paciﬁ c.

Gerald Ford showed his character in public ofﬁ ce. As a young

congressman, he earned a reputation for an ability to get along with

others without compromising his principles. He was greatly admired

by his colleagues and they trusted him a lot. And so when President

Nixon needed to replace a vice president who had resigned in

scandal, he naturally turned to a man whose name was a synonym

for integrity: Gerald R. Ford. And eight months later, when he was

elevated to the presidency, it was because America needed him, not

because he needed the ofﬁ ce.

President Ford assumed ofﬁ ce at a terrible time in our nation’s

history. At home, America was divided by political turmoil and

wracked by inﬂ ation. In Southeast Asia, Saigon fell just nine

months into his presidency. Amid all the turmoil, Gerald Ford was

a rock of stability. And when he put his hand on his family Bible to

take the presidential oath of ofﬁ ce, he brought grace to a moment of

great doubt.

In a short time, the gentleman from Grand Rapids proved that

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behind the affability was ﬁ rm resolve. When a U.S. ship called

the Mayaguez was seized by Cambodia, President Ford made the

tough decision to send in the Marines — and all the crew members

were rescued. He was criticized for signing the Helsinki Accords,

yet history has shown that document helped bring down the Soviet

Union, as courageous men and women behind the Iron Curtain used

it to demand their God-given liberties. Twice assassins attempted to

take the life of this good and decent man, yet he refused to curtail

his public appearances. And when he thought that the nation needed

to put Watergate behind us, he made the tough and decent decision

to pardon President Nixon, even though that decision probably cost

him the presidential election.

Gerald Ford assumed the presidency when the nation needed a

leader of character and humility — and we found it in the man from

Grand Rapids. President Ford’s time in ofﬁ ce was brief, but history

will long remember the courage and common sense that helped

restore trust in the workings of our democracy.

Laura and I had the honor of hosting the Ford family for Gerald

Ford’s 90th birthday. It’s one of the highlights of our time in the

White House. I will always cherish the memory of the last time

I saw him, this past year in California. He was still smiling, still

counting himself lucky to have Betty at his side, and still displaying

the optimism and generosity that made him one of America’s most

beloved leaders.

And so, on behalf of a grateful nation, we bid farewell to our

38th President. We thank the Almighty for Gerald Ford’s life, and

we ask for God’s blessings on Gerald Ford and his family.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON IRAQ

THE LIBRARY OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 10, 2007

Good evening. Tonight in Iraq, the Armed Forces of the United

States are engaged in a struggle that will determine the direction of

the global war on terror — and our safety here at home. The new

strategy I outline tonight will change America’s course in Iraq, and

help us succeed in the ﬁ ght against terror.

When I addressed you just over a year ago, nearly 12 million

Iraqis had cast their ballots for a uniﬁ ed and democratic nation.

The elections of 2005 were a stunning achievement. We thought

that these elections would bring the Iraqis together, and that as we

trained Iraqi security forces we could accomplish our mission with

fewer American troops.

But in 2006, the opposite happened. The violence in Iraq

— particularly in Baghdad — overwhelmed the political gains

the Iraqis had made. Al Qaeda terrorists and Sunni insurgents

recognized the mortal danger that Iraq’s elections posed for their

cause, and they responded with outrageous acts of murder aimed

at innocent Iraqis. They blew up one of the holiest shrines in Shia

Islam — the Golden Mosque of Samarra — in a calculated effort to

provoke Iraq’s Shia population to retaliate. Their strategy worked.

Radical Shia elements, some supported by Iran, formed death

squads. And the result was a vicious cycle of sectarian violence

that continues today.

The situation in Iraq is unacceptable to the American people

— and it is unacceptable to me. Our troops in Iraq have fought

bravely. They have done everything we have asked them to do.

Where mistakes have been made, the responsibility rests with me.

It is clear that we need to change our strategy in Iraq.

So my national security team, military commanders, and

diplomats conducted a comprehensive review. We consulted

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members of Congress from both parties, our allies abroad, and

distinguished outside experts. We beneﬁ tted from the thoughtful

recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, a bipartisan panel led

by former Secretary of State James Baker and former Congressman

Lee Hamilton. In our discussions, we all agreed that there is no

magic formula for success in Iraq. And one message came through

loud and clear: Failure in Iraq would be a disaster for the United

States.

The consequences of failure are clear: Radical Islamic

extremists would grow in strength and gain new recruits. They

would be in a better position to topple moderate governments,

create chaos in the region, and use oil revenues to fund their

ambitions. Iran would be emboldened in its pursuit of nuclear

weapons. Our enemies would have a safe haven from which to plan

and launch attacks on the American people. On September the 11th,

2001, we saw what a refuge for extremists on the other side of the

world could bring to the streets of our own cities. For the safety of

our people, America must succeed in Iraq.

The most urgent priority for success in Iraq is security,

especially in Baghdad. Eighty percent of Iraq’s sectarian violence

occurs within 30 miles of the capital. This violence is splitting

Baghdad into sectarian enclaves, and shaking the conﬁ dence of all

Iraqis. Only Iraqis can end the sectarian violence and secure their

people. And their government has put forward an aggressive plan

to do it.

Our past efforts to secure Baghdad failed for two principal

reasons: There were not enough Iraqi and American troops to

secure neighborhoods that had been cleared of terrorists and

insurgents. And there were too many restrictions on the troops we

did have. Our military commanders reviewed the new Iraqi plan

to ensure that it addressed these mistakes. They report that it does.

They also report that this plan can work.

Now let me explain the main elements of this effort: The Iraqi

government will appoint a military commander and two deputy

commanders for their capital. The Iraqi government will deploy

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Iraqi Army and National Police brigades across Baghdad’s nine

districts. When these forces are fully deployed, there will be 18

Iraqi Army and National Police brigades committed to this effort,

along with local police. These Iraqi forces will operate from local

police stations — conducting patrols and setting up checkpoints,

and going door-to-door to gain the trust of Baghdad residents.

This is a strong commitment. But for it to succeed, our

commanders say the Iraqis will need our help. So America will

change our strategy to help the Iraqis carry out their campaign

to put down sectarian violence and bring security to the people

of Baghdad. This will require increasing American force levels.

So I’ve committed more than 20,000 additional American troops

to Iraq. The vast majority of them — ﬁ ve brigades — will be

deployed to Baghdad. These troops will work alongside Iraqi units

and be embedded in their formations. Our troops will have a well-

deﬁ ned mission: to help Iraqis clear and secure neighborhoods, to

help them protect the local population, and to help ensure that the

Iraqi forces left behind are capable of providing the security that

Baghdad needs.

Many listening tonight will ask why this effort will succeed

when previous operations to secure Baghdad did not. Well, here

are the differences: In earlier operations, Iraqi and American forces

cleared many neighborhoods of terrorists and insurgents, but when

our forces moved on to other targets, the killers returned. This

time, we’ll have the force levels we need to hold the areas that

have been cleared. In earlier operations, political and sectarian

interference prevented Iraqi and American forces from going

into neighborhoods that are home to those fueling the sectarian

violence. This time, Iraqi and American forces will have a green

light to enter those neighborhoods — and Prime Minister Maliki

has pledged that political or sectarian interference will not be

tolerated.

I’ve made it clear to the Prime Minister and Iraq’s other

leaders that America’s commitment is not open-ended. If the Iraqi

government does not follow through on its promises, it will lose

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the support of the American people — and it will lose the support

of the Iraqi people. Now is the time to act. The Prime Minister

understands this. Here is what he told his people just last week:

“The Baghdad security plan will not provide a safe haven for any

outlaws, regardless of [their] sectarian or political afﬁ liation.”

This new strategy will not yield an immediate end to suicide

bombings, assassinations, or IED attacks. Our enemies in Iraq

will make every effort to ensure that our television screens are

ﬁ lled with images of death and suffering. Yet over time, we can

expect to see Iraqi troops chasing down murderers, fewer brazen

acts of terror, and growing trust and cooperation from Baghdad’s

residents. When this happens, daily life will improve, Iraqis will

gain conﬁ dence in their leaders, and the government will have the

breathing space it needs to make progress in other critical areas.

Most of Iraq’s Sunni and Shia want to live together in peace — and

reducing the violence in Baghdad will help make reconciliation

possible.

A successful strategy for Iraq goes beyond military operations.

Ordinary Iraqi citizens must see that military operations are

accompanied by visible improvements in their neighborhoods and

communities. So America will hold the Iraqi government to the

benchmarks it has announced.

To establish its authority, the Iraqi government plans to take

responsibility for security in all of Iraq’s provinces by November.

To give every Iraqi citizen a stake in the country’s economy,

Iraq will pass legislation to share oil revenues among all Iraqis.

To show that it is committed to delivering a better life, the

Iraqi government will spend $10 billion of its own money on

reconstruction and infrastructure projects that will create new jobs.

To empower local leaders, Iraqis plan to hold provincial elections

later this year. And to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation’s

political life, the government will reform de-Baathiﬁ cation laws,

and establish a fair process for considering amendments to Iraq’s

constitution.

America will change our approach to help the Iraqi

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government as it works to meet these benchmarks. In keeping with

the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, we will increase the

embedding of American advisers in Iraqi Army units, and partner

a coalition brigade with every Iraqi Army division. We will help

the Iraqis build a larger and better-equipped army, and we will

accelerate the training of Iraqi forces, which remains the essential

U.S. security mission in Iraq. We will give our commanders and

civilians greater ﬂ exibility to spend funds for economic assistance.

We will double the number of provincial reconstruction teams.

These teams bring together military and civilian experts to help

local Iraqi communities pursue reconciliation, strengthen the

moderates, and speed the transition to Iraqi self-reliance. And

Secretary Rice will soon appoint a reconstruction coordinator in

Baghdad to ensure better results for economic assistance being

spent in Iraq.

As we make these changes, we will continue to pursue al

Qaeda and foreign ﬁ ghters. Al Qaeda is still active in Iraq. Its

home base is Anbar Province. Al Qaeda has helped make Anbar

the most violent area of Iraq outside the capital. A captured al

Qaeda document describes the terrorists’ plan to inﬁ ltrate and seize

control of the province. This would bring al Qaeda closer to its

goals of taking down Iraq’s democracy, building a radical Islamic

empire, and launching new attacks on the United States at home

and abroad.

Our military forces in Anbar are killing and capturing al

Qaeda leaders, and they are protecting the local population.

Recently, local tribal leaders have begun to show their willingness

to take on al Qaeda. And as a result, our commanders believe we

have an opportunity to deal a serious blow to the terrorists. So I

have given orders to increase American forces in Anbar Province

by 4,000 troops. These troops will work with Iraqi and tribal

forces to keep up the pressure on the terrorists. America’s men and

women in uniform took away al Qaeda’s safe haven in Afghanistan

— and we will not allow them to re-establish it in Iraq.

Succeeding in Iraq also requires defending its territorial

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integrity and stabilizing the region in the face of extremist

challenges. This begins with addressing Iran and Syria. These two

regimes are allowing terrorists and insurgents to use their territory

to move in and out of Iraq. Iran is providing material support for

attacks on American troops. We will disrupt the attacks on our

forces. We’ll interrupt the ﬂ ow of support from Iran and Syria.

And we will seek out and destroy the networks providing advanced

weaponry and training to our enemies in Iraq.

We’re also taking other steps to bolster the security of Iraq and

protect American interests in the Middle East. I recently ordered

the deployment of an additional carrier strike group to the region.

We will expand intelligence-sharing and deploy Patriot air defense

systems to reassure our friends and allies. We will work with the

governments of Turkey and Iraq to help them resolve problems

along their border. And we will work with others to prevent Iran

from gaining nuclear weapons and dominating the region.

We will use America’s full diplomatic resources to rally

support for Iraq from nations throughout the Middle East.

Countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and the Gulf States

need to understand that an American defeat in Iraq would create a

new sanctuary for extremists and a strategic threat to their survival.

These nations have a stake in a successful Iraq that is at peace with

its neighbors, and they must step up their support for Iraq’s unity

government. We endorse the Iraqi government’s call to ﬁ nalize an

International Compact that will bring new economic assistance in

exchange for greater economic reform. And on Friday, Secretary

Rice will leave for the region, to build support for Iraq and

continue the urgent diplomacy required to help bring peace to the

Middle East.

The challenge playing out across the broader Middle East is

more than a military conﬂ ict. It is the decisive ideological struggle

of our time. On one side are those who believe in freedom and

moderation. On the other side are extremists who kill the innocent,

and have declared their intention to destroy our way of life. In the

long run, the most realistic way to protect the American people

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is to provide a hopeful alternative to the hateful ideology of the

enemy, by advancing liberty across a troubled region. It is in the

interests of the United States to stand with the brave men and

women who are risking their lives to claim their freedom, and to

help them as they work to raise up just and hopeful societies across

the Middle East.

From Afghanistan to Lebanon to the Palestinian Territories,

millions of ordinary people are sick of the violence, and want a

future of peace and opportunity for their children. And they are

looking at Iraq. They want to know: Will America withdraw and

yield the future of that country to the extremists, or will we stand

with the Iraqis who have made the choice for freedom?

The changes I have outlined tonight are aimed at ensuring

the survival of a young democracy that is ﬁ ghting for its life in a

part of the world of enormous importance to American security.

Let me be clear: The terrorists and insurgents in Iraq are without

conscience, and they will make the year ahead bloody and violent.

Even if our new strategy works exactly as planned, deadly acts

of violence will continue — and we must expect more Iraqi and

American casualties. The question is whether our new strategy will

bring us closer to success. I believe that it will.

Victory will not look like the ones our fathers and grandfathers

achieved. There will be no surrender ceremony on the deck of a

battleship. But victory in Iraq will bring something new in the Arab

world — a functioning democracy that polices its territory, upholds

the rule of law, respects fundamental human liberties, and answers

to its people. A democratic Iraq will not be perfect. But it will be

a country that ﬁ ghts terrorists instead of harboring them — and it

will help bring a future of peace and security for our children and

our grandchildren.

This new approach comes after consultations with Congress

about the different courses we could take in Iraq. Many are

concerned that the Iraqis are becoming too dependent on the

United States, and therefore, our policy should focus on protecting

Iraq’s borders and hunting down al Qaeda. Their solution is to

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scale back America’s efforts in Baghdad — or announce the phased

withdrawal of our combat forces. We carefully considered these

proposals. And we concluded that to step back now would force a

collapse of the Iraqi government, tear the country apart, and result

in mass killings on an unimaginable scale. Such a scenario would

result in our troops being forced to stay in Iraq even longer, and

confront an enemy that is even more lethal. If we increase our

support at this crucial moment, and help the Iraqis break the current

cycle of violence, we can hasten the day our troops begin coming

home.

In the days ahead, my national security team will fully brief

Congress on our new strategy. If members have improvements that

can be made, we will make them. If circumstances change, we will

adjust. Honorable people have different views, and they will voice

their criticisms. It is fair to hold our views up to scrutiny. And all

involved have a responsibility to explain how the path they propose

would be more likely to succeed.

Acting on the good advice of Senator Joe Lieberman and

other key members of Congress, we will form a new, bipartisan

working group that will help us come together across party lines

to win the war on terror. This group will meet regularly with me

and my administration; it will help strengthen our relationship with

Congress. We can begin by working together to increase the size of

the active Army and Marine Corps, so that America has the Armed

Forces we need for the 21st century. We also need to examine ways

to mobilize talented American civilians to deploy overseas, where

they can help build democratic institutions in communities and

nations recovering from war and tyranny.

In these dangerous times, the United States is blessed to have

extraordinary and selﬂ ess men and women willing to step forward

and defend us. These young Americans understand that our cause

in Iraq is noble and necessary — and that the advance of freedom

is the calling of our time. They serve far from their families, who

make the quiet sacriﬁ ces of lonely holidays and empty chairs at the

dinner table. They have watched their comrades give their lives to

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ensure our liberty. We mourn the loss of every fallen American —

and we owe it to them to build a future worthy of their sacriﬁ ce.

Fellow citizens: The year ahead will demand more patience,

sacriﬁ ce, and resolve. It can be tempting to think that America

can put aside the burdens of freedom. Yet times of testing reveal

the character of a nation. And throughout our history, Americans

have always deﬁ ed the pessimists and seen our faith in freedom

redeemed. Now America is engaged in a new struggle that will set

the course for a new century. We can, and we will, prevail.

We go forward with trust that the Author of Liberty will guide

us through these trying hours. Thank you and good night.

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MEDAL OF HONOR CEREMONY FOR JASON DUNHAM

THE EAST ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE

JANUARY 11, 2007

WASHINGTON, D.C.

Welcome to the White House.

The Medal of Honor is the highest award for valor a President

can bestow. The Medal is given for gallantry in the face of an

enemy attack that is above and beyond the call of duty. The Medal

is part of a cherished American tradition that began in this house

with the signature of President Abraham Lincoln.

Since World War II, more than half of those who have been

awarded the Medal of Honor have lost their lives in the action that

earned it. Corporal Jason Dunham belongs to this select group. On

a dusty road in western Iraq, Corporal Dunham gave his own life so

that the men under his command might live. This morning it’s my

privilege to recognize Corporal Dunham’s devotion to the Corps

and country — and to present his family with the Medal of Honor.

I welcome the Vice President’s presence, Secretary of Defense

Bob Gates, Senator Ted Stevens, Senator John McCain, Senator

Craig Thomas — I don’t know if you say former Marine, or

Marine. Marine. Congressman Bill Young and his wife, Beverly;

Congressman Duncan Hunter; Congressman John Kline, Marine;

Congressman Randy Kuhl, Corporal Dunham’s family’s United

States Congressman is with us. Secretary Don Winter; General

Pete Pace; General Jim Conway and Annette; Sergeant Major John

Estrada, Sergeant Major of the Marine Corps.

I appreciate the Medal of Honor recipients who have joined us:

Barney Barnum, Bob Foley, Bob Howard, Gary Littrell, Al Rascon,

Brian Thacker. Thanks for joining us.

I appreciate the Dunhams who have joined us, and will soon

join me on this platform to receive the honor on behalf of their son:

Dan and Deb Dunham; Justin Dunham and Kyle Dunham, brothers;

Katie Dunham, sister; and a lot of other family members who have

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joined us today.

I appreciate the Chaplain for the Navy — excuse me, for the

Marine Corps. I didn’t mean to insult you.

I thank Major Trent Gibson — he was Jason Dunham’s

commander — company commander; First Lieutenant Brian

Robinson, who was his platoon commander. I welcome all the

Marines from “Kilo-3-7” — thanks for coming, and thanks for

serving.

Long before he earned our nation’s highest Medal Jason

Dunham made himself — made a name for himself among his

friends and neighbors. He was born in a small town in upstate New

York. He was a normal kind of fellow, he loved sports. He went to

Scio Central School, and he starred on the Tiger basketball, soccer,

and baseball teams. And by the way, he still holds the record for

the highest batting average in a single season at .414. He was

popular with his teammates, and that could be a problem for his

mom. You see, she never quite knew how many people would

be showing up for dinner, whether it be her family, or the entire

basketball team.

He grew up with the riches far more important than money:

He had a dad who loved to take his boys on a ride with him when

he made his rounds on the dairy farm where he worked. His mom

was a school teacher. She ﬁ gured out the best way to improve her

son’s spelling was to combine his love for sports with her ability

to educate. And so she taught him the words from his reading list

when they played the basketball game of “horse.” He had two

brothers and a sister who adored him.

He had a natural gift for leadership, and a compassion that led

him to take others under his wing. The Marine Corps took the best

of this young man, and made it better. As a Marine, he was taught

that honor, courage and commitment are not just words. They’re

core values for a way of life that elevates service above self. As a

Marine, Jason was taught that leaders put the needs of their men

before their own. He was taught that while America’s founding

truths are self-evident, they also need to be defended by good men

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and women willing to stand up to determined enemies.

As a leader of a riﬂ e squad in Iraq, Corporal Dunham lived by

the values he had been taught. He was a guy everybody looked

up to. He was a Marine’s Marine who led by example. He was

the kind of person who would stop patrols to play street soccer

with the Iraqi schoolchildren. He was the guy who signed on for

an extra two months in Iraq so he could stay with his squad. As

he explained it, he wanted to “make sure that everyone makes it

home alive.” Corporal Dunham took that promise seriously and

would give his own life to make it good.

In April 2004, during an attack near Iraq’s Syrian border,

Corporal Dunham was assaulted by an insurgent who jumped out

of a vehicle that was about to be searched. As Corporal Dunham

wrestled the man to the ground, the insurgent rolled out a grenade

he had been hiding. Corporal Dunham did not hesitate. He jumped

on the grenade, using his helmet and body to absorb the blast.

Although he survived the initial explosion, he did not survive his

wounds. But by his selﬂ essness, Corporal Dunham saved the lives

of two of his men, and showed the world what it means to be a

Marine.

Deb Dunham calls the Marine Corps her son’s second family

and she means that literally. Deb describes her son’s relationship

to his men this way: “Jay was part guardian angel, part big brother,

and all Marine.” She remembers her son calling from the barracks,

and then passing the phone to one of his Marines, saying, “I’ve got

a guy here who just needs to talk to a mom.” Now it’s the Marines

who comfort her. On special days, like Christmas or Mother’s Day

or her birthday, Deb has learned the day will not pass without one

of Jason’s fellow Marines calling to check on her.

With this Medal we pay tribute to the courage and leadership

of a man who represents the best of young Americans. With this

Medal we ask the God who commands us to love our neighbor as

ourselves to wrap his arms around the family of Corporal Jason

Dunham, a Marine who is not here today because he lived that

commandment to the fullest. I now invite the Dunhams to join me

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on the stage. And, Colonel, please read the citation.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 110TH CONGRESS

UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 23, 2007

Thank you very much. And tonight, I have a high privilege and

distinct honor of my own — as the ﬁ rst President to begin the State

of the Union message with these words: Madam Speaker.

In his day, the late Congressman Thomas D’Alesandro, Jr.

from Baltimore, Maryland, saw Presidents Roosevelt and Truman

at this rostrum. But nothing could compare with the sight of his

only daughter, Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker of the House of

Representatives. Congratulations, Madam Speaker.

Two members of the House and Senate are not with us tonight,

and we pray for the recovery and speedy return of Senator Tim

Johnson and Congressman Charlie Norwood.

Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress,

distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

The rite of custom brings us together at a deﬁ ning hour —

when decisions are hard and courage is needed. We enter the year

2007 with large endeavors underway, and others that are ours to

begin. In all of this, much is asked of us. We must have the will

to face difﬁ cult challenges and determined enemies — and the

wisdom to face them together.

Some in this chamber are new to the House and the Senate —

and I congratulate the Democrat majority. Congress has changed,

but not our responsibilities. Each of us is guided by our own

convictions — and to these we must stay faithful. Yet we’re all held

to the same standards, and called to serve the same good purposes:

To extend this nation’s prosperity; to spend the people’s money

wisely; to solve problems, not leave them to future generations; to

guard America against all evil; and to keep faith with those we have

sent forth to defend us.

We’re not the ﬁ rst to come here with a government divided and

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uncertainty in the air. Like many before us, we can work through

our differences, and achieve big things for the American people.

Our citizens don’t much care which side of the aisle we sit on —

as long as we’re willing to cross that aisle when there is work to be

done. Our job is to make life better for our fellow Americans, and

to help them to build a future of hope and opportunity — and this

is the business before us tonight.

A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing

economy — and that is what we have. We’re now in the 41st

month of uninterrupted job growth, in a recovery that has created

7.2 million new jobs — so far. Unemployment is low, inﬂ ation

is low, and wages are rising. This economy is on the move, and

our job is to keep it that way, not with more government, but with

more enterprise.

Next week, I’ll deliver a full report on the state of our

economy. Tonight, I want to discuss three economic reforms that

deserve to be priorities for this Congress.

First, we must balance the federal budget. We can do so

without raising taxes. What we need to do is impose spending

discipline in Washington, D.C. We set a goal of cutting the deﬁ cit

in half by 2009, and met that goal three years ahead of schedule.

Now let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I will submit

a budget that eliminates the federal deﬁ cit within the next ﬁ ve

years. I ask you to make the same commitment. Together, we can

restrain the spending appetite of the federal government, and we

can balance the federal budget.

Next, there is the matter of earmarks. These special interest

items are often slipped into bills at the last hour — when not even

C-SPAN is watching. In 2005 alone, the number of earmarks grew

to over 13,000 and totaled nearly $18 billion. Even worse, over 90

percent of earmarks never make it to the ﬂ oor of the House and

Senate — they are dropped into committee reports that are not

even part of the bill that arrives on my desk. You didn’t vote them

into law. I didn’t sign them into law. Yet, they’re treated as if they

have the force of law. The time has come to end this practice. So

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let us work together to reform the budget process, expose every

earmark to the light of day and to a vote in Congress, and cut the

number and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of this

session.

And, ﬁ nally, to keep this economy strong we must take on

the challengeof entitlements. Social Security and Medicare and

Medicaid are commitments of conscience, and so it is our duty to

keep them permanently sound. Yet, we’re failing in that duty. And

this failure will one day leave our children with three bad options:

huge tax increases, huge deﬁ cits, or huge and immediate cuts in

beneﬁ ts. Everyone in this chamber knows this to be true — yet

somehow we have not found it in ourselves to act. So let us work

together and do it now. With enough good sense and goodwill, you

and I can ﬁ x Medicare and Medicaid — and save Social Security.

Spreading opportunity and hope in America also requires

public schools that give children the knowledge and character they

need in life. Five years ago, we rose above partisan differences

to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, preserving local control,

raising standards, and holding those schools accountable for

results. And because we acted, students are performing better

in reading and math, and minority students are closing the

achievement gap.

Now the task is to build on the success, without watering

down standards, without taking control from local communities,

and without backsliding and calling it reform. We can lift student

achievement even higher by giving local leaders ﬂ exibility to turn

around failing schools, and by giving families with children stuck

in failing schools the right to choose someplace better. We must

increase funds for students who struggle — and make sure these

children get the special help they need. And we can make sure our

children are prepared for the jobs of the future and our country is

more competitive by strengthening math and science skills. The

No Child Left Behind Act has worked for America’s children —

and I ask Congress to reauthorize this good law.

A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our citizens

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have affordable and available health care. When it comes to health

care, government has an obligation to care for the elderly, the

disabled, and poor children. And we will meet those responsibilities.

For all other Americans, private health insurance is the best way

to meet their needs. But many Americans cannot afford a health

insurance policy.

And so tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more

Americans afford their own insurance. First, I propose a standard

tax deduction for health insurance that will be like the standard tax

deduction for dependents. Families with health insurance will pay

no income on payroll tax — or payroll taxes on $15,000 of their

income. Single Americans with health insurance will pay no income

or payroll taxes on $7,500 of their income. With this reform, more

than 100 million men, women, and children who are now covered

by employer-provided insurance will beneﬁ t from lower tax bills.

At the same time, this reform will level the playing ﬁ eld for those

who do not get health insurance through their job. For Americans

who now purchase health insurance on their own, this proposal

would mean a substantial tax savings — $4,500 for a family of four

making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of other Americans

who have no health insurance at all, this deduction would help put

a basic private health insurance plan within their reach. Changing

the tax code is a vital and necessary step to making health care

affordable for more Americans.

My second proposal is to help the states that are coming up

with innovative ways to cover the uninsured. States that make basic

private health insurance available to all their citizens should receive

federal funds to help them provide this coverage to the poor and the

sick. I have asked the Secretary of Health and Human Services to

work with Congress to take existing federal funds and use them to

create “Affordable Choices” grants. These grants would give our

nation’s governors more money and more ﬂ exibility to get private

health insurance to those most in need.

There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need to

expand Health Savings Accounts. We need to help small businesses

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through Association Health Plans. We need to reduce costs and

medical errors with better information technology. We will

encourage price transparency. And to protect good doctors from

junk lawsuits, we passing medical liability reform. In all we do,

we must remember that the best health care decisions are made not

by government and insurance companies, but by patients and their

doctors.

Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an

immigration system worthy of America — with laws that are fair

and borders that are secure. When laws and borders are routinely

violated, this harms the interests of our country. To secure our

border, we’re doubling the size of the Border Patrol, and funding

new infrastructure and technology.

Yet even with all these steps, we cannot fully secure the

border unless we take pressure off the border — and that requires

a temporary worker program. We should establish a legal and

orderly path for foreign workers to enter our country to work on a

temporary basis. As a result, they won’t have to try to sneak in, and

that will leave Border Agents free to chase down drug smugglers

and criminals and terrorists. We’ll enforce our immigration laws at

the work site and give employers the tools to verify the legal status

of their workers, so there’s no excuse left for violating the law.

We need to uphold the great tradition of the melting pot that

welcomes and assimilates new arrivals. We need to resolve the

status of the illegal immigrants who are already in our country

without animosity and without amnesty. Convictions run deep in

this Capitol when it comes to immigration. Let us have a serious,

civil, and conclusive debate, so that you can pass, and I can sign,

comprehensive immigration reform into law.

Extending hope and opportunity depends on a stable supply

of energy that keeps America’s economy running and America’s

environment clean. For too long our nation has been dependent

on foreign oil. And this dependence leaves us more vulnerable

to hostile regimes, and to terrorists — who could cause huge

disruptions of oil shipments, and raise the price of oil, and do great

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harm to our economy.

It’s in our vital interest to diversify America’s energy supply —

the way forward is through technology. We must continue changing

the way America generates electric power, by even greater use

of clean coal technology, solar and wind energy, and clean, safe

nuclear power. We need to press on with battery research for plug-

in and hybrid vehicles, and expand the use of clean diesel vehicles

and biodiesel fuel. We must continue investing in new methods of

producing ethanol using everything from wood chips to grasses, to

agricultural wastes.

We made a lot of progress, thanks to good policies here in

Washington and the strong response of the market. And now even

more dramatic advances are within reach. Tonight, I ask Congress

to join me in pursuing a great goal. Let us build on the work we’ve

done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States by 20 percent

in the next 10 years. When we do that we will have cut our total

imports by the equivalent of three-quarters of all the oil we now

import from the Middle East.

To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of alternative

fuels, by setting a mandatory fuels standard to require 35 billion

gallons of renewable and alternative fuels in 2017 — and that is

nearly ﬁ ve times the current target. At the same time, we need to

reform and modernize fuel economy standards for cars the way we

did for light trucks — and conserve up to 8.5 billion more gallons

of gasoline by 2017.

Achieving these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce our

dependence on foreign oil, but it’s not going to eliminate it. And

so as we continue to diversify our fuel supply, we must step up

domestic oil production in environmentally sensitive ways. And to

further protect America against severe disruptions to our oil supply,

I ask Congress to double the current capacity of the Strategic

Petroleum Reserve.

America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that

will enable us to live our lives less dependent on oil. And these

technologies will help us be better stewards of the environment,

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and they will help us to confront the serious challenge of global

climate change.

A future of hope and opportunity requires a fair, impartial

system of justice. The lives of our citizens across our nation are

affected by the outcome of cases pending in our federal courts.

We have a shared obligation to ensure that the federal courts have

enough judges to hear those cases and deliver timely rulings. As

President, I have a duty to nominate qualiﬁ ed men and women to

vacancies on the federal bench. And the United States Senate has a

duty, as well, to give those nominees a fair hearing, and a prompt

up-or-down vote on the Senate ﬂ oor.

For all of us in this room, there is no higher responsibility than

to protect the people of this country from danger. Five years have

come and gone since we saw the scenes and felt the sorrow that the

terrorists can cause. We’ve had time to take stock of our situation.

We’ve added many critical protections to guard the homeland. We

know with certainty that the horrors of that September morning

were just a glimpse of what the terrorists intend for us — unless

we stop them.

With the distance of time, we ﬁ nd ourselves debating the

causes of conﬂ ict and the course we have followed. Such debates

are essential when a great democracy faces great questions. Yet one

question has surely been settled: that to win the war on terror we

must take the ﬁ ght to the enemy.

From the start, America and our allies have protected our

people by staying on the offense. The enemy knows that the days

of comfortable sanctuary, easy movement, steady ﬁ nancing, and

free ﬂ owing communications are long over. For the terrorists, life

since 9/11 has never been the same.

Our success in this war is often measured by the things that

did not happen. We cannot know the full extent of the attacks that

we and our allies have prevented, but here is some of what we do

know: We stopped an al Qaeda plot to ﬂ y a hijacked airplane into

the tallest building on the West Coast. We broke up a Southeast

Asian terror cell grooming operatives for attacks inside the United

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States. We uncovered an al Qaeda cell developing anthrax to be

used in attacks against America. And just last August, British

authorities uncovered a plot to blow up passenger planes bound for

America over the Atlantic Ocean. For each life saved, we owe a

debt of gratitude to the brave public servants who devote their lives

to ﬁ nding the terrorists and stopping them.

Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the

shoreless ambitions of this enemy. The evil that inspired and

rejoiced in 9/11 is still at work in the world. And so long as that’s

the case, America is still a nation at war.

In the mind of the terrorist, this war began well before

September the 11th, and will not end until their radical vision is

fulﬁ lled. And these past ﬁ ve years have given us a much clearer

view of the nature of this enemy. Al Qaeda and its followers are

Sunni extremists, possessed by hatred and commanded by a harsh

and narrow ideology. Take almost any principle of civilization,

and their goal is the opposite. They preach with threats, instruct

with bullets and bombs, and promise paradise for the murder of the

innocent.

Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They want

to overthrow moderate governments, and establish safe havens from

which to plan and carry out new attacks on our country. By killing

and terrorizing Americans, they want to force our country to retreat

from the world and abandon the cause of liberty. They would then

be free to impose their will and spread their totalitarian ideology.

Listen to this warning from the late terrorist Zarqawi: “We will

sacriﬁ ce our blood and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and

what is coming is even worse.” Osama bin Laden declared: “Death

is better than living on this Earth with the unbelievers among us.”

These men are not given to idle words, and they are just one

camp in the Islamist radical movement. In recent times, it has also

become clear that we face an escalating danger from Shia extremists

who are just as hostile to America, and are also determined to

dominate the Middle East. Many are known to take direction from

the regime in Iran, which is funding and arming terrorists like

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Hezbollah — a group second only to al Qaeda in the American

lives it has taken.

The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the

same totalitarian threat. Whatever slogans they chant, when they

slaughter the innocent they have the same wicked purposes. They

want to kill Americans, kill democracy in the Middle East, and gain

the weapons to kill on an even more horriﬁ c scale.

In the sixth year since our nation was attacked, I wish I could

report to you that the dangers had ended. They have not. And

so it remains the policy of this government to use every lawful

and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law enforcement, and

military action to do our duty, to ﬁ nd these enemies, and to protect

the American people.

This war is more than a clash of arms — it is a decisive

ideological struggle, and the security of our nation is in the

balance. To prevail, we must remove the conditions that inspire

blind hatred, and drove 19 men to get onto airplanes and to come

and kill us. What every terrorist fears most is human freedom —

societies where men and women make their own choices, answer

to their own conscience, and live by their hopes instead of their

resentments. Free people are not drawn to violent and malignant

ideologies — and most will choose a better way when they’re

given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by

helping moderates and reformers and brave voices for democracy.

The great question of our day is whether America will help men

and women in the Middle East to build free societies and share

in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of our own

security, we must.

In the last two years, we’ve seen the desire for liberty in the

broader Middle East — and we have been sobered by the enemy’s

ﬁ erce reaction. In 2005, the world watched as the citizens of

Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar Revolution, they drove

out the Syrian occupiers and chose new leaders in free elections.

In 2005, the people of Afghanistan deﬁ ed the terrorists and elected

a democratic legislature. And in 2005, the Iraqi people held three

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national elections, choosing a transitional government, adopting

the most progressive, democratic constitution in the Arab world,

and then electing a government under that constitution. Despite

endless threats from the killers in their midst, nearly 12 million

Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and solidarity

that we should never forget.

A thinking enemy watched all of these scenes, adjusted their

tactics, and in 2006 they struck back. In Lebanon, assassins took

the life of Pierre Gemayel, a prominent participant in the Cedar

Revolution. Hezbollah terrorists, with support from Syria and

Iran, sowed conﬂ ict in the region and are seeking to undermine

Lebanon’s legitimately elected government. In Afghanistan,

Taliban and al Qaeda ﬁ ghters tried to regain power by regrouping

and engaging Afghan and NATO forces. In Iraq, al Qaeda and

other Sunni extremists blew up one of the most sacred places

in Shia Islam — the Golden Mosque of Samarra. This atrocity,

directed at a Muslim house of prayer, was designed to provoke

retaliation from Iraqi Shia — and it succeeded. Radical Shia

elements, some of whom receive support from Iran, formed death

squads. The result was a tragic escalation of sectarian rage and

reprisal that continues to this day.

This is not the ﬁ ght we entered in Iraq, but it is the ﬁ ght

we’re in. Every one of us wishes this war were over and won. Yet

it would not be like us to leave our promises unkept, our friends

abandoned, and our own security at risk. Ladies and gentlemen:

On this day, at this hour, it is still within our power to shape the

outcome of this battle. Let us ﬁ nd our resolve, and turn events

toward victory.

We’re carrying out a new strategy in Iraq — a plan that

demands more from Iraq’s elected government, and gives our

forces in Iraq the reinforcements they need to complete their

mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of law,

respects the rights of its people, provides them security, and is an

ally in the war on terror.

In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi

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government must stop the sectarian violence in its capital. But

the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this on their own. So we’re

deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional soldiers

and Marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to Baghdad, where

they will help Iraqi forces to clear and secure neighborhoods, and

serve as advisers embedded in Iraqi Army units. With Iraqis in

the lead, our forces will help secure the city by chasing down the

terrorists, insurgents, and the roaming death squads. And in Anbar

Province, where al Qaeda terrorists have gathered and local forces

have begun showing a willingness to ﬁ ght them, we’re sending

an additional 4,000 United States Marines, with orders to ﬁ nd the

terrorists and clear them out. We didn’t drive al Qaeda out of their

safe haven in Afghanistan only to let them set up a new safe haven

in a free Iraq.

The people of Iraq want to live in peace, and now it’s

time for their government to act. Iraq’s leaders know that our

commitment is not open-ended. They have promised to deploy

more of their own troops to secure Baghdad — and they must do

so. They pledged that they will confront violent radicals of any

faction or political party — and they need to follow through, and

lift needless restrictions on Iraqi and coalition forces, so these

troops can achieve their mission of bringing security to all of the

people of Baghdad. Iraq’s leaders have committed themselves

to a series of benchmarks — to achieve reconciliation, to share

oil revenues among all of Iraq’s citizens, to put the wealth of

Iraq into the rebuilding of Iraq, to allow more Iraqis to re-enter

their nation’s civic life, to hold local elections, and to take

responsibility for security in every Iraqi province. But for all of

this to happen, Baghdad must be secure. And our plan will help

the Iraqi government take back its capital and make good on its

commitments.

My fellow citizens, our military commanders and I have

carefully weighed the options. We discussed every possible

approach. In the end, I chose this course of action because it

provides the best chance for success. Many in this chamber

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understand that America must not fail in Iraq, because you

understand that the consequences of failure would be grievous and

far-reaching.

If American forces step back before Baghdad is secure, the

Iraqi government would be overrun by extremists on all sides. We

could expect an epic battle between Shia extremists backed by

Iran, and Sunni extremists aided by al Qaeda and supporters of

the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out across the

country — and in time, the entire region could be drawn into the

conﬂ ict.

For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy,

this is the objective. Chaos is the greatest ally — their greatest

ally in this struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would emerge an

emboldened enemy with new safe havens, new recruits, new

resources, and an even greater determination to harm America. To

allow this to happen would be to ignore the lessons of September

the 11th and invite tragedy. Ladies and gentlemen, nothing is

more important at this moment in our history than for America

to succeed in the Middle East, to succeed in Iraq and to spare the

American people from this danger.

This is where matters stand tonight, in the here and now. I

have spoken with many of you in person. I respect you and the

arguments you’ve made. We went into this largely united, in our

assumptions and in our convictions. And whatever you voted for,

you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a new strategy

in Iraq, and I ask you to give it a chance to work. And I ask you to

support our troops in the ﬁ eld, and those on their way.

The war on terror we ﬁ ght today is a generational struggle that

will continue long after you and I have turned our duties over to

others. And that’s why it’s important to work together so our nation

can see this great effort through. Both parties and both branches

should work in close consultation. It’s why I propose to establish

a special advisory council on the war on terror, made up of leaders

in Congress from both political parties. We will share ideas for

how to position America to meet every challenge that confronts us.

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We’ll show our enemies abroad that we are united in the goal of

victory.

And one of the ﬁ rst steps we can take together is to add to

the ranks of our military so that the American Armed Forces are

ready for all the challenges ahead. Tonight I ask the Congress to

authorize an increase in the size of our active Army and Marine

Corps by 92,000 in the next ﬁ ve years. A second task we can take

on together is to design and establish a volunteer Civilian Reserve

Corps. Such a corps would function much like our military

reserve. It would ease the burden on the Armed Forces by allowing

us to hire civilians with critical skills to serve on missions abroad

when America needs them. It would give people across America

who do not wear the uniform a chance to serve in the deﬁ ning

struggle of our time.

Americans can have conﬁ dence in the outcome of this struggle

because we’re not in this struggle alone. We have a diplomatic

strategy that is rallying the world to join in the ﬁ ght against

extremism. In Iraq, multinational forces are operating under a

mandate from the United Nations. We’re working with Jordan and

Saudi Arabia and Egypt and the Gulf States to increase support for

Iraq’s government.

The United Nations has imposed sanctions on Iran, and made

it clear that the world will not allow the regime in Tehran to

acquire nuclear weapons. With the other members of the Quartet

— the U.N., the European Union, and Russia — we’re pursuing

diplomacy to help bring peace to the Holy Land, and pursuing the

establishment of a democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side

with Israel in peace and security. In Afghanistan, NATO has taken

the lead in turning back the Taliban and al Qaeda offensive —

the ﬁ rst time the Alliance has deployed forces outside the North

Atlantic area. Together with our partners in China, Japan, Russia,

and South Korea, we’re pursuing intensive diplomacy to achieve a

Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons.

We will continue to speak out for the cause of freedom in

places like Cuba, Belarus, and Burma — and continue to awaken

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the conscience of the world to save the people of Darfur.

American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and

diplomacy. Our work in the world is also based on a timeless truth:

To whom much is given, much is required. We hear the call to

take on the challenges of hunger and poverty and disease — and

that is precisely what America is doing. We must continue to ﬁ ght

HIV/AIDS, especially on the continent of Africa. Because you

funded our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the number of people

receiving life-saving drugs has grown from 50,000 to more than

800,000 in three short years. I ask you to continue funding our

efforts to ﬁ ght HIV/AIDS. I ask you to provide $1.2 billion over

ﬁ ve years so we can combat malaria in 15 African countries.

I ask that you fund the Millennium Challenge Account, so that

American aid reaches the people who need it, in nations where

democracy is on the rise and corruption is in retreat. And let us

continue to support the expanded trade and debt relief that are the

best hope for lifting lives and eliminating poverty.

When America serves others in this way, we show the strength

and generosity of our country. These deeds reﬂ ect the character of

our people. The greatest strength we have is the heroic kindness,

courage, and self-sacriﬁ ce of the American people. You see this

spirit often if you know where to look — and tonight we need only

look above to the gallery.

Dikembe Mutombo grew up in Africa, amid great poverty

and disease. He came to Georgetown University on a scholarship

to study medicine — but Coach John Thompson got a look at

Dikembe and had a different idea. Dikembe became a star in the

NBA, and a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the

land of his birth, or the duty to share his blessings with others. He

built a brand new hospital in his old hometown. A friend has said of

this good-hearted man: “Mutombo believes that God has given him

this opportunity to do great things.” And we are proud to call this

son of the Congo a citizen of the United States of America.

After her daughter was born, Julie Aigner-Clark searched

for ways to share her love of music and art with her child. So she

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borrowed some equipment, and began ﬁ lming children’s videos

in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born, and in

just ﬁ ve years her business grew to more than $20 million in sales.

In November 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to the Walt Disney

Company, and with her help Baby Einstein has grown into a $200

million business. Julie represents the great enterprising spirit of

America. And she is using her success to help others — producing

child safety videos with John Walsh of the National Center for

Missing and Exploited Children. Julie says of her new project:

“I believe it’s the most important thing that I have ever done. I

believe that children have the right to live in a world that is safe.”

And so tonight, we are pleased to welcome this talented business

entrepreneur and generous social entrepreneur — Julie Aigner-

Clark.

Three weeks ago, Wesley Autrey was waiting at a Harlem

subway station with his two little girls, when he saw a man fall into

the path of a train. With seconds to act, Wesley jumped onto the

tracks, pulled the man into the space between the rails, and held

him as the train passed right above their heads. He insists he’s not a

hero. He says: “We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have

our freedoms. We have got to show each other some love.” There

is something wonderful about a country that produces a brave and

humble man like Wesley Autrey.

Tommy Rieman was a teenager pumping gas in Independence,

Kentucky, when he enlisted in the United States Army. In December

2003, he was on a reconnaissance mission in Iraq when his team

came under heavy enemy ﬁ re. From his Humvee, Sergeant Rieman

returned ﬁ re; he used his body as a shield to protect his gunner. He

was shot in the chest and arm, and received shrapnel wounds to his

legs — yet he refused medical attention, and stayed in the ﬁ ght.

He helped to repel a second attack, ﬁ ring grenades at the enemy’s

position. For his exceptional courage, Sergeant Rieman was

awarded the Silver Star. And like so many other Americans who

have volunteered to defend us, he has earned the respect and the

gratitude of our entire country.

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In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we

see the spirit and character of America — and these qualities are

not in short supply. This is a decent and honorable country —

and resilient, too. We’ve been through a lot together. We’ve met

challenges and faced dangers, and we know that more lie ahead.

Yet we can go forward with conﬁ dence — because the State of our

Union is strong, our cause in the world is right, and tonight that

cause goes on. God bless.

See you next year. Thank you for your prayers.

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477

ADDRESS TO AN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON

EMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN PRAGUE

CZERNIN PALACE

PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC

JUNE 5, 2007

President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg,

distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague,

and we appreciate the gracious welcome in this historic hall.

Tomorrow I attend the G-8 Summit, where I will meet with the

leaders of the world’s most powerful economies. This afternoon, I

stand with men and women who represent an even greater power

— the power of human conscience.

In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17

countries on ﬁ ve continents. You follow different traditions, you

practice different faiths, and you face different challenges. But you

are united by an unwavering conviction: that freedom is the non-

negotiable right of every man, woman, and child, and that the path

to lasting peace in our world is liberty.

This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates

for freedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and

Natan Sharansky. I thank them for the invitation to address this

inspiring assembly, and for showing the world that an individual

with moral clarity and courage can change the course of history.

It is ﬁ tting that we meet in the Czech Republic — a nation

at the heart of Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on this

continent. Nine decades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed

Czechoslovakia’s independence based on the “ideals of modern

democracy.” That democracy was interrupted, ﬁ rst by the Nazis

and then by the communists, who seized power in a shameful coup

that left the Foreign Minister dead in the courtyard of this palace.

Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true face

of this nation was never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms

of the Prague Spring and the principled demands of Charter 77.

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Those efforts were met with tanks and truncheons and arrests by

secret police. But the violent would not have the ﬁ nal word. In

1989, thousands gathered in Wenceslas Square to call for their

freedom. Theaters like the Magic Lantern became headquarters

for dissidents. Workers left their factories to support a strike. And

within weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel went from

prisoner of state to head of state. And the people of Czechoslovakia

brought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.

Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a

movement that began in a single shipyard freed people across a

nation. In Hungary, mourners gathered at Heroes Square to bury

a slain reformer — and bury their communist regime, too. In East

Germany, families came together for prayer meetings — and found

the strength to tear down a wall. Soon, activists emerged from the

attics and church basements to reclaim the streets of Bulgaria, and

Romania, and Albania, and Latvia, and Lithuania, and Estonia. The

Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room. And after

seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to exist.

Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of

freedom in the battle of ideas. The communists had an imperial

ideology that claimed to know the directions of history. But in

the end, it was overpowered by ordinary people who wanted to

live their lives, and worship their God, and speak the truth to

their children. The communists had the harsh rule of Brezhnev,

and Honecker, and Ceausescu. But in the end, it was no match

for the vision of Walesa and Havel, the deﬁ ance of Sakharov

and Sharansky, the resolve of Reagan and Thatcher, and fearless

witness of John Paul. From this experience, a clear lesson has

emerged: Freedom can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed,

but freedom cannot be denied.

In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European

nations have navigated the difﬁ cult transition to democracy.

Leaders made the tough reforms needed to enter NATO and the

European Union. Citizens claimed their freedom in the Balkans

and beyond. And now, after centuries of war and suffering, the

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continent of Europe is at last in peace.

With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark

and repressive corners of the world, whole generations grew up

with no voice in their government and no hope in their future. This

life of oppression bred deep resentment. And for many, resentment

boiled over into radicalism and extremism and violence. The world

saw the result on September the 11th, 2001, when terrorists based in

Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murder nearly 3,000 innocent

people in the United States.

For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth,

9/11 was evidence of a much broader danger — an international

movement of violent Islamic extremists that threatens free people

everywhere. The extremists’ ambition is to build a totalitarian

empire that spans all current and former Muslim lands, including

parts of Europe. Their strategy to achieve that goal is to frighten

the world into surrender through a ruthless campaign of terrorist

murder.

To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the

offensive with the full range of our military, intelligence, and law

enforcement capabilities. Yet this battle is more than a military

conﬂ ict. Like the Cold War, it’s an ideological struggle between

two fundamentally different visions of humanity. On one side are

the extremists, who promise paradise, but deliver a life of public

beatings and repression of women and suicide bombings. On the

other side are huge numbers of moderate men and women —

including millions in the Muslim world — who believe that every

human life has dignity and value that no power on Earth can take

away.

The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism

is not bullets or bombs — it is the universal appeal of freedom.

Freedom is the design of our Maker, and the longing of every soul.

Freedom is the best way to unleash the creativity and economic

potential of a nation. Freedom is the only ordering of a society that

leads to justice. And human freedom is the only way to achieve

human rights.

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Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative — it is

the only realistic way to protect our people in the long run. Years

ago, Andrei Sakharov warned that a country that does not respect

the rights of its own people will not respond to the rights of its

neighbors. History proves him right. Governments accountable

to their people do not attack each other. Democracies address

problems through the political process, instead of blaming outside

scapegoats. Young people who can disagree openly with their

leaders are less likely to adopt violent ideologies. And nations that

commit to freedom for their people will not support extremists —

they will join in defeating them.

For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the

advance of freedom and democracy as the great alternatives to

repression and radicalism. And we have a historic objective in

view. In my second inaugural address, I pledged America to the

ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. Some have said that

qualiﬁ es me as a “dissident president.” If standing for liberty in the

world makes me a dissident, I wear that title with pride.

America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways — some

vocal and visible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending

tyranny requires support for the forces of conscience that

undermine repressive societies from within. The Soviet dissident

Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state to a soldier who

constantly points a gun at his enemy — until his arms ﬁ nally

tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of the free world is to put

pressure on the arms of the world’s tyrants — and strengthen the

prisoners who are trying to speed their collapse.

So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists

from some of the world’s worst dictatorships — including Belarus,

and Burma, and Cuba, and North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe.

At this conference, I look forward to meeting other dissidents,

including some from Iran and Syria. One of those dissidents is

Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was an independent member

of the Syrian parliament who simply issued a declaration asking

the government to begin respecting human rights. For this entirely

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peaceful act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he spent

several years beside other innocent advocates for a free Syria.

Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of

China, whose sons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of

retaliation for her human rights activities. The talent of men and

women like Rebiyah is the greatest resource of their nations, far

more valuable than the weapons of their army or their oil under the

ground. America calls on every nation that stiﬂ es dissent to end its

repression, to trust its people, and to grant its citizens the freedom

they deserve.

There are many dissidents who couldn’t join us because

they are being unjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I

look forward to the day when a conference like this one include

Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar

Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly of Vietnam, Ayman

Nour of Egypt. The daughter of one of these political prisoners is

in this room. I would like to say to her, and all the families: I thank

you for your courage. I pray for your comfort and strength. And

I call for the immediate and unconditional release of your loved

ones.

In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are the

democratic leaders of tomorrow. So we’re taking new steps to

strengthen our support. We recently created a Human Rights

Defenders Fund, which provides grants for the legal defense and

medical expenses of activists arrested or beaten by repressive

governments. I strongly support the Prague Document that your

conference plans to issue, which states that “the protection of

human rights is critical to international peace and security.” And in

keeping with the goals of that declaration, I have asked Secretary

Rice to send a directive to every U.S. ambassador in an un-free

nation: Seek out and meet with activists for democracy. Seek out

those who demand human rights.

People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten.

North Koreans live in a closed society where dissent is brutally

suppressed, and they are cut off from their brothers and sisters to

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the south. The Iranians are a great people who deserve to chart

their own future, but they are denied their liberty by a handful of

extremists whose pursuit of nuclear weapons prevents their country

from taking its rightful place amongst the thriving. The Cubans

are desperate for freedom — and as that nation enters a period of

transition, we must insist on free elections and free speech and free

assembly. And in Sudan, freedom is denied and basic human rights

are violated by a government that pursues genocide against its own

citizens. My message to all those who suffer under tyranny is this:

We will never excuse your oppressors. We will always stand for

your freedom.

Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown

some progress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to

shallow populism to dismantle democratic institutions and tighten

their grip on power. The government of Uzbekistan continues to

silence independent voices by jailing human rights activists. And

Vietnam recently arrested and imprisoned a number of peaceful

religious and political activists.

These developments are discouraging, but there are more

reasons for optimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45

democracies on Earth. There are now more than 120 democracies

— more people now live in freedom than ever before. And it is the

responsibility of those who enjoy the blessings of liberty to help

those who are struggling to establish their free societies. So the

United States has nearly doubled funding for democracy projects.

We’re working with our partners in the G-8 to promote the rise of

a vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiatives like

the Forum for the Future. We’re cooperating side-by-side with

the new democracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We

congratulate the people of Yemen on their landmark presidential

election, and the people of Kuwait on elections in which women

were able to vote and run for ofﬁ ce for the ﬁ rst time. We stand

ﬁ rmly behind the people of Lebanon and Afghanistan and Iraq

as they defend their democratic gains against extremist enemies.

These people are making tremendous sacriﬁ ces for liberty. They

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483

deserve the admiration of the free world, and they deserve our

unwavering support.

The United States is also using our inﬂ uence to urge valued

partners like Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward

freedom. These nations have taken brave stands and strong action

to confront extremists, along with some steps to expand liberty

and transparency. Yet they have a great distance still to travel.

The United States will continue to press nations like these to open

up their political systems, and give greater voice to their people.

Inevitably, this creates tension. But our relationships with these

countries are broad enough and deep enough to bear it. As our

relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold War

prove, America can maintain a friendship and push a nation toward

democracy at the same time.

We’re also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia

and China. The United States has strong working relationships

with these countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the

areas where we share mutual interests, we work together. In other

areas, we have strong disagreements. China’s leaders believe that

they can continue to open the nation’s economy without opening

its political system. We disagree. In Russia, reforms that were

once promised to empower citizens have been derailed, with

troubling implications for democratic development. Part of a good

relationship is the ability to talk openly about our disagreements.

So the United States will continue to build our relationships with

these countries — and we will do it without abandoning our

principles or our values.

We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds

in different places. One virtue of democracy is that it reﬂ ects local

history and traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that

all democracies share — freedom of speech, religion, press, and

assembly; rule of law enforced by independent courts; private

property rights; and political parties that compete in free and

fair elections. These rights and institutions are the foundation of

human dignity, and as countries ﬁ nd their own path to freedom,

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484

they must ﬁ nd a loyal partner in the United States of America.

Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites

democracies around the world. Some of the greatest contributions

are coming from nations with the freshest memories of tyranny. I

appreciate the Czech Republic’s support for human rights projects

in Belarus and Burma and Cuba. I thank Germany, and Poland,

and the Czech Republic, and Hungary, and Slovenia, and Georgia,

Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to the new United

Nations Democracy Fund. I’m grateful for the commitment many

new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe are making to

Afghanistan and Iraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing

to do the hard work necessary to enable people who want to be

free to live in a free society.

In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference.

The work has been difﬁ cult, and that is not going to change.

There will be triumphs and failures, progress and setbacks.

Ending tyranny cannot be achieved overnight. And of course, this

objective has its critics.

Some say that ending tyranny means “imposing our values”

on people who do not share them, or that people live in parts of

the world where freedom cannot take hold. That is refuted by

the fact that every time people are given a choice, they choose

freedom. We saw that when the people of Latin America turned

dictatorships into democracies, and the people of South Africa

replaced apartheid with a free society, and the people of Indonesia

ended their long authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in

orange scarves demanded that their ballots be counted. We saw it

when millions of Afghans and Iraqis deﬁ ed the terrorists to elect

free governments. At a polling station in Baghdad, I was struck by

the words of an Iraqi — he had one leg — and he told a reporter,

“I would have crawled here if I had to.” Was democracy — I ask

the critics, was democracy imposed on that man? Was freedom a

value he did not share? The truth is that the only ones who have

to impose their values are the extremists and the radicals and the

tyrants.

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And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring,

and threw an innocent playwright in jail, and trembled at the sight

of a Polish Pope. History shows that ultimately, freedom conquers

fear. And given a chance, freedom will conquer fear in every

nation on Earth.

Another objective — objection is that ending tyranny will

unleash chaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan, or

Iraq, or Lebanon as evidence that freedom leaves people less

safe. But look who’s causing the violence. It’s the terrorists, it’s

the extremists. It is no coincidence that they are targeting young

democracies in the Middle East. They know that the success of

free societies there is a mortal threat to their ambitions — and to

their very survival. The fact that our enemies are ﬁ ghting back is

not a reason to doubt democracy. It is evidence that they recognize

democracy’s power. It is evidence that we are at war. And it is

evidence that free nations must do what it takes to prevail.

Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially

in the Middle East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the

expense of liberty does not lead to peace — it leads to September

the 11th, 2001. The policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and

strategic failure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the

21st century.

Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to

power, such as Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Elections

will not always turn out the way we hope. Yet democracy

consists of more than a single trip to the ballot box. Democracy

requires meaningful opposition parties, a vibrant civil society, a

government that enforces the law and responds to the needs of its

people. Elections can accelerate the creation of such institutions. In

a democracy, people will not vote for a life of perpetual violence.

To stay in power, elected ofﬁ cials must listen to their people and

pursue their desires for peace — or, in democracies, the voters will

replace them through free elections.

Finally, there’s the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic.

Well, some argue that extending democracy around the world is

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486

simply too difﬁ cult to achieve. That’s nothing new. We’ve heard

that criticism before throughout history. At every stage of the

Cold War, there were those who argued that the Berlin Wall was

permanent, and that people behind the Iron Curtain would never

overcome their oppressors. History has sent a different message.

The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But

that’s not the whole story. There are also people like you, and the

loved ones you represent — men and women with courage to risk

everything for your ideals. In his ﬁ rst address as President, Vaclav

Havel proclaimed, “People, your government has returned to

you!” He was echoing the ﬁ rst speech of Tomas Masaryk — who

was, in turn, quoting the 17th century Czech teacher Comenius.

His message was that freedom is timeless. It does not belong to

one government or one generation. Freedom is the dream and the

right of every person in every nation in every age.

The United States of America believes deeply in that message.

It was the inspiration for our founding, when we declared that “all

men are created equal.” It was the conviction that led us to help

liberate this continent, and stand with the captive nations through

their long struggle. It is the truth that guides our nation to oppose

radicals and extremists and terror and tyranny in the world today.

And it is the reason I have such great conﬁ dence in the men and

women in this room.

I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not

tired, and that its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable

faith in the power of liberty, you will inspire your people, you will

lead your nations, and you will change the world.

Thanks for having me. And may God bless you.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON THE WAY FORWARD IN IRAQ

THE OVAL OFFICE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 13, 2007

Good evening. In the life of all free nations, there come

moments that decide the direction of a country and reveal the

character of its people. We are now at such a moment.

In Iraq, an ally of the United States is ﬁ ghting for its survival.

Terrorists and extremists who are at war with us around the world

are seeking to topple Iraq’s government, dominate the region, and

attack us here at home. If Iraq’s young democracy can turn back

these enemies, it will mean a more hopeful Middle East and a more

secure America. This ally has placed its trust in the United States.

And tonight, our moral and strategic imperatives are one: We must

help Iraq defeat those who threaten its future and also threaten

ours.

Eight months ago, we adopted a new strategy to meet that

objective, including a surge in U.S. forces that reached full strength

in June. This week, General David Petraeus and Ambassador

Ryan Crocker testiﬁ ed before Congress about how that strategy

is progressing. In their testimony, these men made clear that our

challenge in Iraq is formidable. Yet they concluded that conditions

in Iraq are improving, that we are seizing the initiative from the

enemy, and that the troop surge is working.

The premise of our strategy is that securing the Iraqi

population is the foundation for all other progress. For Iraqis to

bridge sectarian divides, they need to feel safe in their homes and

neighborhoods. For lasting reconciliation to take root, Iraqis must

feel conﬁ dent that they do not need sectarian gangs for security.

The goal of the surge is to provide that security and to help prepare

Iraqi forces to maintain it. As I will explain tonight, our success in

meeting these objectives now allows us to begin bringing some of

our troops home.

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Since the surge was announced in January, it has moved

through several phases. First was the ﬂ ow of additional troops into

Iraq, especially Baghdad and Anbar province. Once these forces

were in place, our commanders launched a series of offensive

operations to drive terrorists and militias out of their strongholds.

And ﬁ nally, in areas that have been cleared, we are surging

diplomatic and civilian resources to ensure that military progress is

quickly followed up with real improvements in daily life.

Anbar province is a good example of how our strategy is

working. Last year, an intelligence report concluded that Anbar

had been lost to al Qaeda. Some cited this report as evidence

that we had failed in Iraq and should cut our losses and pull out.

Instead, we kept the pressure on the terrorists. The local people

were suffering under the Taliban-like rule of al Qaeda, and they

were sick of it. So they asked us for help.

To take advantage of this opportunity, I sent an additional

4,000 Marines to Anbar as part of the surge. Together, local

sheiks, Iraqi forces, and coalition troops drove the terrorists from

the capital of Ramadi and other population centers. Today, a city

where al Qaeda once planted its ﬂ ag is beginning to return to

normal. Anbar citizens who once feared beheading for talking to

an American or Iraqi soldier now come forward to tell us where the

terrorists are hiding. Young Sunnis who once joined the insurgency

are now joining the army and police. And with the help of our

provincial reconstruction teams, new jobs are being created and

local governments are meeting again.

These developments do not often make the headlines, but

they do make a difference. During my visit to Anbar on Labor

Day, local Sunni leaders thanked me for America’s support. They

pledged they would never allow al Qaeda to return. And they told

me they now see a place for their people in a democratic Iraq. The

Sunni governor of Anbar province put it this way: “Our tomorrow

starts today.”

The changes in Anbar show all Iraqis what becomes possible

when extremists are driven out. They show al Qaeda that it cannot

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count on popular support, even in a province its leaders once

declared their home base. And they show the world that ordinary

people in the Middle East want the same things for their children

that we want for ours — a decent life and a peaceful future.

In Anbar, the enemy remains active and deadly. Earlier today,

one of the brave tribal sheikhs who helped lead the revolt against

al Qaeda was murdered. In response, a fellow Sunni leader

declared: “We are determined to strike back and continue our

work.” And as they do, they can count on the continued support of

the United States.

Throughout Iraq, too many citizens are being killed by

terrorists and death squads. And for most Iraqis, the quality of

life is far from where it should be. Yet General Petraeus and

Ambassador Crocker report that the success in Anbar is beginning

to be replicated in other parts of the country.

One year ago, much of Baghdad was under siege. Schools

were closed, markets were shuttered, and sectarian violence was

spiraling out of control. Today, most of Baghdad’s neighborhoods

are being patrolled by coalition and Iraqi forces who live among

the people they protect. Many schools and markets are reopening.

Citizens are coming forward with vital intelligence. Sectarian

killings are down. And ordinary life is beginning to return.

One year ago, much of Diyala province was a sanctuary for al

Qaeda and other extremist groups, and its capital of Baqubah was

emerging as an al Qaeda stronghold. Today, Baqubah is cleared.

Diyala province is the site of a growing popular uprising against

the extremists. And some local tribes are working alongside

coalition and Iraqi forces to clear out the enemy and reclaim their

communities.

One year ago, Shia extremists and Iranian-backed militants

were gaining strength and targeting Sunnis for assassination.

Today, these groups are being broken up, and many of their leaders

are being captured or killed.

These gains are a tribute to our military, they are a tribute to the

courage of the Iraqi security forces, and they are the tribute to an

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Iraqi government that has decided to take on the extremists.

Now the Iraqi government must bring the same determination

to achieving reconciliation. This is an enormous undertaking after

more than three decades of tyranny and division. The government

has not met its own legislative benchmarks — and in my meetings

with Iraqi leaders, I have made it clear that they must.

Yet Iraq’s national leaders are getting some things done.

For example, they have passed a budget. They’re sharing oil

revenues with the provinces. They’re allowing former Baathists

to rejoin Iraq’s military or receive government pensions. Local

reconciliation is taking place. The key now is to link this progress

in the provinces to progress in Baghdad. As local politics change,

so will national politics.

Our troops in Iraq are performing brilliantly. Along with Iraqi

forces, they have captured or killed an average of more than 1,500

enemy ﬁ ghters per month since January. Yet ultimately, the way

forward depends on the ability of Iraqis to maintain security gains.

According to General Petraeus and a panel chaired by retired

General Jim Jones, the Iraqi army is becoming more capable —

although there is still a great deal of work to be done to improve

the national police. Iraqi forces are receiving increased cooperation

from local populations. And this is improving their ability to hold

areas that have been cleared.

Because of this success, General Petraeus believes we have

now reached the point where we can maintain our security gains

with fewer American forces. He has recommended that we not

replace about 2,200 Marines scheduled to leave Anbar province

later this month. In addition, he says it will soon be possible to

bring home an Army combat brigade, for a total force reduction of

5,700 troops by Christmas. And he expects that by July, we will be

able to reduce our troop levels in Iraq from 20 combat brigades to

15.

General Petraeus also recommends that in December we begin

transitioning to the next phase of our strategy in Iraq. As terrorists

are defeated, civil society takes root, and the Iraqis assume more

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control over their own security, our mission in Iraq will evolve.

Over time, our troops will shift from leading operations, to

partnering with Iraqi forces, and eventually to overwatching those

forces. As this transition in our mission takes place, our troops will

focus on a more limited set of tasks, including counterterrorism

operations and training, equipping, and supporting Iraqi forces.

I have consulted with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, other members

of my national security team, Iraqi ofﬁ cials, and leaders of both

parties in Congress. I have beneﬁ ted from their advice, and I have

accepted General Petraeus’s recommendations. I have directed

General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker to update their joint

campaign plan for Iraq, so we can adjust our military and civilian

resources accordingly. I have also directed them to deliver another

report to Congress in March. At that time, they will provide a

fresh assessment of the situation in Iraq and of the troop levels and

resources we need to meet our national security objectives.

The principle guiding my decisions on troop levels in Iraq

is “return on success.” The more successful we are, the more

American troops can return home. And in all we do, I will ensure

that our commanders on the ground have the troops and ﬂ exibility

they need to defeat the enemy.

Americans want our country to be safe and our troops to begin

coming home from Iraq. Yet those of us who believe success in

Iraq is essential to our security, and those who believe we should

begin bringing our troops home, have been at odds. Now, because

of the measure of success we are seeing in Iraq, we can begin

seeing troops come home. The way forward I have described

tonight makes it possible, for the ﬁ rst time in years, for people

who have been on opposite sides of this difﬁ cult debate to come

together.

This vision for a reduced American presence also has the

support of Iraqi leaders from all communities. At the same time,

they understand that their success will require U.S. political,

economic, and security engagement that extends beyond my

presidency. These Iraqi leaders have asked for an enduring

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relationship with America. And we are ready to begin building that

relationship — in a way that protects our interests in the region and

requires many fewer American troops.

The success of a free Iraq is critical to the security of the

United States. A free Iraq will deny al Qaeda a safe haven. A free

Iraq will counter the destructive ambitions of Iran. A free Iraq will

marginalize extremists, unleash the talent of its people, and be an

anchor of stability in the region. A free Iraq will set an example for

people across the Middle East. A free Iraq will be our partner in the

ﬁ ght against terror — and that will make us safer here at home.

Realizing this vision will be difﬁ cult, but it is achievable.

Our military commanders believe we can succeed. Our diplomats

believe we can succeed. And for the safety of future generations of

Americans, we must succeed.

If we were to be driven out of Iraq, extremists of all strains

would be emboldened. Al Qaeda could gain new recruits and

new sanctuaries. Iran would beneﬁ t from the chaos and would be

encouraged in its efforts to gain nuclear weapons and dominate the

region. Extremists could control a key part of the global energy

supply. Iraq could face a humanitarian nightmare. Democracy

movements would be violently reversed. We would leave our

children to face a far more dangerous world. And as we saw on

September the 11th, 2001, those dangers can reach our cities and

kill our people.

Whatever political party you belong to, whatever your position

on Iraq, we should be able to agree that America has a vital interest

in preventing chaos and providing hope in the Middle East. We

should be able to agree that we must defeat al Qaeda, counter Iran,

help the Afghan government, work for peace in the Holy Land, and

strengthen our military so we can prevail in the struggle against

terrorists and extremists.

So tonight I want to speak to members of the United States

Congress: Let us come together on a policy of strength in the

Middle East. I thank you for providing crucial funds and resources

for our military. And I ask you to join me in supporting the

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recommendations General Petraeus has made and the troop levels

he has asked for.

To the Iraqi people: You have voted for freedom, and now you

are liberating your country from terrorists and death squads. You

must demand that your leaders make the tough choices needed to

achieve reconciliation. As you do, have conﬁ dence that America

does not abandon our friends, and we will not abandon you.

To Iraq’s neighbors who seek peace: The violent extremists

who target Iraq are also targeting you. The best way to secure your

interests and protect your own people is to stand with the people of

Iraq. That means using your economic and diplomatic leverage to

strengthen the government in Baghdad. And it means the efforts by

Iran and Syria to undermine that government must end.

To the international community: The success of a free Iraq

matters to every civilized nation. We thank the 36 nations who

have troops on the ground in Iraq and the many others who are

helping that young democracy. We encourage all nations to help,

by implementing the International Compact to revitalize Iraq’s

economy, by participating in the Neighbors Conferences to boost

cooperation and overcome differences in the region, and by

supporting the new and expanded mission of the United Nations in

Iraq.

To our military personnel, intelligence ofﬁ cers, diplomats,

and civilians on the front lines in Iraq: You have done everything

America has asked of you. And the progress I have reported tonight

is in large part because of your courage and hard effort. You are

serving far from home. Our nation is grateful for your sacriﬁ ces,

and the sacriﬁ ces of your families.

Earlier this year, I received an email from the family of Army

Specialist Brandon Stout of Michigan. Brandon volunteered for

the National Guard and was killed while serving in Baghdad. His

family has suffered greatly. Yet in their sorrow, they see larger

purpose. His wife, Audrey, says that Brandon felt called to serve

and knew what he was ﬁ ghting for. And his parents, Tracy and

Jeff, wrote me this: “We believe this is a war of good and evil and

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we must win even if it cost the life of our own son. Freedom is not

free.”

This country is blessed to have Americans like Brandon Stout,

who make extraordinary sacriﬁ ces to keep us safe from harm. They

are doing so in a ﬁ ght that is just, and right, and necessary. And now

it falls to us to ﬁ nish the work they have begun.

Some say the gains we are making in Iraq come too late. They

are mistaken. It is never too late to deal a blow to al Qaeda. It is

never too late to advance freedom. And it is never too late to support

our troops in a ﬁ ght they can win.

Good night, and God bless America.

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REMARKS ON ENERGY SECURITY AND CLIMATE CHANGE

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 28, 2007

Good morning. Thank you. Welcome to the State Department.

I’m honored to address this historic meeting on energy security and

climate change. And I appreciate you all being here.

Energy security and climate change are two of the great

challenges of our time. The United States takes these challenges

seriously. The world’s response will help shape the future of the

global economy and the condition of our environment for future

generations. The nations in this room have special responsibilities.

We represent the world’s major economies, we are major users of

energy, and we have the resources and knowledge base to develop

clean energy technologies.

Our guiding principle is clear: We must lead the world to

produce fewer greenhouse gas emissions, and we must do it in a

way that does not undermine economic growth or prevent nations

from delivering greater prosperity for their people. We know this

can be done. Last year America grew our economy while also

reducing greenhouse gases. Several other nations have made similar

strides.

This progress points us in the right direction, but we’ve got

to do more. So before this year’s G8 summit, I announced that

the United States will work with other nations to establish a new

international approach to energy security and climate change.

Today’s meeting is an important step in this process. With the work

we begin today, we can agree on a new approach that will reduce

greenhouse gas emissions, strengthen energy security, encourage

economic growth and sustainable development, and advance

negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on

Climate Change.

I thank the State Department for hosting this event. I

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appreciate members of my Cabinet who have joined us today. I

thank Jim Connaughton, who is the Chairman of the Council on

Environmental Quality, for being here. I appreciate you being the

personal representative of this, and I hope you’re doing — I hope

you think he’s doing a ﬁ ne job.

I welcome Minister Rachmat, the Minister of Environment

of Indonesia, who is the Chairman of the upcoming U.N. climate

meeting in December. I welcome Mr. de Boer, who is the

Executive Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention

on Climate Change. I welcome all the ministers and delegates who

are here. We really appreciate you coming. I thank the ambassadors

for joining this august group. I thank members of the Congress

who have taken time to come by: Congressman Ed Markey of

Massachusetts and Congressman Bart Gordon of Tennessee. I

appreciate you taking time to come by and participate in these

meetings.

Every day energy brings countless beneﬁ ts to our people.

Energy powers new hospitals and schools so we can live longer

and more productive lives. Energy transforms the way we produce

food, so we can feed our growing populations. Energy enables

us to travel and communicate across great distances, so we can

expand trade and prosperity. Energy sustains the world’s most

advanced economies, which makes it possible for us to devote

resources to ﬁ ghting hunger and disease and poverty around the

globe.

In this new century, the need for energy will only grow. Much

of this increased demand will come from the developing world,

where nations will need more energy to build critical infrastructure

and grow their economies, improve the lives of their people.

Overall, the demand for energy is expected to rise by more than 50

percent by 2030.

This growing demand for energy is a sign of a vibrant, global

economy. Yet it also possesses — poses serious challenges, and

one of them, of course, is energy security. Right now much of the

world’s energy comes from oil, and much of the oil comes from

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unstable regions and rogue states. This dependence leaves the

global economy vulnerable to supply shocks and shortages and

manipulation, and to extremists and terrorists who could cause

great disruptions of oil shipments.

Another challenge is climate change. Our understanding of

climate change has come a long way. A report issued earlier this

year by the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

concluded both that global temperatures are rising and that this

is caused largely by human activities. When we burn fossil

fuels we release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, and the

concentration of greenhouse gases has increased substantially.

For many years those who worried about climate change and

those who worried about energy security were on opposite ends of

the debate. It was said that we faced a choice between protecting

the environment and producing enough energy. Today we know

better. These challenges share a common solution: technology.

By developing new low-emission technologies, we can meet

the growing demand for energy and at the same time reduce air

pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. As a result, our nations

have an opportunity to leave the debates of the past behind, and

reach a consensus on the way forward. And that’s our purpose

today.

No one country has all the answers, including mine. The best

way to tackle this problem is to think creatively and to learn from

other’s experiences and to come together on a way to achieve the

objectives we share. Together, our nations will pave the way for a

new international approach on greenhouse gas emissions.

This new approach must involve all the world’s largest

producers of greenhouse gas emissions, including developed and

developing nations. We will set a long-term goal for reducing

global greenhouse gas emissions. By setting this goal, we

acknowledge there is a problem. And by setting this goal, we

commit ourselves to doing something about it.

By next summer, we will convene a meeting of heads of state

to ﬁ nalize the goal and other elements of this approach, including

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a strong and transparent system for measuring our progress toward

meeting the goal we set. This will require concerted effort by all

our nations. Only by doing the necessary work this year will it be

possible to reach a global consensus at the U.N. in 2009.

Each nation will design its own separate strategies for making

progress toward achieving this long-term goal. These strategies

will reﬂ ect each country’s different energy resources, different

stages of development, and different economic needs.

There are many policy tools that nations can use, including a

variety of market mechanisms, to create incentives for companies

and consumers to invest in new low-emission energy sources. We

will also form working groups with leaders of different sectors of

our economies, which will discuss ways of sharing technology and

best practices.

Each nation must decide for itself the right mix of tools

and technologies to achieve results that are measurable and

environmentally effective. While our strategies may be

differentiated, we share a common responsibility to reduce

greenhouse gas emissions while keeping our economies growing.

The key to this effort will be the advance of clean energy

technologies. Since I became President, the United States

government has invested nearly $18 billion to research, develop

and promote clean and efﬁ cient energy technologies. The

private sector here in our country has responded with signiﬁ cant

investments, ranging from corporate research and development to

venture capital. Our investments in research and technology are

bringing the world closer to a remarkable breakthrough — an age

of clean energy where we can power our growing economies and

improve the lives of our people and be responsible stewards of the

earth the Almighty trusted to our care.

The age of clean energy requires transforming the way we

produce electricity. Electric power plants that burn coal are the

world’s leading cause of greenhouse gas emissions. The world’s

supply of coal is secure and abundant. And our challenge is

take advantage of it while maintaining our commitment to the

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environment. One promising solution is advanced clean coal

technology. The future of this technology will allow us to trap and

store carbon emissions and air pollutants produced by burning coal.

Since 2001 the United States has invested more than $2.5 billion

to research and develop clean coal. And in partnership with other

nations and the private sector we’re moving closer to a historic

achievement — producing energy from the world’s ﬁ rst zero-

emissions coal-ﬁ red plant.

We also need to take advantage of clean safe nuclear power.

Nuclear power is the one existing source of energy that can

generate massive amounts of electricity without causing any air

pollution or greenhouse gas emissions. Without the world’s 439

nuclear power plants, there would be nearly 2 billion additional

tons of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere each year. And by

expanding the use of nuclear power, we can reduce greenhouse gas

emissions even more.

The United States is working to reduce barriers to new nuclear

power plants in our country without compromising safety. Just last

week, a company applied for approval to build the ﬁ rst new nuclear

reactor in my country since the since the 1970s. As we build new

reactors here in the United States, we’re also working to bring the

beneﬁ ts of nuclear energy to other countries.

My administration established a new initiative called the

Global Nuclear Energy Partnership. This partnership will work

with nations with advanced civilian nuclear energy programs, such

as France and Japan and China and Russia. Together we will help

developing nations obtain secure, cost-effective and proliferation-

resistant nuclear power, so they can have a reliable source of zero-

emissions energy.

We’ll also need to expand our use of two other promising

sources of zero-emissions energy, and that’s wind and solar power.

Wind power is becoming cost-effective in many parts of America.

We’ve increased wind energy production by more than 300 percent.

We also launched the Solar America Initiative to lower the cost

of solar power, so we can make — help make this technology

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competitive, as well. Taken together, low-carbon technologies like

wind and solar power have the potential to one day provide up to

20 percent of America’s electricity.

The age of clean energy also requires transforming the way we

fuel our cars and trucks. Almost all our vehicles run on gasoline

or diesel fuel. This means we produce greenhouse gas emissions

whenever we get behind the wheel. Transportation accounts for

about 20 percent of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions every

year. To reduce these emissions we must reduce our dependence

on oil. So America is investing in new, clean alternatives. We’re

investing millions of dollars to develop the next generation of

sustainable biofuels like cellulosic ethanol, which means we’ll

use everything from wood chips to grasses to agricultural waste to

make ethanol.

We’re offering tax credits to encourage Americans to drive

fuel-efﬁ cient hybrid vehicles. We’re working to develop next-

generation plug-in hybrids that will be able to travel nearly 40

miles without using a drop of gasoline. And your automobile

doesn’t have to look like a golf cart.

We’re on track to meet our pledge of investing $1.2 billion

to develop advanced hydrogen-powered vehicles that emit pure

water instead of exhaust fumes. We’re also taking steps to make

sure these technologies reach the market. We’ve asked Congress to

set a new mandatory — I repeat, mandatory — fuel standard that

requires 35 billion gallons of renewable and other alternative fuels

in 2017, and to reform fuel economy standards for cars the same

way we did for light trucks. Together these two steps will help us

cut America’s consumption of gasoline by 20 percent in 10 years.

It’s an initiative I’ve called 20-in-10. Ushering in the age of clean

energy is an historic undertaking. We take it seriously here in the

United States. Achieving this vision will require major investment

in innovation by all our nations. Today the United States and

Japan fund most of the research and development for clean energy

technologies. Meeting the objectives we share and the goal we’re

going to set will require all the nations in this hall to increase their

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clean energy research and development investments.

We must also work to make these technologies more

widely available, especially in the developing world. So today I

propose that we join together to create a new international clean

technology fund. This fund will be supported by contributions

from governments from around the world, and it will help ﬁ nance

clean energy projects in the developing world. I’ve asked Treasury

Secretary Hank Paulson to coordinate this effort, and he plans to

begin exploratory discussions with your countries over the next

several months.

At the same time, we also must promote global free trade

in energy technology. The most immediate and effective action

we can take is to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers on clean

energy goods and services.

As we work to transform the way we produce energy, we

must also address another major factor in climate change, which

is deforestation. The world’s forests help reduce the amount of

greenhouse gases in the atmosphere by storing carbon dioxide.

But when our forests disappear, the concentration of greenhouse

gas levels rise in the atmosphere. Scientists estimate that nearly

20 percent of the world’s greenhouse gas admissions [sic] are

attributable to deforestation.

We’re partnering with other nations to promote forest

conservation and management across the world. We welcome

new commitments from Australia, Brazil, with China and

Indonesia. The United States remains committed to initiatives

such as the Congo Basin Forest Partnership and the Asian Forest

Partnership. We will continue our efforts through the Tropical

Forest Conservation Act, which helps developing nations redirect

debt payments toward forest conservation programs. So far my

administration has concluded 12 agreements, concluding [sic] up

to 50 million acres of forest lands.

America’s efforts also include an $87-million initiative to help

developing nations stop illegal logging. These efforts will help

developing nations save their forests, and combat a major source of

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greenhouse gas emissions.

The United States is also taking steps to protect forests in

our own country. It’s one thing to help others; we got to make

sure we do a good job here at home — and we are. Since 2001,

we’ve provided more than $3 billion to restore our forests and

protect them against catastrophic ﬁ res as part of a Healthy Forest

Initiative. In partnership with our farmers and ranchers, we’re

providing tens of billions of dollars in incentives for conservation.

We’re promoting sustainable public and private land-management

policies. By taking these steps, we’ve helped increase the amount

of carbon storage in our forests, and we’ve helped safeguard a

national treasure for generations to come.

What I’m telling you is, is that we’ve got a strategy; we’ve

got a comprehensive approach. And we look forward to working

with our Congress to make sure that comprehensive approach is

effective. And we look forward to working with you as a part of

this global effort to do our duty.

And we’ve done this kind of work before. And we have

conﬁ dence in the success of our efforts. Twenty years ago nations

ﬁ nalized an agreement called the Montreal Protocol to phase-

out substances that were depleting the ozone layer. Since then,

we have made great strides to repair the damage. Just last week,

developed and developing nations reached consensus on speeding

up the recovery of the ozone layer by accelerating the phase-out

of these harmful substances. This accelerated phase out will bring

larger beneﬁ ts because they’ll dramatically reduce greenhouse gas

emissions.

We have seen what happens when we come together to work

for a common cause, and we can do it again. And that’s what

I’m here to urge you. The United States will do our part. We take

this issue seriously. And we look forward to bringing a spirit

of cooperation and commitment to our efforts to confront the

challenges of energy security and climate change. By working

together, we will set wise and effective policies. That’s what I’m

interested in, effective policies. I want to get the job done. We’ve

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identiﬁ ed a problem, let’s go solve it together.

We will harness the power of technology. There is a way

forward that will enable us to grow our economies and protect the

environment, and that’s called technology. We’ll meet our energy

needs. We’ll be good stewards of this environment. Achieving

these goals will require a sustained effort over many decades. This

problem isn’t going to be solved overnight. Yet years from now

our children are going to look back at the choices we make today,

at this deciding moment: It will be a moment when we choose

to expand prosperity instead of accepting stagnation; it will be a

moment when we turn the tide against greenhouse gas emissions

instead of allowing the problem to grow; it will be a moment when

we rejected the predictions of despair and set a course of a more

hopeful future.

The moment is now, and I appreciate you attending this

meeting. And we look forward to working with you. May God

bless you all.

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REMARKS ON CUBA

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

OCTOBER 24, 2007

Thank you very much. Gracias. Buenos Dias. I am pleased

to be back at the State Department. I appreciate the work that’s

done here. Every day the men and women of this department serve

as America’s emissaries to the world. Every day you help our

country respond to aggressors and bring peace to troubled lands.

Every day you advance our country’s mission in support of basic

human rights to the millions who are denied them. Secretary Rice

constantly tells me about the good work being done here at the

State Department, and on behalf of a grateful nation, I thank you

for your hard work and I’m pleased to be with you.

Few issues have challenged this department — and our

nation — longer than the situation in Cuba. Nearly half a century

has passed since Cuba’s regime ordered American diplomats to

evacuate our embassy in Havana. This was the decisive break

of our diplomatic relations with the island, a troubling signal for

the future of the Cuban people, and the dawn of an unhappy era

between our two countries. In this building, President John F.

Kennedy spoke about the U.S. economic embargo against Cuba’s

dictatorship. And it was here where he announced the end of the

missile crisis that almost plunged the world into nuclear war.

Today, another President comes with hope to discuss a new

era for the United States and Cuba. The day is coming when the

Cuban people will chart their own course for a better life. The day

is coming when the Cuban people have the freedom they have

awaited for so long.

Madam Secretary, thank you for your introduction. I’m

pleased to be with you and Ambassador Negroponte and all who

work here. Thanks for the hospitality. I’m pleased to be here with

our Secretary of Commerce, Secretary Carlos Gutierrez — born

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in Cuba. I appreciate other members of my administration who are

here.

I particularly want to thank the members of Congress

who have joined us: Senator Mel Martinez, born in Cuba;

Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, born in Cuba; Lincoln Diaz-

Balart, born in Cuba; su hermanito, Mario Diaz-Balart. I want

to thank Chris Smith for joining us, Congressman from Jersey;

Thaddeus McCotter, Michigan; Debbie Wasserman Schultz, from

Florida; as well as Tim Mahone from Florida. Appreciate you

being here.

I thank the members of the Diplomatic Corps who have joined

us. I appreciate the Ambassadors to the Organization of American

States who are with us. I particularly want to thank the Cuban

families who have joined me on the stage.

One of the great success stories of the past century is the

advance of economic and political freedom across Latin America.

In this room are ofﬁ cials representing nations that are embracing

the blessings of democratic government and free enterprise. And

the United States is proud and active to work with you in your

transformations.

One country in our region still isolates its people from the

hope that freedom brings, and traps them in a system that has

failed them. Forty-eight years ago, in the early moments of Cuba’s

revolution, its leaders offered a prediction. He said — and I quote

— “The worst enemies which the Cuban revolution can face are

the revolutionaries themselves.” One of history’s great tragedies is

that he made that dark prophecy come true.

Cuba’s rulers promised individual liberty. Instead they denied

their citizens basic rights that the free world takes for granted. In

Cuba it is illegal to change jobs, to change houses, to travel abroad,

and to read books or magazines without the express approval of

the state. It is against the law for more than three Cubans to meet

without permission. Neighborhood Watch programs do not look

out for criminals. Instead, they monitor their fellow citizens —

keeping track of neighbors’ comings and goings, who visits them,

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and what radio stations they listen to. The sense of community and

the simple trust between human beings is gone.

Cuba’s rulers promised an era of economic advancement.

Instead they brought generations of economic misery. Many of

the cars on the street pre-date the revolution — and some Cubans

rely on horse carts for transportation. Housing for many ordinary

Cubans is in very poor condition, while the ruling class lives

in mansions. Clinics for ordinary Cubans suffer from chronic

shortages in medicine and equipment. Many Cubans are forced to

turn to the black market to feed their families. There are long lines

for basic necessities — reminiscent of the Soviet bread lines of the

last century. Meanwhile, the regime offers fully stocked food stores

to foreign tourists, diplomats and businessmen in communism’s

version of apartheid.

Cuba’s rulers promised freedom of the press. Instead they

closed down private newspapers and radio and television stations.

They’ve jailed and beaten journalists, raided their homes, and

seized their paper, ink and fax machines. One Cuban journalist

asked foreigners who visited him for one thing: a pen. Another uses

shoe polish as ink as a typewriter ribbon.

Cuba’s rulers promised, “absolute respect for human rights.”

Instead they offered Cubans rat-infested prisons and a police state.

Hundreds are serving long prison sentences for political offenses

such as the crime of “dangerousness” — as deﬁ ned by the regime.

Others have been jailed for the crime of “peaceful sedition” —

which means whatever Cuban authorities decide it means.

Joining us here are family members of political prisoners in

Cuba. I’ve asked them to come because I want our fellow citizens

to see the faces of those who suffer as a result of the human rights

abuses on the island some 90 miles from our shore. One of them is

Olga Alonso. Her brother, Ricardo Gonzalez Alonso [sic], has been

harassed by Cuban authorities since he was 11 years old, because

he wrote things that the Cuban authorities did not like. In 2003,

Ricardo was arrested for his writings and sentenced to 20 years in

prison. The authorities seized illegal contraband they found in his

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home. These included such things as a laptop computer, notebooks

and a printer. Olga, we’re glad you’re here. Thank you for coming.

Marlenis Gonzalez and her daughter, Melissa, are here. They

recently arrived from Cuba, but without Melissa’s father. Jorge

Luis Gonzalez Tanquero dared to defend the human rights of

his countrymen. For that, he was arrested for crimes against the

state. Now he languishes in poor health inside a Cuban prison.

Bienvenidos.

Damaris Garcia y su tia, Mirta Pernet, are with us today.

Damaris calls the Cuban government “a killing machine” — those

are her words. They’ve seen relatives imprisoned for supporting

liberty. One beloved family member, Omar Pernet Hernandez,

was a poor man who sold candy on the streets of Havana. For

advocating freedom, he is serving a sentence of 25 years. He’s 62

years old, he’s emaciated. Yet he remains a determined advocate

for human rights for the Cuban people. Bienvenidos.

Also with us is Yamile Llanes Labrada. Yamile’s husband,

Jorge [sic] Luis Garcia Paneque, was a surgeon and journalist.

He was sentenced to 24 years in prison for daring speak the truth

about the regime. Yamile herself was accused of espionage and

she feared for the safety of her four children. After Jos ‘s arrest,

a mob organized by state authorities surrounded their house. The

mob carried sticks and threatened to set ﬁ re to the house with the

family inside. Earlier this year, Yamile and her children made it off

the island. They do not know when they’ll see their father again.

Bienvenidos, Yamile.

I want to thank each of you [for] coming today. I thank you for

allowing me to share your stories, and I thank you for your

courage. I ask that God watch over you and your loved ones. Que

Dios les bendiga a ustedes y a sus familias. And I join your prayers

for a day when the light of liberty will shine on Cuba.

These are just a few of the examples of the terror and trauma

that is Cuba today. The socialist paradise is a tropical gulag. The

quest for justice that once inspired the Cuban people has now

become a grab for power. And as with all totalitarian systems,

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Cuba’s regime no doubt has other horrors still unknown to the

rest of the world. Once revealed, they will shock the conscience

of humanity. And they will shame the regime’s defenders and

all those democracies that have been silent. One former Cuban

political prisoner, Armando Valladares, puts it this way: It will be a

time when “mankind will feel the revulsion it felt when the crimes

of Stalin were brought to light.” And that time is coming.

As we speak, calls for fundamental change are growing across

the island. Peaceful demonstrations are spreading. Earlier this year

leading Cuban dissidents came together for the ﬁ rst time to issue

the Unity of Freedom — a declaration for democratic change.

They hear the dying gasps of a failed regime. They know that even

history’s cruelest nightmares cannot last forever. A restive people

who long to rejoin the world at last have hope. And they will bring

to Cuba a real revolution — a revolution of freedom, democracy

and justice.

Now is the time to support the democratic movements

growing on the island. Now is the time to stand with the Cuban

people as they stand up for their liberty. And now is the time for

the world to put aside its differences and prepare for Cuban’s

transition to a future of freedom and progress and promise. The

dissidents of today will be the nation’s leaders tomorrow — and

when freedom ﬁ nally comes, they will surely remember who stood

with them.

The Czech Republic and Hungary and Poland have been vital

sources of support and encouragement to Cuba’s brave democratic

opposition. I ask other countries to follow suit. All nations can

make tangible efforts to show public support for those who love

freedom on the island. They can open up their embassies in

Havana to pro-democracy leaders and invite them to different

events. They can use their lobbies of the embassies to give Cubans

access to the Internet and to books and to magazines. They can

encourage their country’s non-governmental organizations to reach

out directly to Cuba’s independent civil society.

Here at home we can do more, as well. The United States

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Congress has recently voted for additional funding to support

Cuban democracy efforts. I thank you all for your good work on

this measure — and I urge you to get the bill to my desk as soon

as we possibly can. I also urge our Congress to show our support

and solidarity for fundamental change in Cuba by maintaining our

embargo on the dictatorship until it changes.

Cuba’s regime uses the U.S. embargo as a scapegoat for

Cuba’s miseries. Yet Presidents of both our political parties

have long understood that the source of Cuba’s suffering is not

the embargo, but the communist system. They know that trade

with the Cuban government would not help the Cuban people

until there are major changes to Cuba’s political and economic

system. Instead, trade with Cuba would merely enrich the elites in

power and strengthen their grip. As long as the regime maintains

its monopoly over the political and economic life of the Cuban

people, the United States will keep the embargo in place.

The United States knows how much the Cuban people

are suffering — and we have not stood idle. Over the years,

we’ve granted asylum to hundreds of thousands who have

ﬂ ed the repression and misery imposed by the regime. We’ve

rallied nations to take up the banner of Cuban liberty. And we

will continue to do so. We’ve authorized private citizens and

organizations to provide food, and medicine, and other aid

— amounting to more than $270 million last year alone. The

American people, the people of this generous land, are the largest

providers of humanitarian aid to the Cuban people in the entire

world.

The aid we provide goes directly into the hands of the Cuban

people, rather than into the coffers of the Cuban leaders. And that’s

really the heart of our policy: to break the absolute control that the

regime holds over the material resources that the Cuban people

need to live and to prosper and to have hope.

To further that effort, the United States is prepared to take new

measures right now to help the Cuban people directly — but only

if the Cuban regime, the ruling class, gets out of the way.

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For example — here’s an interesting idea to help the Cuban

people — the United States government is prepared to license

non-governmental organizations and faith-based groups to provide

computers and Internet access to Cuban people — if Cuba’s rulers

will end their restrictions on Internet access for all the people.

Or the United States is prepared to invite Cuban young people

whose families suffer oppression into the Partnership for Latin

American Youth scholarship programs, to help them have equal

access to greater educational opportunities — if the Cuban rulers

will allow them to freely participate.

We make these offers to the people of Cuba — and we hope

their rulers will allow them to accept. You know, we’ve made

similar offers before — but they’ve been rejected out of hand by

the regime. It’s a sad lesson, and it should be a vivid lesson for all:

For Cuba’s ruling class, its grip on power is more important than

the welfare of its people.

Life will not improve for Cubans under their current system

of government. It will not improve by exchanging one dictator for

another. It will not improve if we seek accommodation with a new

tyranny in the interests of “stability.” America will have no part in

giving oxygen to a criminal regime victimizing its own people. We

will not support the old way with new faces, the old system held

together by new chains. The operative word in our future dealings

with Cuba is not “stability.” The operative word is “freedom.”

In that spirit, today I also am announcing a new initiative

to develop an international multi-billion dollar Freedom Fund

for Cuba. This fund would help the Cuban people rebuild their

economy and make the transition to democracy. I have asked two

members of my Cabinet to lead the effort — Secretary Rice and

Secretary Gutierrez. They will enlist foreign governments and

international organizations to contribute to this initiative.

And here’s how the fund will work: The Cuban government

must demonstrate that it has adopted, in word and deed,

fundamental freedoms. These include the freedom of speech,

freedom of association, freedom of press, freedom to form

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political parties, and the freedom to change the government

through periodic, multi-party elections. And once these freedoms

are in place, the fund will be able to give Cubans — especially

Cuban entrepreneurs — access to grants, and loans and debt relief

to help rebuild their country.

The restoration of these basic freedoms is the foundation of

fair, free and competitive elections. Without these fundamental

protections in place, elections are only cynical exercises that give

dictatorships a legitimacy they do not deserve.

We will know there is a new Cuba when opposition parties

have the freedom to organize, assemble and speak with equal

access to the airwaves. We will know there is a new Cuba when

a free and independent press has the power to operate without

censors. We will know there is a new Cuba when the Cuban

government removes its stranglehold on private economic activity.

And above all, we will know there is a new Cuba when

authorities go to the prisons, walk to the cells where people are

being held for their beliefs and set them free. It will be a time

when the families here are reunited with their loved ones, and

when the names of free people — including dissidents such as

Oscar Elias Biscet, Normando Hernandez Gonzales, and Omar

Rodriguez Saludes are free. It will be a moment when Cubans of

conscience are released from their shackles — not as a gesture or a

tactic, but because the government no longer puts people in prison

because of what they think, or what they say or what they believe.

Cuba’s transition from a shattered society to a free country

may be long and difﬁ cult. Things will not always go as hoped.

There will be difﬁ cult adjustments to make. One of the curses

of totalitarianism is that it affects everyone. Good people make

moral compromises to feed their families, avoid the whispers of

neighbors, and escape a visit from the secret police. If Cuba is to

enter a new era, it must ﬁ nd a way to reconcile and forgive those

who have been part of the system but who do not have blood on

their hands. They’re victims as well.

At this moment, my words are being transmitted into — live

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into Cuba by media outlets in the free world — including Radio

and TV Marti. To those Cubans who are listening — perhaps at

great risk — I would like to speak to you directly.

Some of you are members of the Cuban military, or the police,

or ofﬁ cials in the government. You may have once believed in

the revolution. Now you can see its failure. When Cubans rise up

to demand their liberty, they — they — the liberty they deserve,

you’ve got to make a choice. Will you defend a disgraced and

dying order by using force against your own people? Or will you

embrace your people’s desire for change? There is a place for you

in the free Cuba. You can share the hope found in the song that has

become a rallying cry for freedom-loving Cubans on and off the

island: “Nuestro Dia Ya Viene Llegando.” Our day is coming soon.

To the ordinary Cubans who are listening: You have the power

to shape your own destiny. You can bring about a future where

your leaders answer to you, where you can freely express your

beliefs and where your children can grow up in peace. Many

experts once said that that day could never come to Eastern

Europe, or Spain or Chile. Those experts were wrong. When

the Holy Father came to Cuba and offered God’s blessings, he

reminded you that you hold your country’s future in your hands.

And you can carry this refrain in your heart: Su dia ya viene

llegando. Your day is coming soon.

To the schoolchildren of Cuba: You have a lot in common

with young people in the United States. You both dream of hopeful

futures, and you both have the optimism to make those dreams

come true. Do not believe the tired lies you are told about America.

We want nothing from you except to welcome you to the hope and

joy of freedom. Do not fear the future. Su dia ya viene llegando.

Your day is coming soon.

Until that day, you and your suffering are never far from our

hearts and prayers. The American people care about you. And until

we stand together as free men and women, I leave you with a hope,

a dream, and a mission: Viva Cuba Libre.

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ADDRESS TO THE ANNAPOLIS CONFERENCE

MEMORIAL HALL, UNITED STATES NAVAL ACADEMY

ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND

NOVEMBER 27, 2007

Thank you for coming. Prime Minister Olmert, President

Abbas, Secretary General Ban, former Prime Minister Blair,

distinguished guests: Welcome to one of the ﬁ nest institutes we

have in America, the United States Naval Academy. We appreciate

you joining us in what I believe is an historic opportunity to

encourage the expansion of freedom and peace in the Holy Land.

We meet to lay the foundation for the establishment of a new

nation — a democratic Palestinian state that will live side by side

with Israel in peace and security. We meet to help bring an end to

the violence that has been the true enemy of the aspirations of both

the Israelis and Palestinians.

We’re off to a strong start. I’m about to read a statement that

was agreed upon by our distinguished guests:

The representatives of the government of the state of Israel

and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, represented respective

by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and President Mahmoud Abbas

in his capacity as Chairman of the PLO Executive Committee and

President of the Palestinian Authority, have convened in Annapolis,

Maryland, under the auspices of President George W. Bush of the

United States of America, and with the support of the participants

of this international conference, having concluded the following

joint understanding.

We express our determination to bring an end to bloodshed,

suffering and decades of conﬂ ict between our peoples; to usher in

a new era of peace, based on freedom, security, justice, dignity,

respect and mutual recognition; to propagate a culture of peace

and nonviolence; to confront terrorism and incitement, whether

committed by Palestinians or Israelis. In furtherance of the goal

of two states, Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and

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security, we agree to immediately launch good-faith bilateral

negotiations in order to conclude a peace treaty, resolving all

outstanding issues, including all core issues, without exception, as

speciﬁ ed in previous agreements.

We agree to engage in vigorous, ongoing and continuous

negotiations, and shall make every effort to conclude an agreement

before the end of 2008. For this purpose, a steering committee,

led jointly by the head of the delegation of each party, will meet

continuously, as agreed. The steering committee will develop a

joint work plan and establish and oversee the work of negotiations

teams to address all issues, to be headed by one lead representative

from each party. The ﬁ rst session of the steering committee will be

held on 12 December 2007.

President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert will continue to

meet on a bi-weekly basis to follow up the negotiations in order to

offer all necessary assistance for their advancement.

The parties also commit to immediately implement their

respective obligations under the performance-based road map to

a permanent two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conﬂ ict,

issued by the Quartet on 30 April 2003 — this is called the

road map — and agree to form an American, Palestinian and

Israeli mechanism, led by the United States, to follow up on the

implementation of the road map.

The parties further commit to continue the implementation of

the ongoing obligations of the road map until they reach a peace

treaty. The United States will monitor and judge the fulﬁ llment of

the commitment of both sides of the road map. Unless otherwise

agreed by the parties, implementation of the future peace treaty

will be subject to the implementation of the road map, as judged

by the United States.

Congratulations for your strong leadership.

The Palestinian people are blessed with many gifts and talents.

They want the opportunity to use those gifts to better their own

lives and build a better future for their children. They want the

dignity that comes with sovereignty and independence. They want

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justice and equality under the rule of law. They want freedom from

violence and fear.

The people of Israel have just aspirations, as well. They want

their children to be able to ride a bus or to go to school without

fear of suicide bombers. They want an end to rocket attacks and

constant threats of assault. They want their nation to be recognized

and welcomed in the region where they live.

Today, Palestinians and Israelis each understand that helping

the other to realize their aspirations is key to realizing their own

aspirations — and both require an independent, democratic, viable

Palestinian state. Such a state will provide Palestinians with the

chance to lead lives of freedom and purpose and dignity. Such a

state will help provide the Israelis with something they have been

seeking for generations: to live in peace with their neighbors.

Achieving this goal is not going to be easy — if it were easy,

it would have happened a long time ago. To achieve freedom

and peace, both Israelis and Palestinians will have to make tough

choices. Both sides are sober about the work ahead, but having

spent time with their leaders, they are ready to take on the tough

issues. As Prime Minister Olmert recently put it, “We will avoid

none of [the historic questions], we will not run from discussing

any of them.” As President Abbas has said: “I believe that there

is an opportunity not only for us but for the Israelis, too. We have

a historic and important opportunity that we must beneﬁ t from.”

It is with that spirit that we concluded — that they concluded this

statement I just read.

Our purpose here in Annapolis is not to conclude an

agreement. Rather, it is to launch negotiations between the Israelis

and the Palestinians. For the rest of us, our job is to encourage the

parties in this effort — and to give them the support they need to

succeed.

In light of recent developments, some have suggested that now

is not the right time to pursue peace. I disagree. I believe now is

precisely the right time to begin these negotiations — for a number

of reasons:

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First, the time is right because Palestinians and Israelis have

leaders who are determined to achieve peace. President Abbas

seeks to fulﬁ ll his people’s aspirations for statehood, dignity and

security. President Abbas understands that a Palestinian state will

not be born of terror, and that terrorism is the enemy standing

in the way of a state. He and Prime Minister Fayyad have both

declared, without hesitation, that they are opposed to terrorism

and committed to peace. They’re committed to turning these

declarations into actions on the ground to combat terror.

The emergence of responsible Palestinian leaders has

given Israeli leaders the conﬁ dence they need to reach out to

the Palestinians in true partnership. Prime Minister Olmert has

expressed his understanding of the suffering and indignities felt by

the Palestinian people. He’s made clear that the security of Israel

will be enhanced by the establishment of a responsible, democratic

Palestinian state. With leaders of courage and conviction on both

sides, now is the time to come together and seek the peace that

both sides desire.

Second, the time is right because a battle is underway for

the future of the Middle East — and we must not cede victory

to the extremists. With their violent actions and contempt for

human life, the extremists are seeking to impose a dark vision on

the Palestinian people — a vision that feeds on hopelessness and

despair to sow chaos in the Holy Land. If this vision prevails, the

future of the region will be endless terror, endless war, and endless

suffering.

Standing against this dark vision are President Abbas and his

government. They are offering the Palestinian people an

alternative vision for the future — a vision of peace, a homeland

of their own, and a better life. If responsible Palestinian leaders

can deliver on this vision, they will deal the forces of extremism a

devastating blow. And when liberty takes root in the rocky soil of

the West Bank and Gaza, it will inspire millions across the Middle

East who want their societies built on freedom and peace and

hope.

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By contrast, if Palestinian reformers cannot deliver on this

hopeful vision, then the forces of extremism and terror will be

strengthened, a generation of Palestinians could be lost to the

extremists, and the Middle East will grow in despair. We cannot

allow this to happen. Now is the time to show Palestinians that

their dream of a free and independent state can be achieved at

the table of peace — and that the terror and violence preached by

Palestinian extremists is the greatest obstacle to a Palestinian state.

Third, the time is right because the world understands the

urgency of supporting these negotiations. We appreciate that

representatives from so many governments and international

institutions have come to join us here in Annapolis — especially

the Arab world. We’re here because we recognize what is at stake.

We are here because we each have a vital role to play in helping

Palestinians forge the institutions of a free society. We’re here

because we understand that the success of these efforts to achieve

peace between Israelis and Palestinians will have an impact far

beyond the Holy Land.

These are the reasons we’ve gathered here in Annapolis.

And now we begin the difﬁ cult work of freedom and peace. The

United States is proud to host this meeting — and we reafﬁ rm the

path to peace set out in the road map. Yet in the end, the outcome

of the negotiations they launch here depends on the Israelis and

Palestinians themselves. America will do everything in our power

to support their quest for peace, but we cannot achieve it for them.

The success of these efforts will require that all parties show

patience and ﬂ exibility — and meet their responsibilities.

For these negotiations to succeed, the Palestinians must do

their part. They must show the world they understand that while

the borders of a Palestinian state are important, the nature of a

Palestinian state is just as important. They must demonstrate that

a Palestinian state will create opportunity for all its citizens, and

govern justly, and dismantle the infrastructure of terror. They must

show that a Palestinian state will accept its responsibility, and have

the capability to be a source of stability and peace — for its own

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citizens, for the people of Israel, and for the whole region.

The Israelis must do their part. They must show the world that

they are ready to begin — to bring an end to the occupation that

began in 1967 through a negotiated settlement. This settlement

will establish Palestine as a Palestinian homeland, just as Israel

is a homeland for the Jewish people. Israel must demonstrate its

support for the creation of a prosperous and successful Palestinian

state by removing unauthorized outposts, ending settlement

expansion, and ﬁ nding other ways for the Palestinian Authority to

exercise its responsibilities without compromising Israel’s security.

Arab states also have a vital role to play. Relaunching the Arab

League initiative and the Arab League’s support for today’s

conference are positive steps. All Arab states should show their

strong support for the government of President Abbas — and

provide needed assistance to the Palestinian Authority. Arab states

should also reach out to Israel, work toward the normalization of

relations, and demonstrate in both word and deed that they believe

that Israel and its people have a permanent home in the Middle

East. These are vital steps toward the comprehensive peace that we

all seek.

Finally, the international community has important

responsibilities. Prime Minister Fayyad is ﬁ nalizing a plan to

increase openness and transparency and accountability throughout

Palestinian society — and he needs the resources and support

from the international community. With strong backing from

those gathered here, the Palestinian government can build the free

institutions that will support a free Palestinian state.

The United States will help Palestinian leaders build these free

institutions — and the United States will keep its commitment to

the security of Israel as a Jewish state and homeland for the Jewish

people.

The United States strongly feels that these efforts will yield the

peace that we want — and that is why we will continue to support

the Lebanese people. We believe democracy brings peace. And

democracy in Lebanon is vital, as well, for the peace in the Middle

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East. Lebanese people are in the process of electing a president.

That decision is for the Lebanese people to make — and they must

be able to do so free from outside interference and intimidation.

As they embark on this process, the people of Lebanon can know

that the American people stand with them — and we look forward

to the day when the people of Lebanon can enjoy the blessings of

liberty without fear of violence or coercion.

The task begun here at Annapolis will be difﬁ cult. This is the

beginning of the process, not the end of it — and no doubt a lot of

work remains to be done. Yet the parties can approach this work

with conﬁ dence. The time is right. The cause is just. And with hard

effort, I know they can succeed.

President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert, I pledge to devote

my effort during my time as President to do all I can to help you

achieve this ambitious goal. I give you my personal commitment to

support your work with the resources and resolve of the American

government. I believe a day is coming when freedom will yield the

peace we desire. And the land that is holy to so many will see the

light of peace.

The day is coming when Palestinians will enjoy the blessings

that freedom brings — and all Israelis will enjoy the security they

deserve. That day is coming. The day is coming when the terrorists

and extremists who threaten the Israeli and Palestinian people

will be marginalized and eventually defeated. And when that day

comes, future generations will look to the work we began here at

Annapolis. They will give thanks to the leaders who gathered on

the banks of the Chesapeake for their vision, their wisdom and

courage to choose a future of freedom and peace.

Thanks for coming. May God bless their work.

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REMARKS AT A RECEPTION IN

ELEBRATION OF HANUKKAH

THE STATE FLOOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

DECEMBER 10, 2007

Thank you. Good evening. Laura and I welcome you to the

White House. Mr. Attorney General, thank you for being here.

Secretary Chertoff, and family. Hanukkah is a time of joy and

festivity in the Jewish religion. We’re honored to gather with

members of the Jewish community to celebrate this holiday.

During Hanukkah, we remember an ancient struggle for

freedom. More than two thousand years ago, a cruel tyrant ruled

Judea — and forbade the Israelites from practicing their religion.

A band of brothers came together to ﬁ ght this oppression. And

against incredible odds, they liberated the capital city of Jerusalem.

As they set about rededicating the holy temple, they witnessed a

great miracle: That puriﬁ ed oil that was supposed to last for one

day burned for eight.

Jewish families commemorate this miracle by lighting the

menorah for the eight nights of Hanukkah. The Talmud instructs

families to place the menorah in public view — so the entire world

can see its light. The ﬂ ames remind us that light triumphs over

darkness, faith conquers despair, and the desire for freedom burns

inside every man, woman and child.

As we light the Hanukkah candles this year, we pray for those

who still live under the shadow of tyranny. This afternoon, I met

with a group of Jewish immigrants to mark International Human

Rights Day. Many of these men and women ﬂ ed from religious

oppression in countries like Iran and Syria and the Soviet Union.

They came to America because our nation is a beacon of freedom.

And they see a day of hope on the horizon when people all across

the world will worship in freedom. The forces of intolerance can

suppress the menorah — but they can never extinguish its light.

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The menorah we light tonight has special meaning. It once

belonged to Chayim Pearl — who was the great-grandfather

of Wall Street Journal reporter, Daniel Pearl. While reporting

in Pakistan in 2002, Daniel was kidnapped and murdered by

terrorists. His only crime was being a Jewish American —

something Daniel Pearl would never deny. In his ﬁ nal moments,

Daniel told his captors about a street in Israel named for his great-

grandfather. He looked into their camera and he said, “My father is

Jewish, my mother is Jewish, and I’m Jewish.” These words have

become a source of inspiration for Americans of all faiths. They

show the courage of a man who refused to bow before terror —

and the strength of a spirit that could not be broken.

Daniel’s memory remains close to our hearts. Those who

knew him best remember a gifted writer who loved the violin,

and made friends wherever he went. We’re honored that Daniel’s

parents — Ruth and Judea — have joined us today. We thank

them for their work on behalf of the Daniel Pearl Foundation. The

foundation helps bring people from different cultures together

through journalism and music. It’s a ﬁ tting tribute to Daniel’s

lifelong pursuit of truth and tolerance. By honoring Daniel, we

are given the opportunity to bring forth hope from the darkness

of tragedy — and that is a miracle worth celebrating during the

Festival of Lights.

Laura and I wish people of Jewish faith around the world a

happy Hanukkah. May God bless you all. Tonight, we will hear

a wonderful performance by the Zamir Chorale. But ﬁ rst I ask

Ruth and Judea to light the Pearl family menorah, and lead the

blessings.

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STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS TO THE 110TH CONGRESS,

ECOND SESSION

UNITED STATES CAPITOL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

JANUARY 28, 2008

Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of

Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Seven years

have passed since I ﬁ rst stood before you at this rostrum. In that

time, our country has been tested in ways none of us could have

imagined. We faced hard decisions about peace and war, rising

competition in the world economy, and the health and welfare

of our citizens. These issues call for vigorous debate, and I think

it’s fair to say we’ve answered the call. Yet history will record

that amid our differences, we acted with purpose. And together,

we showed the world the power and resilience of American self-

government.

All of us were sent to Washington to carry out the people’s

business. That is the purpose of this body. It is the meaning of our

oath. It remains our charge to keep.

The actions of the 110th Congress will affect the security and

prosperity of our nation long after this session has ended. In this

election year, let us show our fellow Americans that we recognize

our responsibilities and are determined to meet them. Let us show

them that Republicans and Democrats can compete for votes and

cooperate for results at the same time.

From expanding opportunity to protecting our country, we’ve

made good progress. Yet we have unﬁ nished business before us,

and the American people expect us to get it done.

In the work ahead, we must be guided by the philosophy that

made our nation great. As Americans, we believe in the power

of individuals to determine their destiny and shape the course of

history. We believe that the most reliable guide for our country is

the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. And so in all we do, we

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must trust in the ability of free peoples to make wise decisions, and

empower them to improve their lives for their futures.

To build a prosperous future, we must trust people with their

own money and empower them to grow our economy. As we

meet tonight, our economy is undergoing a period of uncertainty.

America has added jobs for a record 52 straight months, but jobs

are now growing at a slower pace. Wages are up, but so are prices

for food and gas. Exports are rising, but the housing market has

declined. At kitchen tables across our country, there is a concern

about our economic future.

In the long run, Americans can be conﬁ dent about our

economic growth. But in the short run, we can all see that that

growth is slowing. So last week, my administration reached

agreement with Speaker Pelosi and Republican Leader Boehner on

a robust growth package that includes tax relief for individuals and

families and incentives for business investment. The temptation

will be to load up the bill. That would delay it or derail it, and

neither option is acceptable. This is a good agreement that will

keep our economy growing and our people working. And this

Congress must pass it as soon as possible.

We have other work to do on taxes. Unless Congress acts, most

of the tax relief we’ve delivered over the past seven years will be

taken away. Some in Washington argue that letting tax relief expire

is not a tax increase. Try explaining that to 116 million American

taxpayers who would see their taxes rise by an average of $1,800.

Others have said they would personally be happy to pay higher

taxes. I welcome their enthusiasm. I’m pleased to report that the

IRS accepts both checks and money orders.

Most Americans think their taxes are high enough. With all

the other pressures on their ﬁ nances, American families should

not have to worry about their federal government taking a bigger

bite out of their paychecks. There’s only one way to eliminate

this uncertainty: Make the tax relief permanent. And members of

Congress should know: If any bill raises taxes reaches my desk, I

will veto it.

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Just as we trust Americans with their own money, we need to

earn their trust by spending their tax dollars wisely. Next week,

I’ll send you a budget that terminates or substantially reduces 151

wasteful or bloated programs, totaling more than $18 billion. The

budget that I will submit will keep America on track for a surplus

in 2012. American families have to balance their budgets; so

should their government.

The people’s trust in their government is undermined by

congressional earmarks — special interest projects that are often

snuck in at the last minute, without discussion or debate. Last year,

I asked you to voluntarily cut the number and cost of earmarks in

half. I also asked you to stop slipping earmarks into committee

reports that never even come to a vote. Unfortunately, neither goal

was met. So this time, if you send me an appropriations bill that

does not cut the number and cost of earmarks in half, I’ll send it

back to you with my veto.

And tomorrow, I will issue an executive order that directs

federal agencies to ignore any future earmark that is not voted

on by Congress. If these items are truly worth funding, Congress

should debate them in the open and hold a public vote.

Our shared responsibilities extend beyond matters of taxes

and spending. On housing, we must trust Americans with the

responsibility of homeownership and empower them to weather

turbulent times in the housing market. My administration brought

together the HOPE NOW alliance, which is helping many

struggling homeowners avoid foreclosure. And Congress can

help even more. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to reform

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, modernize the Federal Housing

Administration, and allow state housing agencies to issue tax-free

bonds to help homeowners reﬁ nance their mortgages. These are

difﬁ cult times for many American families, and by taking these

steps, we can help more of them keep their homes.

To build a future of quality health care, we must trust patients

and doctors to make medical decisions and empower them

with better information and better options. We share a common

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goal: making health care more affordable and accessible for all

Americans. The best way to achieve that goal is by expanding

consumer choice, not government control. So I have proposed

ending the bias in the tax code against those who do not get their

health insurance through their employer. This one reform would

put private coverage within reach for millions, and I call on the

Congress to pass it this year.

The Congress must also expand health savings accounts, create

Association Health Plans for small businesses, promote health

information technology, and confront the epidemic of junk medical

lawsuits. With all these steps, we will help ensure that decisions

about your medical care are made in the privacy of your doctor’s

ofﬁ ce — not in the halls of Congress.

On education, we must trust students to learn if given the

chance, and empower parents to demand results from our schools.

In neighborhoods across our country, there are boys and girls with

dreams — and a decent education is their only hope of achieving

them.

Six years ago, we came together to pass the No Child Left

Behind Act, and today no one can deny its results. Last year, fourth

and eighth graders achieved the highest math scores on record.

Reading scores are on the rise. African American and Hispanic

students posted all-time highs. Now we must work together to

increase accountability, add ﬂ exibility for states and districts,

reduce the number of high school dropouts, provide extra help for

struggling schools.

Members of Congress: The No Child Left Behind Act is

a bipartisan achievement. It is succeeding. And we owe it to

America’s children, their parents, and their teachers to strengthen

this good law.

We must also do more to help children when their schools do

not measure up. Thanks to the D.C. Opportunity Scholarships you

approved, more than 2,600 of the poorest children in our Nation’s

Capital have found new hope at a faith-based or other non-public

school. Sadly, these schools are disappearing at an alarming rate in

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many of America’s inner cities. So I will convene a White House

summit aimed at strengthening these lifelines of learning. And

to open the doors of these schools to more children, I ask you to

support a new $300 million program called Pell Grants for Kids. We

have seen how Pell Grants help low-income college students realize

their full potential. Together, we’ve expanded the size and reach of

these grants. Now let us apply that same spirit to help liberate poor

children trapped in failing public schools.

On trade, we must trust American workers to compete with

anyone in the world and empower them by opening up new markets

overseas. Today, our economic growth increasingly depends on

our ability to sell American goods and crops and services all over

the world. So we’re working to break down barriers to trade and

investment wherever we can. We’re working for a successful Doha

Round of trade talks, and we must complete a good agreement this

year. At the same time, we’re pursuing opportunities to open up

new markets by passing free trade agreements.

I thank the Congress for approving a good agreement with

Peru. And now I ask you to approve agreements with Colombia and

Panama and South Korea. Many products from these nations now

enter America duty-free, yet many of our products face steep tariffs

in their markets. These agreements will level the playing ﬁ eld. They

will give us better access to nearly 100 million customers. They will

support good jobs for the ﬁ nest workers in the world: those whose

products say “Made in the USA.”

These agreements also promote America’s strategic interests.

The ﬁ rst agreement that will come before you is with Colombia,

a friend of America that is confronting violence and terror, and

ﬁ ghting drug trafﬁ ckers. If we fail to pass this agreement, we will

embolden the purveyors of false populism in our hemisphere. So we

must come together, pass this agreement, and show our neighbors in

the region that democracy leads to a better life.

Trade brings better jobs and better choices and better prices.

Yet for some Americans, trade can mean losing a job, and the

federal government has a responsibility to help. I ask Congress to

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reauthorize and reform trade adjustment assistance, so we can

help these displaced workers learn new skills and ﬁ nd new jobs.

To build a future of energy security, we must trust in the

creative genius of American researchers and entrepreneurs and

empower them to pioneer a new generation of clean energy

technology. Our security, our prosperity, and our environment all

require reducing our dependence on oil. Last year, I asked you to

pass legislation to reduce oil consumption over the next decade,

and you responded. Together we should take the next steps: Let

us fund new technologies that can generate coal power while

capturing carbon emissions. Let us increase the use of renewable

power and emissions-free nuclear power. Let us continue

investing in advanced battery technology and renewable fuels

to power the cars and trucks of the future. Let us create a new

international clean technology fund, which will help developing

nations like India and China make greater use of clean energy

sources. And let us complete an international agreement that has

the potential to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of

greenhouse gases.

This agreement will be effective only if it includes

commitments by every major economy and gives none a free

ride. The United States is committed to strengthening our energy

security and confronting global climate change. And the best way

to meet these goals is for America to continue leading the way

toward the development of cleaner and more energy-efﬁ cient

technology.

To keep America competitive into the future, we must trust

in the skill of our scientists and engineers and empower them to

pursue the breakthroughs of tomorrow. Last year, Congress passed

legislation supporting the American Competitiveness Initiative,

but never followed through with the funding. This funding is

essential to keeping our scientiﬁ c edge. So I ask Congress to

double federal support for critical basic research in the physical

sciences and ensure America remains the most dynamic nation on

Earth.

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On matters of life and science, we must trust in the innovative

spirit of medical researchers and empower them to discover new

treatments while respecting moral boundaries. In November, we

witnessed a landmark achievement when scientists discovered a

way to reprogram adult skin cells to act like embryonic stem cells.

This breakthrough has the potential to move us beyond the divisive

debates of the past by extending the frontiers of medicine without

the destruction of human life.

So we’re expanding funding for this type of ethical medical

research. And as we explore promising avenues of research, we

must also ensure that all life is treated with the dignity it deserves.

And so I call on Congress to pass legislation that bans unethical

practices such as the buying, selling, patenting, or cloning of human

life.

On matters of justice, we must trust in the wisdom of our

founders and empower judges who understand that the Constitution

means what it says. I’ve submitted judicial nominees who will

rule by the letter of the law, not the whim of the gavel. Many of

these nominees are being unfairly delayed. They are worthy of

conﬁ rmation, and the Senate should give each of them a prompt up-

or-down vote.

In communities across our land, we must trust in the good heart

of the American people and empower them to serve their neighbors

in need. Over the past seven years, more of our fellow citizens

have discovered that the pursuit of happiness leads to the path of

service. Americans have volunteered in record numbers. Charitable

donations are higher than ever. Faith-based groups are bringing

hope to pockets of despair, with newfound support from the federal

government. And to help guarantee equal treatment of faith-based

organizations when they compete for federal funds, I ask you to

permanently extend Charitable Choice.

Tonight the armies of compassion continue the march to a new

day in the Gulf Coast. America honors the strength and resilience

of the people of this region. We reafﬁ rm our pledge to help them

build stronger and better than before. And tonight I’m pleased

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to announce that in April we will host this year’s North American

Summit of Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the great city of

New Orleans.

There are two other pressing challenges that I’ve raised

repeatedly before this body, and that this body has failed to address:

entitlement spending and immigration. Every member in this

chamber knows that spending on entitlement programs like Social

Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is growing faster than we can

afford. We all know the painful choices ahead if America stays

on this path: massive tax increases, sudden and drastic cuts in

beneﬁ ts, or crippling deﬁ cits. I’ve laid out proposals to reform these

programs. Now I ask members of Congress to offer your proposals

and come up with a bipartisan solution to save these vital programs

for our children and our grandchildren.

The other pressing challenge is immigration. America needs

to secure our borders — and with your help, my administration

is taking steps to do so. We’re increasing worksite enforcement,

deploying fences and advanced technologies to stop illegal crossings.

We’ve effectively ended the policy of “catch and release” at the

border, and by the end of this year, we will have doubled the

number of border patrol agents. Yet we also need to acknowledge

that we will never fully secure our border until we create a lawful

way for foreign workers to come here and support our economy.

This will take pressure off the border and allow law enforcement

to concentrate on those who mean us harm. We must also ﬁ nd a

sensible and humane way to deal with people here illegally. Illegal

immigration is complicated, but it can be resolved. And it must be

resolved in a way that upholds both our laws and our highest ideals.

This is the business of our nation here at home. Yet building a

prosperous future for our citizens also depends on confronting

enemies abroad and advancing liberty in troubled regions of the

world.

Our foreign policy is based on a clear premise: We trust that

people, when given the chance, will choose a future of freedom and

peace. In the last seven years, we have witnessed stirring moments

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in the history of liberty. We’ve seen citizens in Georgia and Ukraine

stand up for their right to free and fair elections. We’ve seen people

in Lebanon take to the streets to demand their independence. We’ve

seen Afghans emerge from the tyranny of the Taliban and choose

a new president and a new parliament. We’ve seen jubilant Iraqis

holding up ink-stained ﬁ ngers and celebrating their freedom. These

images of liberty have inspired us.

In the past seven years, we’ve also seen images that have

sobered us. We’ve watched throngs of mourners in Lebanon and

Pakistan carrying the caskets of beloved leaders taken by the

assassin’s hand. We’ve seen wedding guests in blood-soaked ﬁ nery

staggering from a hotel in Jordan, Afghans and Iraqis blown up

in mosques and markets, and trains in London and Madrid ripped

apart by bombs. On a clear September day, we saw thousands of our

fellow citizens taken from us in an instant. These horriﬁ c images

serve as a grim reminder: The advance of liberty is opposed by

terrorists and extremists — evil men who despise freedom, despise

America, and aim to subject millions to their violent rule.

Since 9/11, we have taken the ﬁ ght to these terrorists and

extremists. We will stay on the offense, we will keep up the pressure,

and we will deliver justice to our enemies.

We are engaged in the deﬁ ning ideological struggle of the 21st

century. The terrorists oppose every principle of humanity and

decency that we hold dear. Yet in this war on terror, there is one

thing we and our enemies agree on: In the long run, men and women

who are free to determine their own destinies will reject terror and

refuse to live in tyranny. And that is why the terrorists are ﬁ ghting

to deny this choice to the people in Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan,

Pakistan, and the Palestinian Territories. And that is why, for the

security of America and the peace of the world, we are spreading the

hope of freedom.

In Afghanistan, America, our 25 NATO allies, and 15 partner

nations are helping the Afghan people defend their freedom and

rebuild their country. Thanks to the courage of these military and

civilian personnel, a nation that was once a safe haven for al Qaeda

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is now a young democracy where boys and girls are going to school,

new roads and hospitals are being built, and people are looking to

the future with new hope. These successes must continue, so we’re

adding 3,200 Marines to our forces in Afghanistan, where they will

ﬁ ght the terrorists and train the Afghan Army and police. Defeating

the Taliban and al Qaeda is critical to our security, and I thank the

Congress for supporting America’s vital mission in Afghanistan.

In Iraq, the terrorists and extremists are ﬁ ghting to deny a proud

people their liberty, and ﬁ ghting to establish safe havens for attacks

across the world. One year ago, our enemies were succeeding in

their efforts to plunge Iraq into chaos. So we reviewed our strategy

and changed course. We launched a surge of American forces into

Iraq. We gave our troops a new mission: Work with the Iraqi forces

to protect the Iraqi people, pursue the enemy in its strongholds, and

deny the terrorists sanctuary anywhere in the country.

The Iraqi people quickly realized that something dramatic

had happened. Those who had worried that America was preparing

to abandon them instead saw tens of thousands of American

forces ﬂ owing into their country. They saw our forces moving into

neighborhoods, clearing out the terrorists, and staying behind to

ensure the enemy did not return. And they saw our troops, along

with Provincial Reconstruction Teams that include Foreign Service

ofﬁ cers and other skilled public servants, coming in to ensure that

improved security was followed by improvements in daily life.

Our military and civilians in Iraq are performing with courage and

distinction, and they have the gratitude of our whole nation.

The Iraqis launched a surge of their own. In the fall of 2006,

Sunni tribal leaders grew tired of al Qaeda’s brutality and started

a popular uprising called “The Anbar Awakening.” Over the past

year, similar movements have spread across the country. And today,

the grassroots surge includes more than 80,000 Iraqi citizens who

are ﬁ ghting the terrorists. The government in Baghdad has stepped

forward, as well — adding more than 100,000 new Iraqi soldiers and

police during the past year.

While the enemy is still dangerous and more work remains, the

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American and Iraqi surges have achieved results few of us could

have imagined just one year ago. When we met last year, many

said that containing the violence was impossible. A year later,

high proﬁ le terrorist attacks are down, civilian deaths are down,

sectarian killings are down.

When we met last year, militia extremists — some armed and

trained by Iran — were wreaking havoc in large areas of Iraq.

A year later, coalition and Iraqi forces have killed or captured

hundreds of militia ﬁ ghters. And Iraqis of all backgrounds

increasingly realize that defeating these militia ﬁ ghters is critical

to the future of their country.

When we met last year, al Qaeda had sanctuaries in many

areas of Iraq, and their leaders had just offered American forces

safe passage out of the country. Today, it is al Qaeda that is

searching for safe passage. They have been driven from many

of the strongholds they once held, and over the past year, we’ve

captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, including

hundreds of key al Qaeda leaders and operatives.

Last month, Osama bin Laden released a tape in which he

railed against Iraqi tribal leaders who have turned on al Qaeda and

admitted that coalition forces are growing stronger in Iraq. Ladies

and gentlemen, some may deny the surge is working, but among

the terrorists there is no doubt. Al Qaeda is on the run in Iraq, and

this enemy will be defeated.

When we met last year, our troop levels in Iraq were on

the rise. Today, because of the progress just described, we are

implementing a policy of “return on success,” and the surge forces

we sent to Iraq are beginning to come home.

This progress is a credit to the valor of our troops and the

brilliance of their commanders. This evening, I want to speak

directly to our men and women on the front lines. Soldiers and

sailors, airmen, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen: In the past

year, you have done everything we’ve asked of you, and more.

Our nation is grateful for your courage. We are proud of your

accomplishments. And tonight in this hallowed chamber, with the

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American people as our witness, we make you a solemn pledge: In

the ﬁ ght ahead, you will have all you need to protect our nation. And

I ask Congress to meet its responsibilities to these brave men and

women by fully funding our troops.

Our enemies in Iraq have been hit hard. They are not yet

defeated, and we can still expect tough ﬁ ghting ahead. Our objective

in the coming year is to sustain and build on the gains we made in

2007, while transitioning to the next phase of our strategy. American

troops are shifting from leading operations, to partnering with

Iraqi forces, and, eventually, to a protective overwatch mission.

As part of this transition, one Army brigade combat team and one

Marine Expeditionary Unit have already come home and will not be

replaced. In the coming months, four additional brigades and two

Marine battalions will follow suit. Taken together, this means more

than 20,000 of our troops are coming home.

Any further drawdown of U.S. troops will be based on conditions

in Iraq and the recommendations of our commanders. General

Petraeus has warned that too fast a drawdown could result in the

“disintegration of the Iraqi security forces, al Qaeda-Iraq regaining

lost ground, [and] a marked increase in violence.” Members of

Congress: Having come so far and achieved so much, we must not

allow this to happen.

In the coming year, we will work with Iraqi leaders as they build

on the progress they’re making toward political reconciliation. At the

local level, Sunnis, Shia, and Kurds are beginning to come together

to reclaim their communities and rebuild their lives. Progress in the

provinces must be matched by progress in Baghdad. We’re seeing

some encouraging signs. The national government is sharing oil

revenues with the provinces. The parliament recently passed both

a pension law and de-Baathiﬁ cation reform. They’re now debating

a provincial powers law. The Iraqis still have a distance to travel.

But after decades of dictatorship and the pain of sectarian violence,

reconciliation is taking place — and the Iraqi people are taking

control of their future.

The mission in Iraq has been difﬁ cult and trying for our nation.

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But it is in the vital interest of the United States that we succeed.

A free Iraq will deny al Qaeda a safe haven. A free Iraq will show

millions across the Middle East that a future of liberty is possible. A

free Iraq will be a friend of America, a partner in ﬁ ghting terror, and

a source of stability in a dangerous part of the world.

By contrast, a failed Iraq would embolden the extremists,

strengthen Iran, and give terrorists a base from which to launch new

attacks on our friends, our allies, and our homeland. The enemy has

made its intentions clear. At a time when the momentum seemed to

favor them, al Qaida’s top commander in Iraq declared that they will

not rest until they have attacked us here in Washington. My fellow

Americans: We will not rest either. We will not rest until this enemy

has been defeated. We must do the difﬁ cult work today, so that

years from now people will look back and say that this generation

rose to the moment, prevailed in a tough ﬁ ght, and left behind a

more hopeful region and a safer America.

We’re also standing against the forces of extremism in the Holy

Land, where we have new cause for hope. Palestinians have elected

a president who recognizes that confronting terror is essential to

achieving a state where his people can live in dignity and at peace

with Israel. Israelis have leaders who recognize that a peaceful,

democratic Palestinian state will be a source of lasting security. This

month in Ramallah and Jerusalem, I assured leaders from both sides

that America will do, and I will do, everything we can to help them

achieve a peace agreement that deﬁ nes a Palestinian state by the end

of this year. The time has come for a Holy Land where a democratic

Israel and a democratic Palestine live side-by-side in peace.

We’re also standing against the forces of extremism embodied

by the regime in Tehran. Iran’s rulers oppress a good and talented

people. And wherever freedom advances in the Middle East, it

seems the Iranian regime is there to oppose it. Iran is funding and

training militia groups in Iraq, supporting Hezbollah terrorists in

Lebanon, and backing Hamas’ efforts to undermine peace in the

Holy Land. Tehran is also developing ballistic missiles of increasing

range, and continues to develop its capability to enrich uranium,

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which could be used to create a nuclear weapon.

Our message to the people of Iran is clear: We have no quarrel

with you. We respect your traditions and your history. We look

forward to the day when you have your freedom. Our message to

the leaders of Iran is also clear: Veriﬁ ably suspend your nuclear

enrichment, so negotiations can begin. And to rejoin the community

of nations, come clean about your nuclear intentions and past

actions, stop your oppression at home, cease your support for terror

abroad. But above all, know this: America will confront those who

threaten our troops. We will stand by our allies, and we will defend

our vital interests in the Persian Gulf.

On the home front, we will continue to take every lawful and

effective measure to protect our country. This is our most solemn

duty. We are grateful that there has not been another attack on our

soil since 9/11. This is not for the lack of desire or effort on the part

of the enemy. In the past six years, we’ve stopped numerous attacks,

including a plot to ﬂ y a plane into the tallest building in Los Angeles

and another to blow up passenger jets bound for America over the

Atlantic. Dedicated men and women in our government toil day and

night to stop the terrorists from carrying out their plans. These good

citizens are saving American lives, and everyone in this chamber

owes them our thanks.

And we owe them something more: We owe them the tools they

need to keep our people safe. And one of the most important tools

we can give them is the ability to monitor terrorist communications.

To protect America, we need to know who the terrorists are talking

to, what they are saying, and what they’re planning. Last year,

Congress passed legislation to help us do that. Unfortunately,

Congress set the legislation to expire on February the 1st. That

means if you don’t act by Friday, our ability to track terrorist threats

would be weakened and our citizens will be in greater danger.

Congress must ensure the ﬂ ow of vital intelligence is not disrupted.

Congress must pass liability protection for companies believed to

have assisted in the efforts to defend America. We’ve had ample

time for debate. The time to act is now.

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Protecting our nation from the dangers of a new century

requires more than good intelligence and a strong military. It also

requires changing the conditions that breed resentment and allow

extremists to prey on despair. So America is using its inﬂ uence

to build a freer, more hopeful, and more compassionate world.

This is a reﬂ ection of our national interest; it is the calling of our

conscience.

America opposes genocide in Sudan. We support freedom in

countries from Cuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma.

America is leading the ﬁ ght against global poverty, with

strong education initiatives and humanitarian assistance. We’ve

also changed the way we deliver aid by launching the Millennium

Challenge Account. This program strengthens democracy,

transparency, and the rule of law in developing nations, and I ask

you to fully fund this important initiative.

America is leading the ﬁ ght against global hunger. Today, more

than half the world’s food aid comes from the United States. And

tonight, I ask Congress to support an innovative proposal to provide

food assistance by purchasing crops directly from farmers in the

developing world, so we can build up local agriculture and help

break the cycle of famine.

America is leading the ﬁ ght against disease. With your help,

we’re working to cut by half the number of malaria-related deaths

in 15 African nations. And our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is

treating 1.4 million people. We can bring healing and hope to many

more. So I ask you to maintain the principles that have changed

behavior and made this program a success. And I call on you to

double our initial commitment to ﬁ ghting HIV/AIDS by approving

an additional $30 billion over the next ﬁ ve years.

America is a force for hope in the world because we are

a compassionate people, and some of the most compassionate

Americans are those who have stepped forward to protect us. We

must keep faith with all who have risked life and limb so that we

might live in freedom and peace. Over the past seven years, we’ve

increased funding for veterans by more than 95 percent. And as we

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increase funding — And as increase funding we must also reform

our veterans system to meet the needs of a new war and a new

generation. I call on the Congress to enact the reforms recommended

by Senator Bob Dole and Secretary Donna Shalala, so we can

improve the system of care for our wounded warriors and help them

build lives of hope and promise and dignity.

Our military families also sacriﬁ ce for America. They endure

sleepless nights and the daily struggle of providing for children while

a loved one is serving far from home. We have a responsibility to

provide for them. So I ask you to join me in expanding their access to

child care, creating new hiring preferences for military spouses across

the federal government, and allowing our troops to transfer their

unused education beneﬁ ts to their spouses or children. Our military

families serve our nation, they inspire our nation, and tonight our

nation honors them.

The strength — the secret of our strength, the miracle of

America, is that our greatness lies not in our government, but in the

spirit and determination of our people. When the Federal Convention

met in Philadelphia in 1787, our nation was bound by the Articles of

Confederation, which began with the words, “We the undersigned

delegates.” When Gouverneur Morris was asked to draft a preamble

to our new Constitution, he offered an important revision and opened

with words that changed the course of our nation and the history of

the world: “We the people.”

By trusting the people, our Founders wagered that a great and

noble nation could be built on the liberty that resides in the hearts of

all men and women. By trusting the people, succeeding generations

transformed our fragile young democracy into the most powerful

nation on Earth and a beacon of hope for millions. And so long as we

continue to trust the people, our nation will prosper, our liberty will

be secure, and the state of our Union will remain strong.

So tonight, with conﬁ dence in freedom’s power, and trust in the

people, let us set forth to do their business. God bless America.

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REMARKS ON AFRICA

SMITHSONIAN NATIONAL MUSEUM OF AFRICAN ART

WASHINGTON, D.C.

FEBRUARY 14, 2008

I’ve been looking forward to coming to the museum, and there’s

an added beneﬁ t, and that is, I get to be introduced by my wife on

Valentine’s Day. Happy Valentine’s.

This morning Laura and I join all Americans in honoring the

life of Congressman Tom Lantos. In his remarkable 80 years, Tom

Lantos survived the Nazi camps of Hungary to reach the halls of

Congress. As a representative from California, he was a fearless

defender of democracy, a powerful advocate of human rights, and a

strong supporter of the ﬁ ght against HIV/AIDS.

Our prayers are with Annette and the Lantos family. We thank

God for his service.

Five years ago, Laura and I made our ﬁ rst visit to Africa. Since

then, as she mentioned, she’s taken three more trips. And every

time, she came back with fascinating stories, some of which she

just shared with you. And tomorrow, as she mentioned, we’re going

back, and I’m really looking forward to it.

We’re going to Benin, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ghana and Liberia.

Each of these countries is blessed with natural beauty, vibrant

culture, and an unmistakable spirit of energy and optimism. Africa

in the 21st century is a continent of potential. That’s how we view it.

I hope that’s how our fellow citizens view Africa. It’s a place where

democracy is advancing, where economies are growing, and leaders

are meeting challenges with purpose and determination.

Our visit will give me a chance to meet with people who are

making the transformation on the continent possible. I’m going

to witness the generosity of the American people ﬁ rsthand. It

will give me a chance to remind our fellow citizens about what

a compassionate people we are. And I will assure our partners in

Africa that the United States is committed to them today, tomorrow,

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and long into their continent’s bright future.

And so I thank you for giving us a chance to come and visit with

you. You could call this the send-off speech.

I really want to thank Mark Dybul. I love to support people who

are making history. I can’t think of any more noble history than to be

leading the compassionate effort of the American people to help save

lives. And Ambassador, you’re doing a fabulous job.

I also want to welcome Admiral Tim Ziemer. Admiral, good

to see you. He’s in charge of making sure that we meet our goals

in reducing the scourge of malaria. Thanks for coming. You and

Dybul are results-oriented people. Let me say, I’m a results-oriented

President, and so when I meet with you, I ask you, what are the

results? And you’ll hear in a minute they’re very positive.

I appreciate very much Dr. Samper and his wife Adriana for

welcoming us. Thank you for leading this important institute.

I also want to thank Sharon Patton, the Director of the

Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Thanks for

welcoming us. It’s not so easy, like, to welcome the President. It

turns out the entourages are probably bigger than the visitors to

your museum, but thank you for coming. This is an important part

of the Washington scene. I’d urge our fellow citizens to come to this

important museum.

I want to thank the board members of the Smithsonian National

Museum of Africa Art who have joined us today.

I welcome Jendayi Frazer, Assistant Secretary of State for

African Af fairs. Are you going on the trip? Yes. Better get home and

pack. Thanks for coming. I’m proud to work with you.

Henrietta Fore, Administrator of USAID, is with us. Henrietta,

thanks for coming.

I better be careful about how I say this for fear of having a huge

burst of applause, but I’d like to introduce the Director of the Peace

Corps, Ron Tschetter. Ron, thanks for coming; it’s good to see you,

sir. And I appreciate you bringing the ﬁ ve-person cheering section

with you. There seems to be a groundswell here.

I welcome the members of the Diplomatic Corps. Thanks for

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coming.

And ﬁ nally I do also want to do what Mark did and thank

Chuck Dages of Warner Brothers for this trailer. It’s good. I

appreciate your support.

The museum is a testament to America’s long connection

to Africa. At least that’s how I view it. Africa is the birthplace

of humanity, the home of great civilizations, and the source

of enduring achievements in culture and art. Africa has also

witnessed some of mankind’s most shameful chapters — from the

evils of the slave trade to the condescension of colonialism. Even

the joy of independence — which arrived with such promise —

was undermined by corruption, conﬂ ict, and disease. Just a decade

ago, much of Africa seemed to be on the brink of collapse, and

much of the world seemed content to let it collapse.

Today, that’s changing. A new generation of African leaders is

stepping forward, and turning their continent around. International

organizations, and faith-based groups, and the private sector are

more engaged than ever. And in one of the major priorities of my

Presidency, the United States has fundamentally altered our policy

toward Africa.

America’s approach to Africa stems from both our ideals and

our interests. We believe that every human life is precious. We

believe that our brothers and sisters in Africa have dignity and

value, because they bear the mark of our Creator. We believe our

spirit is renewed when we help African children and families live

and thrive.

Africa is also increasingly vital to our strategic interests. We

have seen that conditions on the other side of the world can have

a direct impact on our own security. We know that if Africa were

to continue on the old path of decline, it would be more likely to

produce failed states, foster ideologies of radicalism, and spread

violence across borders. We also know that if Africa grows in

freedom, and prosperity, and justice, its people will choose a

better course. People who live in societies based on freedom and

justice are more likely to reject the false promise of the extremist

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ideology. Citizens who see a future of opportunity are more likely

to build hopeful economies that beneﬁ t all the people. Nations that

replace disease and despair with healing and hope will help Africa do

more than just survive — it will help Africa succeed.

For all these reasons, America has dramatically increased

our commitment to development in Africa. We have also

revolutionized the way we approach development. Too many nations

continue to follow either the paternalistic notion that treats African

countries as charity cases, or a model of exploitation that seeks only

to buy up their resources. America rejects both approaches. Instead,

we are treating African leaders as equal partners, asking them to

set clear goals, and expecting them to produce measurable results.

For their part, more African leaders are willing to be held to high

standards. And together, we’re pioneering a new era in development.

The new era is rooted in a powerful truth: Africa’s most valuable

resource is not its oil, it’s not its diamonds, it is the talent and

creativity of its people. So we are partnering with African leaders to

empower their people to lift up their nations and write a new chapter

in their history.

First, we are working to empower Africans to overcome poverty

by helping them grow their economies. After a long period of

stagnation, many of Africa’s economies are springing to life. As a

whole, sub-Saharan Africa is projected to grow nearly 7 percent this

year. The economies of Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania are

among the fastest-growing in the world. And across Africa, poverty is

beginning to decline. Don’t get me wrong, it’s still a poor place, but

poverty is beginning to decline.

This resurgence shows the strength of the entrepreneurial spirit

in Africa. America is working to help unleash that spirit across the

continent. Along with our fellow G8 nations, we have relieved some

$34 billion in debt from African nations in the past 18 months. That

is roughly the same level of debt that was cancelled in the previous

11 years combined. We have also made historic increases in foreign

aid. In my ﬁ rst term, we more than doubled development assistance

to Africa — part of the largest expansion of American development

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assistance since the Marshall Plan. At the beginning of my second

term, I promised to double our assistance again by 2010. And the

budget I sent Congress last week will ensure that we meet this

commitment.

And just as important, we’re changing the way we deliver

assistance. We created what’s called the Millennium Challenge

Account, which offers ﬁ nancial support to the world’s most

promising developing nations — nations that ﬁ ght corruption,

nations that govern justly, nations that open up their economies, and

nations that invest in the health and education of their people.

America is serving as an investor, not a donor. We believe

that countries can adopt the habits necessary to provide help for

their people. That’s what we believe. And we’re willing to invest

in leaders that are doing just that. So far, more than two-thirds of

the MCA’s $5.5 billion is being invested in Africa. And on my trip

next week, I will sign the largest project in the program’s history —

nearly $700 million compact with Tanzania.

Other nations are seeing the beneﬁ ts of these agreements.

They are moving ahead with the tough economic, political, and

social reforms necessary to compete for a compact of their own. In

fact, there is now more competition for funds than there are funds

available, which ought to say two things: One, that this is evidence

that the American taxpayers are getting good value for their dollars.

In other words, if nations are willing to ﬁ ght corruption, work

on rule of law, support their people and not theirselves, then it

makes sense to invest with them. And secondly, it is evidence that

Congress needs to fully fund this important initiative.

The best way to generate economic growth in Africa is to

expand trade and investment. When businesses in Africa can

sell their products and services around the globe, they create a

culture of self-reliance and opportunity. One of the most powerful

incentives for trade is the African Growth and Opportunity Act. And

I appreciate the fact that Congress has extended this good law. Since

2001, exports from sub-Saharan Africa to the United States have

tripled. It’s also important for our citizens to know that U.S. exports

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to sub-Saharan Africa have more than doubled.

On my visit to Ghana, I will meet entrepreneurs who are

beneﬁ ting from new access to U.S. markets. My message to them

will be clear, just like it is to the Congress: For the beneﬁ t of Africans

and for the beneﬁ t of Americans alike, we must maintain our

commitment to free and fair trade.

Attracting foreign capital is another key to growth. In recent

years, African nations have taken impressive steps to improve their

investment climates. According to a World Bank report, 16 countries

in sub-Saharan Africa recently adopted reforms to make it easier to

start a business and to register property. That may sound simple to

Americans, but these are important steps to be able to attract capital

for investment purposes. When investors look for a promising

market, they are increasingly turning to Africa. And in a hopeful sign,

private capital ﬂ ows to sub-Saharan Africa now exceed development

assistance.

We’ve taken several steps to build on this progress. Last year, we

launched the Africa Financial Sector Initiative. As part of this effort,

our Overseas Private Investment Corporation mobilized $750 million

in investment capital for African businesses. Today, I’m announce

that OPIC will support ﬁ ve new investment funds that will mobilize

an additional $875 million, for a total of more than $1.6 billion in

new capital.

And next week, I’m going to sign a bilateral investment treaty

with Rwanda. This will be America’s ﬁ rst such treaty in sub-Saharan

Africa in nearly a decade. It reﬂ ects our shared commitment to

systems of fair and open investment. It will bring more capital

to Rwanda’s dynamic and growing economy. Look, the idea of

somehow being able to help people through just giving them money

isn’t working. That’s why I appreciate the efforts of Rob Mosbacher

and OPIC, recognizing that when you invest in capital — invest

capital, you create jobs. Paternalism has got to be a thing of the past.

Joint venturing with good, capable people is what the future is all

about.

But in the long run, the best way to lift lives in Africa is to tear

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down barriers to investment and trade around the world. And we

have an opportunity to do that through the Doha Round of trade

talks. Look, Doha is important to enhance trade, but if you’re

truly interested in eliminating poverty, we ought to be reducing

tariffs and barriers all across the globe. The United States stands

ready to cut farm subsidies, and agricultural tariffs, and other trade

barriers that disadvantage developing countries. On the other hand,

we expect the rest of the world — especially the most advanced

developing countries —to do the same. And if we both make good-

faith efforts, we can reach a successful Doha agreement this year.

Secondly, we’re working to empower Africans to alleviate

hunger, expand education, and ﬁ ght disease. America is proud to be

the world’s largest provider of food assistance, including emergency

food stocks that have saved lives in places like Ethiopia, or Sudan,

and other African nations. It’s a noble effort on our people’s part. I

don’t know if — most Americans don’t understand that we’re the

world’s largest provider of food to feed the hungry, but we are.

Yet our ultimate objective is to do more than respond to the

hungry — it is to help African countries feed their own people. So I

have proposed that America purchase crops directly from farmers in

Africa, instead of just shipping food assistance from the developed

world. This initiative would build up local agriculture markets.

It would help break the cycle of famine. And it deserves the full

support of the United States Congress.

We’re also focusing on education. I’m looking forward to

seeing the President of Tanzania, he’s a good guy. Here’s what

he said; he said “It’s an indisputable fact that education is key

to development.” Across Africa, students are eager to learn, and

often they lack quality teachers and just basic supplies. Things

we take for granted in America are just lacking in parts of Africa.

So in 2002, I launched the Africa Education Initiative, the goal of

which is to distribute more than 15 million textbooks, train nearly

a million teachers, and provide scholarships for 550,000 girls by

2010. And we’re headed to achieving that goal. In other words,

these just weren’t empty words, these were concrete, solid goals,

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being funded as a result of the generosity of the Congress and the

American people.

Last year, I also announced a new International Education

Initiative, which will help make basic education available to 4 million

people in Ghana, Liberia, and other nations. Laura and I are looking

forward to talking to the leaders of Ghana and Liberia about this

important, transformative initiative. With both these steps, we are

matching the enthusiasm of African educators with the generosity of

our taxpayers — and we believe strongly that this will open up the

door to opportunity for millions. The good news is, so do the leaders

of the countries we’re going to visit.

The greatest threat to Africa is disease. The greatest threat for a

successful Africa is the scourge of HIV/AIDS and malaria. Two out

of every three people afﬂ icted with HIV/AIDS live in sub-Saharan

Africa. The disease is the leading cause of death in the region. Just a

few years ago, there were fears that HIV/AIDS could wipe out much

of the continent’s population, with death rates that would rival the

Black Plague of the Middle Ages.

We responded. We responded with the Emergency Plan for

AIDS Relief. It’s the largest international health initiative in history

to ﬁ ght a single disease. In 2002, we pledged $15 billion over ﬁ ve

years to support HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and care. We

set some clear principles on how that money would be spent. We

put local partners in the lead, because they know their people and

their needs. We opened the funding to faith-based groups — healers

willing to deliver medicine to remote villages by bicycle or on foot.

We stressed the importance of changing behavior, so that fewer

people are infected in the ﬁ rst place.

And the results are striking. When I visited sub-Saharan Africa

ﬁ ve years ago, or when we visited ﬁ ve years ago, 50,000 people were

receiving medicine to treat HIV/AIDS. And when we return this

week, there will be more than 1.3 million. One person who knows

the beneﬁ ts of the Emergency Plan is Tatu Msangi. She’s a single

mother from Tanzania. When she became pregnant, Tatu went to a

clinic run by a Christian group. Souls showing up to love a neighbor

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just like they’d like to be loved themselves. You know, it didn’t

take a federal law to say, go to Africa to provide love for Tatu, it

took a higher calling. These goals responded.

She learned she was HIV-positive, and enrolled in a program

designed to prevent mother-to-child transmission. She went on to

deliver a healthy, HIV-free girl, named Faith. I will see Tatu next

week in Tanzania, but it’s not going to be the ﬁ rst time I met her.

See, a few weeks ago, she and Faith endured a rather windy State

of the Union address. She sat with Laura in the box, here in the

capital of the nation that helped save their lives.

In all, the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief has beneﬁ ted tens

of millions in Africa. Some call this a remarkable success. I call

it a good start. Last May, I proposed to double our nation’s initial

pledge, to $30 billion over the next ﬁ ve years. The people on the

continent of Africa have to know they’re not alone. The G8 has

shown leadership by agreeing to match our $30 billion pledge.

The private sector has made generous contributions as well. Think

of what Warner Brothers has done, for example. And now the time

has come for Congress to act. Members of both parties should

reauthorize the Emergency Plan, maintain the principles that

have made it a success, and double our commitment to this noble

cause.

Malaria is another devastating killer. In some African

countries, malaria takes as many lives as HIV/AIDS. And the

vast majority of those taken by malaria are children under the

age of ﬁ ve. Every one of these deaths is unnecessary, because

the disease is entirely preventable and treatable. So in 2005,

America launched a ﬁ ve-year, $1.2 billion initiative to provide

the insecticide-treated beds, indoor spraying, cutting-edge drugs

that are necessary to defeat this disease. It’s not a complicated

strategy. It doesn’t take a lot of medical research. We know how

to solve the problem. That’s why I put the Admiral there. He

knows how to solve problems. He can get us from point A to

point B in a straight line. Well, nearly straight line. And so we set

a historic goal — if you have a treatable problem on hand, then

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you’re able to set measurable goals. And the goal is to cut the number

of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations by half. That’s the

goal.

Like the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the malaria initiative

empowers leaders on the ground to design strategies that work best

for their nations. For example, President Yayi of Benin has called

the ﬁ ght against malaria “a ﬁ ght against misery.” With the help of

the malaria initiative, he’s leading a campaign to deliver insecticide-

treated bed nets to children under ﬁ ve in Benin. I’m looking forward

to hearing how that’s going when we meet him on Benin on our ﬁ rst

stop. I can’t wait to ﬁ nd out how well this initiative is doing.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative has been matched

by G8 nations, which have pledged to cut malaria deaths by half in

an additional 15 countries. This initiative has also been greeted with

generous support from the private sector, faith-based groups, and

Americans who want to do something to save somebody’s life. You

can buy a $10 bed net and ship it to Africa to save a life. It doesn’t

take much money, but it takes a big heart. One of the interesting gifts

Laura and I got a couple of years ago for Christmas was bed nets in

our name. It made us feel great.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative is producing

undeniable results. In just over two years, the initiative has reached

more than 25 million people. According to new data, malaria rates

are dropping dramatically in many parts of Africa. If we stay on this

path, an extraordinary achievement is within reach — Africa can turn

a disease that has taken its children for centuries into a thing of the

past. And wouldn’t that be fantastic? And so Laura and I are going to

spend time with these leaders, saying, what a noble opportunity; what

a great goal; what a great way to serve humankind.

Finally, we’re working to empower Africans to end conﬂ icts,

strengthen democracy, and promote peace. When I took ofﬁ ce, Africa

was home to six major conﬂ icts — in Angola, Burundi, Congo,

Liberia, Sierra Leone, and southern Sudan. We concluded that the

best way to broker peace was to support the efforts of African leaders

on the ground, instead of dictating solutions from Washington, D.C.

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And today, every one of them has made progress toward peace

and stability.

For example, the United States worked closely with Nigeria

to help end the Liberian civil war. When the international

community called for Charles Taylor to step down in 2003,

the President of Nigeria provided a plane to take him in exile.

When U.S. Marines deployed to Liberia, Nigerian peacekeepers

deployed at the same time. And today, Liberia’s long war is over.

And next week in Monrovia, Laura and I will meet with Africa’s

ﬁ rst democratically-elected woman President: Ellen Johnson

Sirleaf.

Even without major conﬂ ict or civil war, security challenges

remain in Africa, and we’re working closely with local partners

to address them. The Department of Defense has established a

new African Command, which will work closely with African

governments to crack down on human trafﬁ cking, piracy, and

terrorism across the continent. We are employing diplomatic tools

as well. In Eastern Congo, we worked with leaders on the ground

to broker the recent agreements to demobilize all remaining armed

groups. And we stand ready to help all sides to implement them.

In Kenya, we are backing the efforts of former U.N. Secretary

General Koﬁ Annan to end the crisis.

And when we’re on the continent I’ve asked Condi Rice —

that would be Secretary Rice — to travel to Kenya to support

the work of the former Secretary General, and to deliver a

message directly to Kenya’s leaders and people: There must be an

immediate halt to violence, there must be justice for the victims of

abuse, and there must be a full return to democracy.

In Darfur, the United States will continue to call the killing

what it is - genocide. We will continue to deliver humanitarian

aid. We will continue to enforce sanctions, tough sanctions,

against the Sudanese government ofﬁ cials, rebel leaders, and

others responsible for violence. We expect other nations to join us

in this effort to save lives from the genocide that is taking place.

We will use all our diplomatic resources to urge full deployment

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of an effective United Nations force. The decision was made to

count on the United Nations to provide the force necessary to protect

people, and so we’re going to support their efforts. I must confess,

I’m a little frustrated by how slow things are moving. And yet we

will support their efforts to ﬁ nd forces necessary to make a robust

contribution to save lives.

On this trip, I’m going to visit with brave peacekeepers from

Rwanda, a nation that knows the pain of genocide and was the ﬁ rst

country to send troops into Darfur. Other nations need to follow

Rwanda’s example. Other nations need to take this issue seriously,

just like the United States does, and provide more manpower for this

urgent mission. And when they do, I pledge America will provide

the training and equipment necessary to deploy the peacekeepers to

Darfur.

America also stands with all in Africa who live in the quiet pain

of tyranny. We will confront tyranny. In Zimbabwe, a discredited

dictator presides over food shortages, staggering inﬂ ation, and harsh

repression. The decent and talented people of that country deserve

much better. America will continue to support freedom in Zimbabwe.

And I urge neighbors in the region, including South Africa, to do the

same. We look forward to the hour when this nightmare is over, and

the people of Zimbabwe regain their freedom.

These are great challenges, but there is even greater cause for

hope. In the past four years alone, there have been more than 50

democratic elections in Africa. Thriving free societies have emerged

in nations with Islamic majorities, Christian majorities, majorities

of other beliefs — which is a powerful rebuke to the ideology of

the extremists. In many nations, women have exercised the right to

vote and run for ofﬁ ce. Rwanda now has the highest percentage of

female legislators in the world. Overall, more than two-thirds of the

nations of sub-Saharan Africa are free. And for the rest, the direction

of history is clear, so long as the United States does not lose its nerve,

and retreat into isolationism and protectionism. The day will come

when a region once dismissed as the “dark continent” enjoys the light

of liberty.

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The United States must remain fully committed to the new era

of development that we have begun with our partners in Africa. It’s

in our national interest we do so. I’m going to work closely with

the G8 nations to ensure they keep their promises as well. Congress

must continue to show its commitment by fully funding the

development programs I described today. You see, saving lives is a

calling that crosses partisan lines. It remains equally worthy in both

good economic times and times of economic uncertainty.

Across Africa, people have begun to speak of the “Lazarus

effect,” where communities once given up for dead are coming

back to life. This work of healing and redemption is both a matter

of conscience and a wise exercise of American inﬂ uence. The work

is not done. In the face of the needs that remain, it’s important for

the African people to believe the American people are not going

to turn away. That’s part of the purpose of our trip. The changes

taking place in Africa don’t always make the headlines. So don’t

be frustrated, Mark. That means the work is quiet, but it is not

thankless.

Last November, I met a woman from Zambia named Bridget

Chisenga. Bridget’s husband died of AIDS, and she expected to

meet the same fate. Then she went to a clinic operated by Catholic

Relief Services, funded by the American people. Today, Bridget is

healthy. She has a job at the clinic, where she helps provide AIDS

medicine to others. I want our fellow citizens to hear what she said:

“This face is alive and vibrant because of your initiative. I would

like to thank you.”

Americans have heard similar words of gratitude and hope

in the past. They were said about the people who liberated the

concentration camps, and saved the blockaded city of Berlin, and

stood ﬁ rm until the prisoners in the gulags were set free. This spirit

of purpose and compassion has always deﬁ ned America. And that

is why the people of Africa can be certain they will always have a

friend and partner in the United States of America.

God bless.

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REMARKS ON THE VISIT OF HIS HOLINESS

OPE BENEDICT XVI

SOUTH LAWN OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

APRIL 16, 2008

Holy Father, Laura and I are privileged to have you here at

the White House. We welcome you with the ancient words

commended by Saint Augustine: “Pax Tecum.” Peace be with you.

You’ve chosen to visit America on your birthday. Well,

birthdays are traditionally spent with close friends, so our entire

nation is moved and honored that you’ve decided to share this

special day with us. We wish you much health and happiness —

today and for many years to come.

This is your ﬁ rst trip to the United States since you ascended

to the Chair of Saint Peter. You will visit two of our greatest cities

and meet countless Americans, including many who have traveled

from across the country to see with you and to share in the joy

of this visit. Here in America you’ll ﬁ nd a nation of prayer. Each

day millions of our citizens approach our Maker on bended knee,

seeking His grace and giving thanks for the many blessings He

bestows upon us. Millions of Americans have been praying for your

visit, and millions look forward to praying with you this week.

Here in America you’ll ﬁ nd a nation of compassion. Americans

believe that the measure of a free society is how we treat the

weakest and most vulnerable among us. So each day citizens across

America answer the universal call to feed the hungry and comfort

the sick and care for the inﬁ rm. Each day across the world the

United States is working to eradicate disease, alleviate poverty,

promote peace and bring the light of hope to places still mired in the

darkness of tyranny and despair.

Here in America you’ll ﬁ nd a nation that welcomes the role of

faith in the public square. When our Founders declared our nation’s

independence, they rested their case on an appeal to the “laws of

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nature, and of nature’s God.” We believe in religious liberty. We also

believe that a love for freedom and a common moral law are written

into every human heart, and that these constitute the ﬁ rm foundation

on which any successful free society must be built.

Here in America, you’ll ﬁ nd a nation that is fully modern, yet

guided by ancient and eternal truths. The United States is the most

innovative, creative and dynamic country on earth — it is also

among the most religious. In our nation, faith and reason coexist in

harmony. This is one of our country’s greatest strengths, and one of

the reasons that our land remains a beacon of hope and opportunity

for millions across the world.

Most of all, Holy Father, you will ﬁ nd in America people whose

hearts are open to your message of hope. And America and the world

need this message. In a world where some invoke the name of God

to justify acts of terror and murder and hate, we need your message

that “God is love.” And embracing this love is the surest way to save

men from “falling prey to the teaching of fanaticism and terrorism.”

In a world where some treat life as something to be debased

and discarded, we need your message that all human life is sacred,

and that “each of us is willed, each of us is loved, and each of us is

necessary.”

In a world where some no longer believe that we can distinguish

between simple right and wrong, we need your message to reject

this “dictatorship of relativism,” and embrace a culture of justice and

truth.

In a world where some see freedom as simply the right to do

as they wish, we need your message that true liberty requires us to

live our freedom not just for ourselves, but “in a spirit of mutual

support.”

Holy Father, thank you for making this journey to America. Our

nation welcomes you. We appreciate the example you set for the

world, and we ask that you always keep us in your prayers.

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ADDRESS TO THE MEMBERS OF THE KNESSET

THE KNESSET

JERUSALEM, ISRAEL

MAY 15, 2008

President Peres and Mr. Prime Minister, Madam Speaker, thank

very much for hosting this special session. President Beinish,

Leader of the Opposition Netanyahu, Ministers, members of the

Knesset, distinguished guests: Shalom. Laura and I are thrilled to be

back in Israel. We have been deeply moved by the celebrations of

the past two days. And this afternoon, I am honored to stand before

one of the world’s great democratic assemblies and convey the

wishes of the American people with these words: Yom Ha’atzmaut

Sameach.

It is a rare privilege for the American President to speak to the

Knesset. Although the Prime Minister told me there is something

even rarer — to have just one person in this chamber speaking at a

time. My only regret is that one of Israel’s greatest leaders is not

here to share this moment. He is a warrior for the ages, a man of

peace, a friend. The prayers of the American people are with Ariel

Sharon.

We gather to mark a momentous occasion. Sixty years ago in

Tel Aviv, David Ben-Gurion proclaimed Israel’s independence,

founded on the “natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of

their own fate.” What followed was more than the establishment of

a new country. It was the redemption of an ancient promise given

to Abraham and Moses and David — a homeland for the chosen

people Eretz Yisrael.

Eleven minutes later, on the orders of President Harry Truman,

the United States was proud to be the ﬁ rst nation to recognize

Israel’s independence. And on this landmark anniversary, America

is proud to be Israel’s closest ally and best friend in the world.

The alliance between our governments is unbreakable, yet the

source of our friendship runs deeper than any treaty. It is grounded

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in the shared spirit of our people, the bonds of the Book, the ties of

the soul. When William Bradford stepped off the Mayﬂ ower in 1620,

he quoted the words of Jeremiah: “Come let us declare in Zion the

word of God.” The founders of my country saw a new promised

land and bestowed upon their towns names like Bethlehem and New

Canaan. And in time, many Americans became passionate advocates

for a Jewish state.

Centuries of suffering and sacriﬁ ce would pass before the dream

was fulﬁ lled. The Jewish people endured the agony of the pogroms,

the tragedy of the Great War, and the horror of the Holocaust —

what Elie Wiesel called “the kingdom of the night.” Soulless men

took away lives and broke apart families. Yet they could not take

away the spirit of the Jewish people, and they could not break the

promise of God. When news of Israel’s freedom ﬁ nally arrived,

Golda Meir, a fearless woman raised in Wisconsin, could summon

only tears. She later said: “For two thousand years we have waited

for our deliverance. Now that it is here it is so great and wonderful

that it surpasses human words.”

The joy of independence was tempered by the outbreak of

battle, a struggle that has continued for six decades. Yet in spite of

the violence, in deﬁ ance of the threats, Israel has built a thriving

democracy in the heart of the Holy Land. You have welcomed

immigrants from the four corners of the Earth. You have forged a

free and modern society based on the love of liberty, a passion for

justice, and a respect for human dignity. You have worked tirelessly

for peace. You have fought valiantly for freedom.

My country’s admiration for Israel does not end there. When

Americans look at Israel, we see a pioneer spirit that worked an

agricultural miracle and now leads a high-tech revolution. We

see world-class universities and a global leader in business and

innovation and the arts. We see a resource more valuable than oil or

gold: the talent and determination of a free people who refuse to let

any obstacle stand in the way of their destiny.

I have been fortunate to see the character of Israel up close. I

have touched the Western Wall, seen the sun reﬂ ected in the Sea of

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Galilee, I have prayed at Yad Vashem. And earlier today, I visited

Masada, an inspiring monument to courage and sacriﬁ ce. At this

historic site, Israeli soldiers swear an oath: “Masada shall never

fall again.” Citizens of Israel: Masada shall never fall again, and

America will be at your side.

This anniversary is a time to reﬂ ect on the past. It’s also an

opportunity to look to the future. As we go forward, our alliance will

be guided by clear principles — shared convictions rooted in moral

clarity and unswayed by popularity polls or the shifting opinions of

international elites.

We believe in the matchless value of every man, woman,

and child. So we insist that the people of Israel have the right to a

decent, normal, and peaceful life, just like the citizens of every other

nation.

We believe that democracy is the only way to ensure human

rights. So we consider it a source of shame that the United Nations

routinely passes more human rights resolutions against the freest

democracy in the Middle East than any other nation in the world.

We believe that religious liberty is fundamental to a civilized

society. So we condemn anti-Semitism in all forms — whether by

those who openly question Israel’s right to exist, or by others who

quietly excuse them.

We believe that free people should strive and sacriﬁ ce for peace.

So we applaud the courageous choices Israeli’s leaders have made.

We also believe that nations have a right to defend themselves and

that no nation should ever be forced to negotiate with killers pledged

to its destruction.

We believe that targeting innocent lives to achieve political

objectives is always and everywhere wrong. So we stand together

against terror and extremism, and we will never let down our guard

or lose our resolve.

The ﬁ ght against terror and extremism is the deﬁ ning challenge

of our time. It is more than a clash of arms. It is a clash of visions, a

great ideological struggle. On the one side are those who defend the

ideals of justice and dignity with the power of reason and truth. On

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the other side are those who pursue a narrow vision of cruelty and

control by committing murder, inciting fear, and spreading lies.

This struggle is waged with the technology of the 21st century,

but at its core it is an ancient battle between good and evil. The

killers claim the mantle of Islam, but they are not religious men. No

one who prays to the God of Abraham could strap a suicide vest to

an innocent child, or blow up guiltless guests at a Passover Seder,

or ﬂ y planes into ofﬁ ce buildings ﬁ lled with unsuspecting workers.

In truth, the men who carry out these savage acts serve no higher

goal than their own desire for power. They accept no God before

themselves. And they reserve a special hatred for the most ardent

defenders of liberty, including Americans and Israelis.

And that is why the founding charter of Hamas calls for the

“elimination” of Israel. And that is why the followers of Hezbollah

chant “Death to Israel, Death to America!” That is why Osama bin

Laden teaches that “the killing of Jews and Americans is one of

the biggest duties.” And that is why the President of Iran dreams of

returning the Middle East to the Middle Ages and calls for Israel to

be wiped off the map.

There are good and decent people who cannot fathom the

darkness in these men and try to explain away their words. It’s

natural, but it is deadly wrong. As witnesses to evil in the past, we

carry a solemn responsibility to take these words seriously. Jews and

Americans have seen the consequences of disregarding the words of

leaders who espouse hatred. And that is a mistake the world must not

repeat in the 21st century.

Some seem to believe that we should negotiate with the terrorists

and radicals, as if some ingenious argument will persuade them

they have been wrong all along. We have heard this foolish delusion

before. As Nazi tanks crossed into Poland in 1939, an American

senator declared: “Lord, if I could only have talked to Hitler, all this

might have been avoided.” We have an obligation to call this what it

is — the false comfort of appeasement, which has been repeatedly

discredited by history.

Some people suggest if the United States would just break ties

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with Israel, all our problems in the Middle East would go away. This

is a tired argument that buys into the propaganda of the enemies of

peace, and America utterly rejects it. Israel’s population may be just

over 7 million. But when you confront terror and evil, you are 307

million strong, because the United States of America stands with you.

America stands with you in breaking up terrorist networks and

denying the extremists sanctuary. America stands with you in ﬁ rmly

opposing Iran’s nuclear weapons ambitions. Permitting the world’s

leading sponsor of terror to possess the world’s deadliest weapons

would be an unforgivable betrayal for future generations. For the

sake of peace, the world must not allow Iran to have a nuclear

weapon.

Ultimately, to prevail in this struggle, we must offer an

alternative to the ideology of the extremists by extending our vision

of justice and tolerance and freedom and hope. These values are

the self-evident right of all people, of all religions, in all the world

because they are a gift from the Almighty God. Securing these rights

is also the surest way to secure peace. Leaders who are accountable

to their people will not pursue endless confrontation and bloodshed.

Young people with a place in their society and a voice in their future

are less likely to search for meaning in radicalism. Societies where

citizens can express their conscience and worship their God will not

export violence, they will be partners in peace.

The fundamental insight, that freedom yields peace, is the great

lesson of the 20th century. Now our task is to apply it to the 21st.

Nowhere is this work more urgent than here in the Middle East.

We must stand with the reformers working to break the old patterns

of tyranny and despair. We must give voice to millions of ordinary

people who dream of a better life in a free society. We must confront

the moral relativism that views all forms of government as equally

acceptable and thereby consigns whole societies to slavery. Above

all, we must have faith in our values and ourselves and conﬁ dently

pursue the expansion of liberty as the path to a peaceful future.

That future will be a dramatic departure from the Middle East

of today. So as we mark 60 years from Israel’s founding, let us try to

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envision the region 60 years from now. This vision is not going to

arrive easily or overnight; it will encounter violent resistance. But if

we and future Presidents and future Knessets maintain our resolve

and have faith in our ideals, here is the Middle East that we can see:

Israel will be celebrating the 120th anniversary as one of the

world’s great democracies, a secure and ﬂ ourishing homeland for

the Jewish people. The Palestinian people will have the homeland

they have long dreamed of and deserved — a democratic state that is

governed by law, and respects human rights, and rejects terror. From

Cairo to Riyadh to Baghdad and Beirut, people will live in free and

independent societies, where a desire for peace is reinforced by ties

of diplomacy and tourism and trade. Iran and Syria will be peaceful

nations, with today’s oppression a distant memory and where people

are free to speak their minds and develop their God-given talents.

Al Qaeda and Hezbollah and Hamas will be defeated, as Muslims

across the region recognize the emptiness of the terrorists’ vision

and the injustice of their cause.

Overall, the Middle East will be characterized by a new

period of tolerance and integration. And this doesn’t mean that Israel

and its neighbors will be best of friends. But when leaders across

the region answer to their people, they will focus their energies

on schools and jobs, not on rocket attacks and suicide bombings.

With this change, Israel will open a new hopeful chapter in which

its people can live a normal life, and the dream of Herzl and the

founders of 1948 can be fully and ﬁ nally realized.

This is a bold vision, and some will say it can never be achieved.

But think about what we have witnessed in our own time. When

Europe was destroying itself through total war and genocide, it was

difﬁ cult to envision a continent that six decades later would be free

and at peace. When Japanese pilots were ﬂ ying suicide missions into

American battleships, it seemed impossible that six decades later

Japan would be a democracy, a lynchpin of security in Asia, and one

of America’s closest friends. And when waves of refugees arrived

here in the desert with nothing, surrounded by hostile armies, it was

almost unimaginable that Israel would grow into one of the freest

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and most successful nations on the earth.

Yet each one of these transformations took place. And a future

of transformation is possible in the Middle East, so long as a new

generation of leaders has the courage to defeat the enemies of

freedom, to make the hard choices necessary for peace, and stand

ﬁ rm on the solid rock of universal values.

Sixty years ago, on the eve of Israel’s independence, the last

British soldiers departing Jerusalem stopped at a building in the

Jewish quarter of the Old City. An ofﬁ cer knocked on the door

and met a senior rabbi. The ofﬁ cer presented him with a short iron

bar — the key to the Zion Gate — and said it was the ﬁ rst time in

18 centuries that a key to the gates of Jerusalem had belonged to a

Jew. His hands trembling, the rabbi offered a prayer of thanksgiving

to God, “Who had granted us life and permitted us to reach this

day.” Then he turned to the ofﬁ cer, and uttered the words Jews had

awaited for so long: “I accept this key in the name of my people.”

Over the past six decades, the Jewish people have established a

state that would make that humble rabbi proud. You have raised a

modern society in the Promised Land, a light unto the nations that

preserves the legacy of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob. And you have

built a mighty democracy that will endure forever and can always

count on the United States of America to be at your side. God bless.

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REMARKS ON VOLUNTEERISM

THE SOUTH LAWN OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 8, 2008

Thank you, all. Please be seated. Welcome to the South Ground

of the White House. It is a joy to be here with members of the

armies of compassion. I’m really glad you’re here and I appreciate

your inspiration to our fellow citizens. I believe you are a constant

reminder of the true source of our nation’s strength, which is the

good hearts and souls of the American people.

We have seen the good hearts of our people over the last week

as caring volunteers have helped their fellow citizens through

Hurricane Gustav and Tropical Storm Hanna. The Red Cross,

which provides a vital role in helping the relief efforts and recovery

efforts, has been spending millions of dollars to provide shelter

and food for evacuees and to help with the clean-up efforts. Yet

charitable contributions have not kept pace with their expenses, and

I hope our fellow citizens will support the Red Cross, particularly

as Hurricane Ike and other storms develop over the Gulf Coast.

You can help by going to the Red Cross’s website — redcross.

org — and make a vital contribution to help our fellow citizens.

I appreciate the fact that those here represent the hundreds of

thousands of our citizens who answered the call to love a neighbor

like we’d like to be loved ourselves.

I appreciate the fact that you and others lift up souls, one

person at a time. You strengthen the foundation of our democracy,

which is the engagement of our people. I want to thank you for

what you do. God bless you and welcome.

I thank Secretary Dirk Kempthorne, Department of

the Interior, and Patricia, who have joined us; Secretary of

Commerce, Carlos Gutierrez; Secretary of Transportation, Mary

Peters; Congresswoman Carolyn McCarthy, welcome Madame

Congresswoman, thanks for coming. I appreciate Stephen

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Goldsmith, the Chairman of the Corporation for National and

Community Service; Jack Hawkins, Director of Volunteers for

Prosperity; Ron Tschetter, who is the Director of the Peace Corps —

I knew that was coming. Jean Case, the Chairman of the President’s

Council on Service and Civic Participation and members of that

council.

I appreciate my buddy, Michael W. Smith, who is going to play

a couple of songs for us here. And his wife, Debbie. I want to thank

student and school administrators and board members from the

LEAGUE that are here today. These are students from schools all

across the country. We are glad you are here.

With us is the 2007 Spirit of Hope Award Recipient. This is

the military’s way of honoring people who have given back to their

communities. Giovanni Balingit — Giovanni, welcome; thank you,

sir; congratulations to you. I want to thank all those who are here in

the United States military. Thank you for wearing the uniform of the

United States.

But most of all, thanks for coming. I really appreciate you taking

time out to come by and let me say hello to you.

In my ﬁ rst inaugural address, I challenged all Americans

to be “citizens, not spectators ... responsible citizens, building

communities of service and a nation of character.”

Eight months later Americans were tested by the worst attack

on our nation. In the midst of chaos and sorrow, Americans

responded with the — with characteristic courage and grace. It was

a remarkable moment in our country. It really was, when you think

about it. Rescue workers wrote their Social Security numbers on

their arms and then rushed into buildings. Citizens became members

of ambulance teams. And people from all across the country poured

into New York City to help. The terrorists who attacked our country

on September the 11th didn’t understand our country at all. Evil may

crush concrete and twist steel, but it can never break the spirit of the

American people.

In the weeks and months after the attacks, inspiring acts

continued to unfold all across the country. I’m sure you heard

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the stories, just like I did. Men and women of our armed forces

accepted dangerous new duties, and a lot of folks stepped forward

to volunteer to protect our fellow citizens. But the desire to serve

reached far beyond the military. Millions of Americans were —

really wanted to help our country recover.

And so to tap into that spirit, I called on every American to

spend at least 4,000 hours — or two years in the course of a lifetime

— to serve our nation through acts of compassion. Some said that’s

acting — asking a lot for the country, and they were right — and

they were right. Two years during a lifetime is a lot to give. But the

truth of the matter is, citizens who do give realize that they become

enriched just like those folks that they’re helping.

To empower Americans looking to help, we launched what’s

called the USA Freedom Corps. The goal of the USA Freedom

Corps was to connect Americans with opportunities to serve our

country, to foster a culture of citizenship and responsibility and

service. Over the last six years, USA Freedom Corps has met these

goals.

One way we helped was to launch a web site called volunteer.

gov, which is the largest clearinghouse of volunteer opportunities in

America. In other words, we used high-tech innovations to be able

to channel people’s desire to serve in a constructive way.

And so this government website directs people to private

charities, or local churches, or Habitat for Humanity drives, or

Meals on Wheels — just opportunities to serve their neighbor.

We can’t put love in somebody’s heart, but we certainly can help

somebody channel their love. And that was the purpose of the

website.

And you can search my hometown. They tell me that if you get

on Crawford, Texas, you’ll ﬁ nd that the local Humane Society seeks

volunteer pet groomers — which makes Barney really nervous.

This is just one of 4 million volunteer opportunities on the USA

Freedom Corps web site. Isn’t that interesting? There are 4 million

opportunities for somebody who wants to serve to say, here’s how I

can help. And so I urge our fellow citizens to go to the website and

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ﬁ nd out if there’s not something that’ll interest you, something that’ll

give you a chance to serve something greater than yourself.

USA Freedom Corps fosters a culture of service by encouraging

the private sector to step forward. We got what we call the pro bono

challenge, which encourages corporate professionals to donate

their services to charities and nonproﬁ ts. That makes a lot of sense,

doesn’t it, to encourage corporate America to not only serve their

shareholders, but serve the communities in which they exist.

One really interesting, innovative idea came out of IBM this

year. IBM employees will donate millions of dollars of service to

charities in the U.S., as well as technology projects in developing

nations. They tell me that this work would cost $250 million if

IBM’s devoted employees were charging, and not providing for

free. I want to thank the CEO of IBM, Sam Palmisano, who is with

us today. Sam, thank you very much for coming. And I encourage

corporate America to ﬁ gure out ways that they can serve to make

America a better place.

Another key component of USA Freedom Corps is our effort

to keep track of Americans' service to others. I mean, it's one thing

to talk about it, it's another thing to measure, to kind of see how

we're doing. In 2002, this administration became the ﬁ rst to conduct

a regular survey of volunteerism through the U.S. Census Bureau.

Because we've begun to measure, we know that nearly 61 million

Americans now give their time to help their neighbors. Isn't that

interesting? Sixty-one million of our fellow citizens volunteer.

We've also launched new national programs and enhanced

others to help our citizens answer the call to service. For example,

we helped Americans answer the call by creating the Citizen Corps.

Sounds like quite a few members have shown up. And we are glad

you're here.

For those of you who don't know what the Citizen Corps is,

it's a way for people to volunteer to help respond to disasters. This

was set up right after September the 11th. Americans have formed

community emergency response teams -- there you go -- ﬁ re corps,

medical reserve corps, neighborhood watch groups. Today there are

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nearly 1 million Citizen Corps volunteers nationwide.

And one of those volunteers is County Judge Ed Emmett

from Harris County, Texas. So let me tell you about what the

Citizen Corps of Harris County did. So Katrina hits, there's about

200,000 Gulf Coast residents headed into the Houston area. The

Citizen Corps showed up. Volunteers came to process evacuees,

to help treat the ill and injured, and to help settle storm victims in

permanent housing.

Here's what Ed said -- I've known him for a long time, by the

way -- the Judge said, "That's just what members of the Citizen

Corps do -- they take care of their neighbors." And Judge, I want to

thank you, and all of the members of the Citizen Corps nationwide

for taking care of your neighbors.

We've helped Americans answer the call by creating a program

called Volunteers for Prosperity. This initiative matched skilled

American professionals with service opportunities -- a lot of them

in the developing world. This year we mobilized more than 43,000

doctors, teachers, engineers and other skilled volunteers. That's

a pretty good start for an important program, it seems like to me.

These men and women save babies from malaria on the continent of

Africa. They bring modern information technology to Afghanistan.

They live out one of America's strongest beliefs -- that to whom

much is given, much is required.

One of those people who is a member of this important team

is Zach Harvey. He serves on the prosthetics staff at Walter Reed

Army Medical Center. When he isn’t — (applause) — let me ﬁ nish

with old Zach. When he isn’t busy helping our wounded warriors,

he’s putting his skills to use in Guatemala and the Dominican

Republic as a Volunteer for Prosperity. He works with pediatric

cancer patients who’ve had a limb amputated as part of their

treatment. He and his team of volunteers ﬁ t the children with new

limbs and they pass on their skills to other care-givers.

He says the only payment he receives is the pride that comes

with children — seeing children walk again. And Zach, we are

proud to have you here and thank you for your service. (Applause.)

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Zach doesn’t want anybody to look at him, but you can’t help it

when you’re that kind of kind man. Appreciate it.

By the way, both the Citizen Corps and Volunteers for

Prosperity have been very effective programs. And I really believe

Congress needs to make these good programs permanent.

We’ve also helped answer the call to service by strengthening

AmeriCorps. This is a program that matches dedicated volunteers

with hundreds of private charitable institutions. AmeriCorps

members sign up for one-year commitments with the idea of

strengthening their communities by teaching adults how to read or

improving health care or helping the homeless put a roof over their

heads. This is a good program that was started by my predecessor,

President Clinton.

After 9/11, we tried to make this program more effective — in

other words, to help the dollars allocated go further. Today, more

than 74,000 people serve their fellow citizens through AmeriCorps.

I have met AmeriCorps volunteers all over our country and they’re

very inspiring Americans.

One such volunteer is Emily Greene. After college, she enlisted

in the program to serve with the Schools of Hope Literacy Project

in Madison, Wisconsin. Through the Schools of Hope, Emily has

recruited hundreds of volunteers to teach children how to read.

What kind of — what a wonderful gift. When somebody says,

“How can I help serve America,” how about teaching a child to read

as a lasting contribution to the future of our country?

Madison’s public elementary schools are improving, thea

chievement gap is narrowing. And Emily, it must make you feel

great to leave a lasting contribution, and we are glad you’re here on

behalf of AmeriCorps. Thanks for coming.

We’ve also helped others serve by expanding the Peace Corps.

So, see, you don’t know what I know — that every time I go to an

embassy overseas and I mention anything about the Peace Corps,

and there happens to be a Peace Corps contingent — they give that

same kind of yell. Peace Corps volunteers are incredibly motivated

people and it’s a fabulous program.

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The number of Peace Corps volunteers has increased. We’ve

reopened 13 — reopened programs in 13 countries. This is a vital

program. There are about 8,000 Peace Corps members that are

ﬁ ghting AIDS in Africa, training poor workers to start their own

businesses in Latin America, they’re teaching English to children

in Asia. What they’re doing is they’re showing the rest of the world

the compassionate heart of the American citizen. I mean, we are a

compassionate nation and the Peace Corps does a fabulous job of

advancing that compassion.

Praya Baruch is with us today. After college Praya spent two

years in Ghana working with people who are HIV-positive, training

religious leaders to provide community-based care, and educating

young people about HIV preparation. She is now on the staff of

the Peace Corps. She represents the 8,000 people who are on the

front lines of helping people deal with some of the most difﬁ cult

problems in the world. Praya, we are honored you’re here and I

want to thank the Peace Corps.

There are other ways to help Americans answer the call to

service. We have got what we call the Faith Based and Community

Initiative through which we’ve empowered Americans to volunteer

through their churches and congregations.

You know, I believe that if a program is successful, government

ought to support it. And I believe if it takes faith to help solve some

of the most intractable problems, government ought not to fear the

inﬂ uence of faith in our society, we ought to welcome the inﬂ uence

of faith in our society.

Laura — who is not here, but sends her best wishes —

has rallied thousands of volunteers to help at-risk children

through Helping America’s Youth Initiative. We’ve encouraged

volunteerism by holding up examples of our volunteers. You

know, to date, 1.1 million Americans have received the President’s

Volunteer Service Award. That may not seem like a big deal to

some people, but when you get one and you show it to people

you’re working with, they say, how do I get one of those? What do

I need to do? Well, what you need to do is serve your community by

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volunteering and help make somebody’s life better

Volunteerism is strong in the country. But the truth of the matter

is, the farther we’ve gotten away from 9/11, that memory has begun

to fade. And some are saying, well, maybe I don’t need to volunteer

now. Maybe the crisis has passed. The aftermath of 9/11 isn’t nearly

as intense as it was. And my call to people is, there’s always a need.

You should be volunteering not because of 9/11, but you should be

volunteering because our country needs you on a regular basis.

We can use your help. There are citizens who say, I need love.

Government can pass law, but it cannot put love into somebody’s

heart. Oftentimes that helps when somebody puts their arm around

you and say, how can I help you, brother, or sister? What can I do to

make your life better?

And so today I call upon our fellow citizens to devote 4,000

hours over your lifetime in service to your country. You’ll become a

better person for it, and our society will be more healthy as a result

of it. You know, there’s an old adage that says, you can bring hope

to the lives of others, but the life you enrich the most will probably

be your own.

I’ve witnessed the amazing phenomenon of volunteerism

throughout my travels in this country. At nearly every stop, I make

it a point to meet a local volunteer selected by the USA Freedom

Corps at the steps of Air Force One. After they get over the initial

shock of seeing me come off the plane — I love to ask them what

they’re doing, what are you doing to make your community a better

place?

One such volunteer is a young woman I met in Pittsburgh named

Kristen Holloway. She started a program called Operation Troop

Appreciation. It started off as kind of a small program, just an idea,

a desire to make a statement. Her group collects everything from

DVDs and phone calls — cards to musical instruments and sports

gear. So far, they have sent care packages to more than 40,000

men and women serving in the front lines in this war against the

extremists.

Kristen, we’re glad you’re here. Thank you for — by the

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way, you’re representing a lot of people here in this audience and

around the country who have had — I have the honor of meeting as

volunteers at the foot of Air Force One.

I want to thank you all for showing up when I show up.

Generally, the weather is nice. Sometimes it’s not so nice. But

nevertheless you’re there with your smiling face. And you inspire

me. You really do lift up my spirits to meet people who are so

dedicated that they are willing to take time out of their lives to help

somebody in need. And I hope by getting you on the front page

of your newspapers, that you inspire others to show up and serve

America by volunteering.

But I want to tell you what a soldier wrote to Kristen’s group.

A soldier wrote back after getting one of the packages and said,

“My heart soars with pride to represent a country ﬁ lled with such

wonderful people as [you].” That was the thank you note that

Kristen’s group got.

Well, my heart soars with pride as well to be in the presence of

those who are lifting up souls and helping mend hearts. I want to

thank you for what you’re doing. I am incredibly optimistic about

the future of our country. And the reason I am is because I’ve seen

ﬁ rsthand the love and the compassion and the decency of our fellow

citizens.

May God bless you. May God bless the armies of compassion.

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ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON THE FINANCIAL CRISIS

THE STATE FLOOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 24, 2008

Good evening. This is an extraordinary period for America’s

economy. Over the past few weeks, many Americans have felt

anxiety about their ﬁ nances and their future. I understand their

worry and their frustration. We’ve seen triple-digit swings in the

stock market. Major ﬁ nancial institutions have teetered on the edge

of collapse, and some have failed. As uncertainty has grown, many

banks have restricted lending. Credit markets have frozen. And

families and businesses have found it harder to borrow money.

We’re in the midst of a serious ﬁ nancial crisis, and the federal

government is responding with decisive action. We’ve boosted

conﬁ dence in money market mutual funds, and acted to prevent

major investors from intentionally driving down stocks for their

own personal gain.

Most importantly, my administration is working with Congress

to address the root cause behind much of the instability in our

markets. Financial assets related to home mortgages have lost value

during the housing decline. And the banks holding these assets have

restricted credit. As a result, our entire economy is in danger. So

I’ve proposed that the federal government reduce the risk posed

by these troubled assets, and supply urgently-needed money so

banks and other ﬁ nancial institutions can avoid collapse and resume

lending.

This rescue effort is not aimed at preserving any individual

company or industry — it is aimed at preserving America’s overall

economy. It will help American consumers and businesses get credit

to meet their daily needs and create jobs. And it will help send a

signal to markets around the world that America’s ﬁ nancial system

is back on track.

I know many Americans have questions tonight: How did

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we reach this point in our economy? How will the solution I’ve

proposed work? And what does this mean for your ﬁ nancial future?

These are good questions, and they deserve clear answers.

First, how did our economy reach this point?

Well, most economists agree that the problems we are

witnessing today developed over a long period of time. For more

than a decade, a massive amount of money ﬂ owed into the United

States from investors abroad, because our country is an attractive

and secure place to do business. This large inﬂ ux of money to U.S.

banks and ﬁ nancial institutions — along with low interest rates

— made it easier for Americans to get credit. These developments

allowed more families to borrow money for cars and homes and

college tuition — some for the ﬁ rst time. They allowed more

entrepreneurs to get loans to start new businesses and create jobs.

Unfortunately, there were also some serious negative

consequences, particularly in the housing market. Easy credit —

combined with the faulty assumption that home values would

continue to rise — led to excesses and bad decisions. Many

mortgage lenders approved loans for borrowers without carefully

examining their ability to pay. Many borrowers took out loans larger

than they could afford, assuming that they could sell or reﬁ nance

their homes at a higher price later on.

Optimism about housing values also led to a boom in home

construction. Eventually the number of new houses exceeded the

number of people willing to buy them. And with supply exceeding

demand, housing prices fell. And this created a problem: Borrowers

with adjustable rate mortgages who had been planning to sell or

reﬁ nance their homes at a higher price were stuck with homes worth

less than expected — along with mortgage payments they could not

afford. As a result, many mortgage holders began to default.

These widespread defaults had effects far beyond the housing

market. See, in today’s mortgage industry, home loans are often

packaged together, and converted into ﬁ nancial products called

“mortgage-backed securities.” These securities were sold to

investors around the world. Many investors assumed these securities

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were trustworthy, and asked few questions about their actual value.

Two of the leading purchasers of mortgage-backed securities were

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Because these companies were

chartered by Congress, many believed they were guaranteed by the

federal government. This allowed them to borrow enormous sums

of money, fuel the market for questionable investments, and put our

ﬁ nancial system at risk.

The decline in the housing market set off a domino effect across

our economy. When home values declined, borrowers defaulted on

their mortgages, and investors holding mortgage-backed securities

began to incur serious losses. Before long, these securities became

so unreliable that they were not being bought or sold. Investment

banks such as Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers found themselves

saddled with large amounts of assets they could not sell. They

ran out of the money needed to meet their immediate obligations.

And they faced imminent collapse. Other banks found themselves

in severe ﬁ nancial trouble. These banks began holding on to their

money, and lending dried up, and the gears of the American ﬁ nancial

system began grinding to a halt.

With the situation becoming more precarious by the day, I faced

a choice: To step in with dramatic government action, or to stand

back and allow the irresponsible actions of some to undermine the

ﬁ nancial security of all.

I’m a strong believer in free enterprise. So my natural instinct is

to oppose government intervention. I believe companies that make

bad decisions should be allowed to go out of business. Under normal

circumstances, I would have followed this course. But these are

not normal circumstances. The market is not functioning properly.

There’s been a widespread loss of conﬁ dence. And major sectors of

America’s ﬁ nancial system are at risk of shutting down.

The government’s top economic experts warn that without

immediate action by Congress, America could slip into a ﬁ nancial

panic, and a distressing scenario would unfold:

More banks could fail, including some in your community. The

stock market would drop even more, which would reduce the value

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of your retirement account. The value of your home could plummet.

Foreclosures would rise dramatically. And if you own a business or

a farm, you would ﬁ nd it harder and more expensive to get credit.

More businesses would close their doors, and millions of Americans

could lose their jobs. Even if you have good credit history, it would

be more difﬁ cult for you to get the loans you need to buy a car or

send your children to college. And ultimately, our country could

experience a long and painful recession.

Fellow citizens: We must not let this happen. I appreciate the

work of leaders from both parties in both houses of Congress to

address this problem — and to make improvements to the proposal

my administration sent to them. There is a spirit of cooperation

between Democrats and Republicans, and between Congress and

this administration. In that spirit, I’ve invited Senators McCain and

Obama to join congressional leaders of both parties at the White

House tomorrow to help speed our discussions toward a bipartisan

bill.

I know that an economic rescue package will present a tough

vote for many members of Congress. It is difﬁ cult to pass a bill

that commits so much of the taxpayers’ hard-earned money. I also

understand the frustration of responsible Americans who pay their

mortgages on time, ﬁ le their tax returns every April 15th, and are

reluctant to pay the cost of excesses on Wall Street. But given the

situation we are facing, not passing a bill now would cost these

Americans much more later.

Many Americans are asking: How would a rescue plan work?

After much discussion, there is now widespread agreement

on the principles such a plan would include. It would remove the

risk posed by the troubled assets — including mortgage-backed

securities — now clogging the ﬁ nancial system. This would

free banks to resume the ﬂ ow of credit to American families and

businesses. Any rescue plan should also be designed to ensure that

taxpayers are protected. It should welcome the participation of

ﬁ nancial institutions large and small. It should make certain that

failed executives do not receive a windfall from your tax dollars.

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579

It should establish a bipartisan board to oversee the plan’s

implementation. And it should be enacted as soon as possible.

In close consultation with Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson,

Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, and SEC Chairman

Chris Cox, I announced a plan on Friday. First, the plan is

big enough to solve a serious problem. Under our proposal,

the federal government would put up to $700 billion taxpayer

dollars on the line to purchase troubled assets that are clogging

the ﬁ nancial system. In the short term, this will free up banks to

resume the ﬂ ow of credit to American families and businesses.

And this will help our economy grow.

Second, as markets have lost conﬁ dence in mortgage-backed

securities, their prices have dropped sharply. Yet the value of

many of these assets will likely be higher than their current price,

because the vast majority of Americans will ultimately pay off

their mortgages. The government is the one institution with the

patience and resources to buy these assets at their current low

prices and hold them until markets return to normal. And when

that happens, money will ﬂ ow back to the Treasury as these assets

are sold. And we expect that much, if not all, of the tax dollars we

invest will be paid back.

A ﬁ nal question is: What does this mean for your economic

future?

The primary steps — purpose of the steps I have outlined

tonight is to safeguard the ﬁ nancial security of American workers

and families and small businesses. The federal government also

continues to enforce laws and regulations protecting your money.

The Treasury Department recently offered government insurance

for money market mutual funds. And through the FDIC, every

savings account, checking account, and certiﬁ cate of deposit is

insured by the federal government for up to $100,000. The FDIC

has been in existence for 75 years, and no one has ever lost a

penny on an insured deposit — and this will not change.

Once this crisis is resolved, there will be time to update our

ﬁ nancial regulatory structures. Our 21st century global economy

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remains regulated largely by outdated 20th century laws. Recently,

we’ve seen how one company can grow so large that its failure

jeopardizes the entire ﬁ nancial system.

Earlier this year, Secretary Paulson proposed a blueprint that

would modernize our ﬁ nancial regulations. For example, the Federal

Reserve would be authorized to take a closer look at the operations

of companies across the ﬁ nancial spectrum and ensure that their

practices do not threaten overall ﬁ nancial stability. There are other

good ideas, and members of Congress should consider them. As they

do, they must ensure that efforts to regulate Wall Street do not end up

hampering our economy’s ability to grow.

In the long run, Americans have good reason to be conﬁ dent

in our economic strength. Despite corrections in the marketplace

and instances of abuse, democratic capitalism is the best system

ever devised. It has unleashed the talents and the productivity, and

entrepreneurial spirit of our citizens. It has made this country the

best place in the world to invest and do business. And it gives our

economy the ﬂ exibility and resilience to absorb shocks, adjust, and

bounce back.

Our economy is facing a moment of great challenge. But we’ve

overcome tough challenges before — and we will overcome this

one. I know that Americans sometimes get discouraged by the tone

in Washington, and the seemingly endless partisan struggles. Yet

history has shown that in times of real trial, elected ofﬁ cials rise

to the occasion. And together, we will show the world once again

what kind of country America is — a nation that tackles problems

head on, where leaders come together to meet great tests, and where

people of every background can work hard, develop their talents, and

realize their dreams.

Thank you for listening. May God bless you.

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581

REMARKS ON THE UNITED STATES OCEAN ACTION PLAN

SMITHSONIAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

WASHINGTON, D.C.

SEPTEMBER 26, 2008

Thank you, all. Thank you, Secretary Clough, for the

introduction. And congratulations on the opening of the Sant Ocean

Hall — which, by the way, opens tomorrow morning at 11:00 a.m.

The Secretary and I just had a fabulous tour. These exhibits in this

hall will remind people that our oceans are vital for our planet — this

is going to heighten awareness of how important our oceans are and

that we have a solemn duty to protect them.

And so I’ve come not only to see the hall and to herald its

opening, but to spend a little time talking about ocean conservation.

There are a lot of people in this room who care about ocean

conservation, and I appreciate you working with us to help preserve a

vital natural resource.

First of all, I do want to recognize the Chancellor of the

Smithsonian Institute’s Board of Regents — I call him the Chief

Justice of the Supreme Court — Justice Roberts, thank you for

coming. I appreciate very much the Sant family — Roger and

Vicki; Roger turns out to be the Chairman of the Institute’s Board

of Regents, and a big supporter, obviously, of the Smithsonian,

otherwise they probably wouldn’t have named the hall for him. But

thank you for your generosity and your support.

Cristian Samper is the Director of the Smithsonian Museum

of Natural History, and he gave us a tour today and he’s a

knowledgeable fellow, a biologist, and he will make sure that these

exhibits remain relevant for the — you know, for the education of the

American people. And I want to than you, Cristian, for your service.

I’m proud to be here with a member of my Cabinet, Carlos

Gutierrez, Department of Commerce, which oversees NOAA,

which had something to do with this facility. I want to thank

Congresswoman Madeleine Bordallo — there she is, Madeleine,

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582

good to see you, thank you for coming. She is from Guam. I

appreciate the winners of the National Ocean Art Contest who are

here today — that would be you all.

I’m about to talk about some policy we’ve been implementing,

and I want to thank all those in the room for helping. There’s a lot

of folks around the country and here in Washington who care deeply

about the oceans. And many of the organizations that have worked

constructively with our administration are here, and I thank you for

your efforts — because the truth of the matter is that we have got a

good record working with you. And I want to share some thought

about it.

First of all, you got to know I like oceans. I didn’t grow up in

the ocean — as a matter of fact — near the ocean — I grew up in

the desert. Therefore, it was a pleasant contrast to see the ocean.

And I particularly like it when I’m ﬁ shing. It turns out it’s a — I’m

not the ﬁ rst President likes to ﬁ sh. It turns out the ﬁ rst President

really liked to ﬁ sh. George Washington — I was reading where he

one time caught 100,000 herring in a single day. That’s either a lot

of ﬁ sh or a lot of ﬁ shing. But unlike that George W., I have not had

that kind of luck before.

America is a maritime nation. Obviously the — protecting

the oceans are in our interest. It turns out that commercial and

recreational ﬁ shing add more than $76 billion to our economy every

year. Seaport-related businesses add an estimated $2 trillion in

economic activity. And the oceans are important for our economic

— you know, as an economic lifeline. They’re important to our

economy. Seas also offer limitless opportunities for recreation and

transportation and education and research. It all adds up to the fact

we got to be good stewards.

And so we developed what we call the Ocean Action Plan.

I’m a guy who likes — when people walk into my ofﬁ ce, I like to

say, you know, what are the speciﬁ c steps and how are we doing at

achieving them? This particular plan started off with 88 different

points of action, expectations — we’ve met 87 of them. When the

Senate passes a treaty, we will have met 88 of them. And it’s —

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Many of you in this room helped develop the plan, many of

you helped implement the plan. And I thank you. The goal is to

make our oceans’ coast and Great Lakes cleaner, healthier, and more

productive. I want to spend a little time talking about some of the

successes.

Under the Ocean Action Plan we’ve worked to stop over-ﬁ shing.

Last year, I issued an executive order protecting two of our nation’s

most popular game ﬁ sh — striped bass and red drum. I signed

important legislation reauthorizing the Magnuson Stevenson [sic]

Act, which sets a ﬁ rm deadline to end over-ﬁ shing in America by

2011. Many in this hall helped pass that piece of legislation and I

thank you. Thanks to these and other efforts, we are beginning to see

progress toward ending over-ﬁ shing.

At the beginning of my administration, 44 ﬁ sh stocks were listed

as over-ﬁ shed. Today, almost half of those stocks are no longer on the

list. That’s good news. Along the way, we’ve stepped up our efforts

to identify additional ﬁ sh stocks that are at risk — and we’re going to

take steps to protect them.

We’re protecting and restoring vital wetland and marine habitats.

In 2004, I set a goal of restoring, improving, and protecting 3 million

acres of interior and coastal wetlands in ﬁ ve years; we have met that

goal one year ahead of schedule. This effort includes our watershed

restoration project in the Florida Everglades, which is the largest

in the world. During my administration, we have put two-thirds of

federal waters — about 2.3 million square nautical miles — off-limits

to harmful bottom-trawling and dredging. We care what happens in

the oceans.

We made a special effort to protect the tropical forests of the

sea: coral reefs. Some of the most spectacular reefs are found in

the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Marine National Monument,

which I created in June of 2006, thanks to the efforts of many in this

hall. This monument is the world’s largest fully protected marine

conservation area, and it covers more than 7,000 marine species — a

quarter of which are found nowhere else on Earth.

It’s promoted a culture of cooperative conservation.

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584

Through programs like the Coastal America Partnership, we joined

with state and local governments, ﬁ shermen, and tribal leaders, and

tens of thousands of volunteers to improve conservation from the

Great Lakes to the Gulf Coast. One project which is dear to my heart

is when folks from the private sector helped to restore 10,000 acres

of tidal wetlands in my home state. For decades this area could be

the equivalent of a dust bowl, just neglected. Today it’s a thriving

ecosystem, ﬁ lled with shorebirds and abundant ﬁ sh.

Cooperative conservation works. It makes sense. It’s a strategy

that’s easy to implement when you ﬁ nd people willing to step up and

do their part.

We’re increasing international cooperation to protect the ocean

environment that affects all nations. Through the Coral Triangle

Initiative, we’re working with nations like Indonesia, and Malaysia,

and the Philippines, and Australia to identify and eliminate the

threats to tropical reefs. President Yudhoyono of Indonesia gets a lot

of credit for this initiative. He is bound and determined to protect

coral reefs around his nation, and we are bound and determined

to help him do so, by providing money, strategy, expertise and

encouragement. At the United Nations, we succeeded in passing

a resolution to help protect ﬁ sh stocks and marine habitats from

destructive ﬁ shing practices.

A lot of our citizens don’t understand what’s taking place in

parts of the world, but people use dynamite to ﬁ sh, or they poison

the ﬁ sh stocks in order to — in order to net them, or they use

destructive bottom trawling. And we’re using our inﬂ uence to stop

those kind of practices.

We’re expanding ocean research. There is more left to learn

about the oceans — there’s probably more to learn about the oceans

than we need to learn about the moon — or that we know about the

moon. And so to help unlock these mysteries, we’ve launched a Ten-

Year Ocean Research Priorities Plan. Research supported by the plan

is helping to reduce shipping’s impact on the environment, improve

our understanding of important ocean conditions like red tides, teach

us more about the oceans’ role in climate change, and improve our

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ability to protect Americans from natural disasters like hurricanes

and tsunamis.

We’re expanding education programs to teach citizens more

about the oceans. The truth of the matter is there’s a knowledge

gap between what scientists and biologists understand about oceans

and what our citizens understand about it. So we’ve ensured that

teachers and students and the public have access to the most up-to-

date marine science. Laura was particularly moved when she went

out to the Hawaiian National Monument to learn about the effects of

debris — you know, people just dropping stuff all over their boats

and it gets in these currents and kills birds and clogs the ecosystem.

She’s been very active about educating the young and old about the

importance of making sure we’re wise about marine not — stopping

marine debris. The Coastal Ecosystem Learning Center Network is

a interesting, innovative idea where the public can learn hands on

about sea life at more than 20 of America’s top aquariums. So there

will be kiosks in each aquarium that are connected to here, as well as

around the nation and people can get information at their ﬁ ngertips.

The great achievement, of course, is this new hall. It’s built

through a partnership between NOAA and the Smithsonian. It’s

going to introduce visitors to all kinds of interesting things —

prehistoric predators, what life is like around a coral reef, an

animated display of the oceans’ impact on the global environment.

It’s worthwhile for our citizens to come here, I think you’re going to

learn a lot. As part of the exhibit’s opening, a half-mile-long mural

of ocean art by children from 110 countries will show visitors to

the National Mall the beauty of sea life around the world. And of

course, we thank those artists. My favorite exhibit was the 24-foot

giant squid. The squid was brought all the way from Spain as a joint

operation between the Navy and the Air Force, appropriately called

“Operation Calamari.” I do want to thank our military for bringing

the deal here, it’s worth looking at it. Admiral, I don’t know if you

had anything to do with it, but it’s — if you did, it must have been a

heck of an operation.

And then people are going to come here and they’re going to be

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amazed to see a 45-foot replica of a female Right Whale. There

are fewer than 400 North Atlantic Right Whales left in the world.

And the model in this hall is inspired by a whale that got tangled

in ﬁ shing gear, but got herself free. She was given the appropriate

name of “Phoenix” — and under the Ocean Action Plan, we’ve

worked hard to protect whales like her. Part of the 88 different

actions we’ve taken was to work on smart whale policy. And

people in this room have helped. For example, we now require

ﬁ shermen to use more whale-friendly gear. Based on a careful

study of where Right Whales and ships are most likely to collide,

we’ve rerouted the shipping lanes near Boston Harbor. The action

reduced the danger to Right Whales like the Phoenix by nearly 60

percent.

And there are going to be new regulations that will be coming

to be shortly that require ships to slow down as they approach

seaports where these whales are likely to be.

In all these ways, the Ocean Action Plan is helping to protect

our planet’s most essential natural resource. Yet we’re going

to do more. And so I’ve asked — I told people I’m sprinting to

the ﬁ nish; I mean, four months, you can actually get a lot done.

And so I’ve asked the Secretaries of the Interior, Commerce, and

Defense, as well as the CEQ Chairman, to work to ﬁ nd additional

areas in the Paciﬁ c that could be eligible for federal protection.

We will improve our wetlands work by protecting, restoring, and

improving an additional four million acres. It’s important to set

clear goals. We have set clear goals in this administration, we

have met those goals and, in this case, we’re setting a new goal.

We will expand the Monterey Bay National Marine Sanctuary to

include the Davidson Seamount. This 585-square-nautical-mile

addition will safeguard one of the largest known seamounts in

U.S. waters, and it will protect an extraordinary array of ocean

creatures.

All Americans have a responsibility and obligation to be good

stewards of our environment. And one person who understands

that is Pietro Parravano. I met Pietro today. He is a commercial

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ﬁ sherman in Half Moon Bay, California. He was as excited to see

this exhibit as I was. When a project to expand the nearby Port of

Oakland threatened the bay’s ﬁ shing grounds, Pietro helped broker

an agreement that allowed the expansion of the port while protecting

Half Moon Bay. Pietro has continued his cooperative conservation

work at the local, state, and federal, and international levels. This

ﬁ sherman has been honored by NOAA and the EPA. He says:

“[Conservation] needs to be everyone’s priority, because the oceans

belong to all Americans.”

I don’t know where you are, Pietro, but — somewhere around

here — wherever you are — there he is. Thanks, Pietro. Only in

America. We’re sure glad you’re here and thanks for your work.

Pietro shows that, you know, you can make a difference in your

communities; it’s just not all that hard. And part of the purpose of this

fantastic facility is to encourage people to do that when it comes to

the oceans.

I believe that the research that’s going on and the actions

that will be taken by this administration — hopefully future

administrations — will say to our children and grandchildren, we

saw our responsibility and we met it; that those of us who work here

in Washington came here to be a constructive force, to see problems

before they became acute, and we did something about it. And for

those of you in this room who are doing something about it, I thank

you from the bottom of my heart, and so will future generations of

Americans. God bless.

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589

ADDRESS TO THE WHITE HOUSE SUMMIT ON

NTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

RONALD REAGAN BUILDING AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE CENTER

WASHINGTON, D.C.

OCTOBER 21, 2008

Thank you, all. Madam President. Madam President I could not

think of anybody better to give me dancing lessons than you. We

love you. I love your spirit. I love your leadership. I love the example

you set for leaders all across the globe. And it’s an honor to be here

with you.

And it’s an honor to be here with you all. I welcome you to the

White House Summit on International Development. It’s a summit

to herald the outstanding work being done to lift up souls in need. I

appreciate the fact that folks in this room represent thousands that

are replacing disease with health, dependency with self-reliance, and

despair with hope.

The people gathered here come from different countries — I

see we represent different professions — but we’re united by our

commitment to charting a new era in development. Today I’m

going to talk with you about this new philosophy, about the way it’s

transforming countries and saving lives, and about why it’s essential

to continue in the years ahead.

Before I do so, I want to recognize not only the President, but

her son, Robert. I suspect your mother tells you what to do like my

mother tells me what to do. As a matter of fact, your mother tells me

what to do. Welcome.

Congressman Donald Payne, we’re sure proud you’re here;

thank you, Mr. Chairman, for coming. Much of the success of

the programs we’ve implemented are due to, one, the generosity

of the American people, but also the ﬁ ne group of people that

are implementers: Henrietta Fore, the Administrator of USAID;

Rob Mosbacher, President and CEO of OPIC; Ambassador John

Danilovich, Millennium Challenge Corporation CEO; Ambassador

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Mark Dybul, U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator; Rear Admiral Tim

Ziemer, U.S. Malaria Coordinator. Thank you all for being leaders.

The second choice to introduce me was Bob Geldof, musician.

Of course, he’d have got up and said, I saw him try to sing while in

Africa. I’ve come to really appreciate Bob Geldof. He is a genuine

person who has used his fame to help others in need, and it is a —

it’s been a joy to work with you. You know, you and I might look

differently, but I think we share the same compassion and the same

hopes. And thank you for joining us today.

I want to thank the panelists who have participated in this

conference. I do want to welcome members of the Diplomatic Corps;

thank you all for coming by today.

You know, we meet today in the middle of a serious global

ﬁ nancial crisis. Over the past few weeks, we have seen how the

world’s economies are more interconnected than ever before. The

crisis is having a major impact on working people all over the world

— including many in developing nations.

During times of economic crisis, some may be tempted to turn

inward — focusing on our problems here at home, while ignoring

our interests around the world. This would be a serious mistake.

America is committed — and America must stay committed — to

international development for reasons that remain true regardless

of the ebb and ﬂ ow of the markets. We believe that development is

in America’s security interests. We face an enemy that can’t stand

freedom. And the only way they can recruit to their hateful ideology

is by exploiting despair — and the best way to respond is to spread

hope.

We believe that we ought to remain committed to development

because it’s in our long-term economic interests. When America

helps developing nations rise out of poverty, we create new markets

for our goods and services, and better jobs for American workers.

And we’re committed to development because it’s in our moral

interests. I strongly believe in the timeless truth: To whom much is

given, much is required. We are a blessed nation and I believe we

have a duty to help those less fortunate around the world. We believe

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that power to save lives comes with the obligation to use it. And I

believe our nation is better when we help people ﬁ ght hunger and

disease and illiteracy.

For all of these reasons, this administration has made

international development one of our biggest priorities. As the

President mentioned, we’ve worked with partner nations — as well

as the World Bank, and the IMF, and the African Development Bank,

and the Inter-American Development Bank — to relieve tens of

billions of dollars in debt from some of the world’s poorest nations.

By relieving crushing debt burdens, it gives people hope. We’ve

also worked with wealthier nations to provide aid in the form of

grants instead of loans. For the past eight years, the United States

has provided more foreign assistance than at any time in the past half

century.

We’re using this aid to foster sustainable economic growth, and

promote good governance, and advance a model of true partnership

that gives poor nations a real stake in their own development. We’re

encouraging volunteer organizations, local charities, and the faith

community to take on an even greater role — because we strongly

believe that they offer a compassion that no government can offer.

Most of all, we’re insisting on accountability in return for our

assistance, so we can assure that our generosity leads to measurable

results. You know, for too long, foreign aid was designed to make us

feel good. Now, we’re ensuring that our resources do good.

This new approach to development is embodied by a

revolutionary initiative called the Millennium Challenge Account.

See, this program says that the United States will help. But we

expect countries that we help to ﬁ ght corruption and to govern justly.

There’s nothing more pitiful than to have people’s hopes robbed

by corrupt government ofﬁ cials. We say to those we want to help

support, open markets to trade and investment, and above all, invest

in your people’s health and education. You see, by tying our aid to

these policies, we are encouraging developing nations to make tough

economic and political and social reforms. We encourage leaders to

respect their citizens, uphold human dignity, and work to earn the

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trust of their people. This approach is based on a clear conviction:

People in the developing world have the capacity to improve their

own lives — and they will rise to meet high standards.

I refuse to accept the development model that says, oh, these

people are doomed forever; let’s just throw money at the problem.

We believe that if you set high standards, good people will rise to

meet those standards, regardless of where they live in the world.

So the Millennium Challenge Account is a robust program that

has invested $6.7 billion in 35 countries around the world. From

Albania, to Moldova, to Indonesia, to Mongolia, to Paraguay, to

Peru, these partnerships are helping developing nations take charge

of their future — and more importantly, unleash the talents of their

people.

For example, this February President Kikwete of Tanzania

and I signed a ﬁ ve-year, nearly $700 million compact to improve

the country’s transportation, energy, and water supply. It’s pretty

basic needs, isn’t it? Transportation, energy and water supply.

The partnership will build roads that connect rural Tanzanians to

markets and schools and health clinics. It’s hard to have a modern

society if you can’t get your product from rural to urban — urban

centers in your country. It’s hard to get doctors to help people in

the rural part of the country if you don’t have roads to connect

health care clinics to those in need. It’s going to extend electricity

to homes and businesses in some of the most remote areas of the

country. It will increase access to clean drinking water, which will

help reduce preventable diseases, especially in young children.

Through these projects, the Millennium Challenge compact is

helping Tanzania build a foundation for success in the 21st century

— and showing the promise of a new era in development.

In the new era of development, America and our partners are

helping to meet basic human needs like food and clean water.

There’s nothing more basic than food and clean water. Since 2002,

the United States has provided more than $16 billion in food

assistance — helping to ensure that tens of millions of people

around the world do not go hungry. In response to the current

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global food crisis, we’ve committed $5.5 billion to address global

hunger over the next two years. And that’s important. These are

stopgap measures. The American people care when they hear people

are going hungry around the world. And I want to thank the American

people for their generosity.

But as we work to resolve the crisis in the long run, we have got

to ﬁ nd better solutions for global hunger in the long-term. In the short

run we’re helping; in the long term, we’re developing a strategy and

working with partners to help them grow their own food. There’s no

other way to put it. The best long-term policy for the United States is

to help nations develop their own agricultural industry, so we don’t

have to deal with global food crisis year in and year out.

And so we supply poor and rural farmers with fertilizer and

water-management systems. We distribute better seeds that will

boost yields, and invest in research that will make crops like rice

and wheat more resistant to drought and pests. You know, one of the

really important challenges that this administration has taken on,

and future administrations must take on, is to say to other markets

around the world: It is okay to import markets to crops grown with

biotechnology. A lot of countries are resistant upon introducing these

new technologically advanced crops because they fear they’re not

going to be able to sell their crops elsewhere. And yet these crops will

help people realize a vibrant agricultural industry.

I believe that as the United States moves forward, we ought to

purchase up to a quarter of our food from local farmers. In other

words, of all the food aid we get we ought to take a quarter of that,

Donald, and purchase the food directly from local farmers. If it’s in

our interest to help build a local agricultural industry, then instead

of just giving food, we ought to purchase food from the farmers

themselves, to help build a vibrant agricultural sector in parts of the

world where food is desperately needed. And I support the World

Bank’s strategy to increase investment in agriculture.

What I’m telling you is there’s a better way than just a kind of

patchwork approach. It’s an approach that basically says we can use

our technological advancement and our expertise to help build vibrant

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agricultural industries in nations where there ought to be crops today.

The United States works with partner nations to deal with the

lack of clean water. Last year we dedicated nearly a billion dollars to

improve sanitation and water supplies in developing nations. We’re

also wise enough to enlist the private sector to help, as well.

I want to share with you an interesting program — for two

reasons, one, it’s interesting, and two, my wife thought of it —

(laughter) — or has actually been involved with it; she didn’t think

of it. But she thought of it for this speech. She has been involved

with a public-private partnership called the PlayPumps Alliance. It

brings together international foundations and corporations and the

U.S. government. Now, catch this: PlayPumps are children’s merry-

go-rounds attached to a water pump and a storage tank. When the

wheel turns, clean drinking water is produced. And as my good wife

says, PlayPumps are fueled by a limitless energy source — children

at play.

The United States is working with our partners to install 4,000

pumps in schools and communities across sub-Sahara Africa, which

will provide clean drinking water to as many as 10 million people.

It’s not that hard to help people get clean drinking water. It takes

focus, imagination, and effort. And I call upon all nations around the

world to join us.

In the new era of development, America and our partners

recognize that education is the gateway to prosperity and essential to

any society’s long-term success. It’s pretty obvious, isn’t it? If people

are educated, they can read the instructions on a medicine bottle.

They can keep receipts for a small business. They can learn about the

rights and privileges they have under their country’s constitutions.

Yet too many people can’t read. America and our partners are

determined to extend the promise of good education to more people

in the developing world.

In the Middle East, USAID has partnered with local ofﬁ cials

to start kindergartens in Jordan, taught hundreds of thousands of

children about information technology in Morocco, built 70 schools

for girls in Egypt.

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Through our Africa Education Initiative, as the President

mentioned, the United States has trained more than 700,000 teachers.

I think you said a million teachers? Yes, I’ll go for a million then.

Somewhere between 700,000 and a million. Distributed more than

10 million textbooks — somewhere between 10 million and 15

million — and provided hundreds of thousands of scholarships to

help girls go to school.

Last year I announced a new initiative that will devote $425

million to improve education in Ethiopia and Ghana and Honduras

and Liberia and Mali and Yemen. Why? Why do we do that? Because

the truth of the matter is, we want children to fulﬁ ll their God-

given potential, is why we do that. And so we’re helping to train the

doctors and the lawyers and the engineers and entrepreneurs and the

women Presidents who will be vital to the future of the developing

world.

In the new era of development, America and our partners are

helping to lift the burden of deadly disease. In Africa, the treatable

and preventable disease of malaria kills one child every 30 seconds.

So in 2005 I launched a ﬁ ve-year, $1.2 billion initiative that cut the

number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations by half.

Through the initiative, we joined with African governments —

notice, “we joined with African governments” — to design malaria

control strategies that will work with their nations. We expect results

for the money we spend. And yet we’re conﬁ dent when we work

with governments that they can develop the strategy necessary to

achieve the objectives. And so we supply the money, and our partner

nations work to distribute insecticide-treated bed nets, conduct

indoor spraying campaigns, and provide cutting-edge drugs.

The interesting thing about this initiative is it’s easy to measure

whether or not we’re being successful. In the new development

agenda, results matter a lot. And therefore, when the United States

works with countries, we expect there to be a well-deﬁ ned strategy

and the ability to measure whether or not our money is working. I

don’t think that’s too much to ask, nor do the people who are trying

to help think that’s too much to ask.

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So far, our efforts have reached 25 million people. In places

like Zambia, and Ethiopia, and Rwanda, and Zanzibar, the numbers

of people sick or dying from malaria have dropped dramatically. We

have not only made progress around the edges, we’ve made dramatic

progress in saving lives. I ﬁ nd that the work to defeat malaria is

exciting work, and it is inspiring work. And frankly, it’s not all that

hard to design a strategy to get bed nets to people. And I want to

thank my fellow citizens for caring deeply about this initiative. And I

want to thank our partners for working hard to make sure that a mom

won’t have to worry about her child dying because of a mosquito

bite.

The President talked about our ﬁ ght against HIV/AIDS. And

it’s a noble battle and it’s a necessary battle. In 2003, as she had

mentioned, we launched PEPFAR. The program is the largest

commitment by any nation to combat a single disease in human

history. Ambassador Dybul and I believe that the program is

effective because it is deﬁ ned by a few key principles. You know,

if you’re going to have a new era of development, it’s important

to have clear deﬁ nitions. It’s one thing just to throw money at the

problem, it’s another thing to insist upon strategies that actually

work. So the emergency plan demands speciﬁ c measurable targets

for progress. His job is to not only put the implementers in place

and to ﬁ nd those souls who are on the front lines of saving lives

and empower them; his job is to report back to the President and

say, “Here is the progress we’re making, Mr. President.” That way

it gives me a chance to say, “Well, if you’re not making enough

progress Mark, do something differently, please.”

It employs a prevention strategy that works: ABC, which means

abstinence, be faithful, and use condoms. This isn’t guesswork;

this is a program that is working. It puts local partners in the lead,

because they know the needs of their people best. It enlists new

partners from the international community, the private sector and the

faith community.

I can’t tell you how many people that I’ve met in the United

States who say, “I’m part of PEPFAR, because my church has

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adopted the program.” You know, there’s nothing better than having

people who hear the universal call to love a brother like you’d like to

be loved yourselves on the front line of helping to save lives.

And the United States government is smart enough to enlist

the compassion and love and hard work of people in the faith

community in the United States to help our brothers and sisters in

need. So far, the results are striking. When we launched the initiative

in 2003, only 50,000 people in sub-Sahara Africa were receiving

anti-retroviral treatment.

Today we support treatment for nearly 1.7 million people in

the region, and tens of thousands of more around the world, from

Asia, to the Caribbean, to Eastern Europe. PEPFAR has supported

care for nearly 7 million people, including millions of orphans and

vulnerable children. PEPFAR has allowed nearly 200,000 children

in Africa to be born HIV-free. PEPFAR is working. And I want to

thank the United States Congress for coming together to re-authorize

and dramatically expand this program.

I’m sure that many of you had the same experiences that Laura

and I’ve had in meeting people whose lives have been touched by

the initiatives we’re talking about today. I’ll never forget meeting

Harriet Namutebi. She is — we met her in Africa on our trip ﬁ ve

years ago. She lost her brother, her husband, and one of her children

to AIDS. She was diagnosed, she locked herself in her room, she

refused to eat, and she wanted to die.

But at a clinic supported by PEPFAR, Harriet was given a new

lease on life. Counselors at the clinic showed Harriet how to live

positively with HIV. A loving soul took this person who was in

despair and said, here’s a chance for you.

Thanks to the antiretroviral treatments Harriet received,

she is now in good health. She cares for four children. She is an

enthusiastic member of the clinic’s drama group, which educates

others about HIV. She is living proof of what people in Africa call

the “Lazarus Effect” — communities once given up for dead are now

being brought back to life. And it is a joy to be a part of PEPFAR.

In the new era of development, we are working with partners to

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unleash the greatest engine of prosperity the world has ever known,

and that is free trade. For developing nations, the value of trade is

nearly 40 times the value of foreign aid. Let me repeat that: For

developing nations, the value of trade is 40 times the value of foreign

aid. Isn’t that an interesting statistic? What should that tell you? It

says if you’re interested in helping the developing world, promote

trade. That’s what it ought to tell you.

According to the World Bank, the complete elimination of

barriers to trading goods would boost annual income in developing

countries by more than $140 billion. I think that would go a long

way, don’t you, Madam President?

You know, trade opens growth, ignites growth, but it also

produces other beneﬁ ts. It helps increase transparency. It helps

increase the rule of law. During my administration we have worked

hard to reduce barriers to trade and investment. When I took ofﬁ ce,

we had free trade agreements in effect with three nations. Today, we

have them with 14 nations; most of them are developing countries.

My predecessor, President Clinton, did a smart thing with the

African Growth and Opportunity Act. My administration had the

honor of extending that Act. In 2005, I worked with Congress to pass

a free trade agreement with the Dominican Republic and nations in

Central America — it’s called CAFTA. And although it’s still in its

early stages, trade between participating countries with the U.S. is

up 30 percent since its enactment. Do you know what that means?

That means more jobs for workers in those countries. It means more

food for families. It means more investment that developing countries

need to grow and prosper. That’s what that means.

Trade is essential to prosperity in both good economic times

and bad. During periods of crisis, like the one we’re in now,

protectionism may seem like the best way to safeguard wealth.

But when major economies try to wall themselves off, they deny

themselves the growth that comes from exports and deepen poverty

by depriving poor nations of vital markets for their goods. You

see, in the midst of this crisis, I believe the world ought to send a

clear signal that we remain committed to open markets by reducing

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barriers to trade across the globe. The recent impasse in the Doha

Round of trade talks is disappointing, but that doesn’t have to be the

ﬁ nal word. And so before I leave ofﬁ ce, I’m going to press hard to

make sure we have a successful Doha Round.

In this new era of development, countries that make the

courageous choice to embrace democracy must realize the economic

beneﬁ ts that go with it. When young democracies do not deliver

improvements in their people’s daily lives, the people start to lose

faith in free societies; that’s a fact.

For example, let’s talk about our own neighborhood. I believe

it’s in our interest that we have a good, sound neighborhood. It’s

in our interest our neighborhood prosper and get along. And we’ve

seen hopeful advances for democracy and free enterprise in North

and South America. There’s no doubt about it. There’s been some

amazing advances. Yet there’s also voices that challenge free markets

and democratic values — quite loud voices. Some of them have

gained a following, because amid the progress in our hemisphere, we

also see terrible want. What the campesinos and trabajadores want

is — what they don’t need is false populism; what they do need is

social justice. And the development aid of the United States has been

focused on providing social justice in our neighborhood.

True social justice requires creating new opportunities for

prosperity and upward mobility. So working in partnership with

Latin American nations, we’ve helped more than 400,000 poor and

disadvantaged children learn to read. We’ve increased economic

opportunity by relieving debt and opening trade, as I mentioned.

We’ve delivered aid that empowers the poor and the marginalized.

Since I took ofﬁ ce — with support from the Congress — the United

States has provided nearly $15 billion to the region with a special

focus on helping the poor.

True social justice requires government institutions that are

fair and effective and free from corruption. You can’t have social

justice if your government is stealing from you. Since 2001, the

United States has doubled our worldwide commitment to programs

that foster democracy and good government — including programs

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in Latin America. We’ve entered into the Millennium Challenge

Account agreements with six nations in Latin America and the

Caribbean — and a number of other countries are pursuing compacts.

We’ve worked with countries like El Salvador to train law

enforcement ofﬁ cers who can combat criminal gangs. Mexico,

we’re partnering with the government to stop smugglers who

trafﬁ c in everything from guns to human beings. Colombia, we’ve

worked closely with President Uribe to defeat the cocaine cartels

and narcoterrorists. By the way, it is no coincidence last year that

Colombia’s economy saw its largest growth in nearly three decades,

because that country has got a strong leader willing to take on the

FARC.

True social justice requires compassion. And some of the

greatest work of compassion in Latin America is being done by

the United States military. I don’t know if you ever heard of the

Navy hospital ship called the Comfort, but it sailed to 12 countries

in Latin America and the Caribbean last year. Doctors treated tens

of thousands of poor patients, and conducted more than 26,000

surgeries. Dentists and hygienists ﬁ lled cavities and cared for

infections and treated young children. These men and women are

showing that the nations of Latin America have a strong partner in

the United States of America. They’re a part of our efforts to show

that the institutions of freedom and capitalism and democracy are not

threats to be feared, but the surest path to social justice there is.

From fostering good governance and reform, to alleviating

hunger and disease, to advancing education, prosperity and justice,

our new approach to development has shown inspiring signs of

success. Yet this success can be reversed, and the cost of abandoning

our commitments would be far higher than the cost of fulﬁ lling them.

So I urge both parties in Congress to ensure that our development

efforts remain an enduring priority of the United States.

I call on other members of the G8 and the United Nations, as

well as our fellow contributors to the Global Fund, to follow through

on their pledges. Corporations and foundations have shared their

resources and expertise with the developing world, and I urge them

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to continue their generosity. Faith-based groups have done amazing

work to heal the sick and lift up the suffering, and I urge them to

carry on their missions of mercy.

It’s amazing what individual Americans have done to help with

the new era of development. I got a Christmas gift from one of my

little nephews, which was mosquito nets. Thousands of individuals

and schoolchildren all across the country are donating $10 to buy a

mosquito net to help save a life. There are people who are raising

money for HIV/AIDS initiative. There are people who are going on a

service mission with their house of worship. These folks are making

a huge contribution, and I urge them to continue their good work.

History shows what happens when America combines our

great compassion with our steadfast determination. We are a

compassionate people and we are a determined people. During

a recent visit, a good friend of mine shared his vivid childhood

memories of the Marshall Plan. We were standing on the South

Lawn. He said he’ll never forget the kindness America showed his

nation in a time of need, and now that man is the Prime Minister

of Italy. And last week, Silvio Berlusconi expressed his enduring

loyalty and gratitude to the people of the United States.

It’s not hard to imagine what fruits our compassion will yield 60

years from today. We can see it in the faces of Afghan girls going to

school for the ﬁ rst time. We can see them in the proud eyes of Latin

American workers providing for themselves and for their families.

We see them in the joy of new African mothers whose babies are

protected from malaria and HIV. We see them in the outpouring of

thanks throughout the developing world. I’m just so sorry that not

every American could have been with Laura and me to see what we

saw in our trip to Africa last year. Schoolchildren sang songs about

America’s generosity. One shop-owner, I think who was in Liberia,

Madam President, painted his stall in our nation’s colors. Tens of

thousands of people lined the roadsides during our visit, cheering

and waving American ﬂ ags in gratitude to the American people.

I’m honored to be the President of such a nation ﬁ lled with

people — ﬁ lled with people of such generosity and goodness. I’m

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proud to join with all of you in ushering in a new era of development.

This is an historic commitment that we all can be proud of — one that

will secure a bright future for our partners in the developing world,

one that will make America a better place. God bless you.

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REMARKS AT THE GRADUATION CEREMONY FOR

EDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION SPECIAL AGENTS

FBI ACADEMY

QUANTICO, VIRGINIA

OCTOBER 30, 2008

Thank you. Mr. Director, thank you for your kind introduction

and thank you for your leadership. Proud that you invited your wife,

Ann, here to be with us. I thank the Attorney General for joining

us today. Members of the FBI Academy staff, distinguished guests,

family and friends, and most importantly, members of the graduating

class: Thanks for having me.

I am so pleased to be back to the FBI Academy, and to share

with you this special day. When you walk across the stage, you will

receive your badge and your credentials. You’ll become special

agents of the FBI. You will take your place on the front lines on

the war on terror. I thank you for stepping forward to serve your

country during this important time. And on behalf of all Americans, I

congratulate the Class of 08-14.

This academy has prepared you for the privileges and

responsibilities of carrying the badge. Over the past 20 weeks, you

have passed rigorous academic and physical requirements. You

have spent hours practicing your aim on the ﬁ ring range, combing

the streets of Hogan’s Alley, and navigating the Academy’s “gerbil

tubes.” As part of your training, you were all forced to endure the

sting of pepper spray — which you learned wasn’t half as bad as the

cafeteria food.

To reach this day of accomplishment, you have all depended on

the wisdom and advice of your instructors. They took a diverse group

that includes combat veterans, police ofﬁ cers, ﬁ reﬁ ghters, lawyers,

language experts, and computer specialists. And they turned you into

an impressive class of FBI special agents. Your instructors are proud

of your accomplishments — and I know you are grateful for their

leadership.

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To reach this day of accomplishment, you depended on the

support of your loved ones. While you were away training for this

academy, some of them were really sweating out the training for you.

And Rick mentioned a lot of you were packing bags. I’m thankful

you didn’t mention Crawford, Texas. And so are you.

But the point is, America owes your families a great debt. And

we thank you for standing by your side — thank them for standing

by your side during this moment of training and the service you’ll be

rendering to our country. We welcome the families here today.

Members of this class join the FBI during a momentous time

in our nation’s history. Earlier this summer the FBI celebrated its

100th anniversary. Unfortunately I wasn’t able to attend the ofﬁ cial

ceremony. So I asked the Attorney General to speak in my place. To

be honest, I was somewhat concerned that he might not live up to my

high standards of oratory. He told me I had nothing to worry about.

The Bureau has come a long way since its founding. Over

the past century, the FBI has grown from a small team of 34

investigators to a powerful force of more than 30,000 agents and

analysts and support professionals serving around the world. The

FBI has pushed the boundaries of forensic science — from mastering

the art of ﬁ ngerprints to pioneering the use of DNA evidence. The

FBI has inspired generations of children to dream of joining the

force. Sounds like I inspired one or two myself.

In every era, the FBI has risen to meet new challenges. When

mobsters brought crime and chaos to America’s cities during the

1920s and ‘30s, the G-Men of the FBI brought them to justice. When

America entered the Second World War, the FBI stopped Axis agents

from carrying out attacks on our homeland. During the Cold War, the

FBI worked long hours to protect America from Soviet spies. In all

this work, the FBI has gained an incredible record of achievement

and has earned the admiration of the entire world. America honors all

the ﬁ ne men and women who have served in the ranks before you.

As you go forth from this Academy, you’re going to write

a new chapter in the FBI’s storied history. In the years ahead,

your assignments will be as diverse as the FBI’s mission — from

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dismantling organized criminal networks, to pulling the plug on

online predators, to making white-collar criminals pay for defrauding

hardworking Americans. And just as your predecessors adapted to

meet the challenges of the past century, there’s no doubt in my mind

you’ll respond with courage to confront the emerging dangers of this

new century.

Those dangers became clear on September the 11th, 2001. On

that day, 19 terrorists brought death and destruction to our shores.

We became a nation at war against violent extremists. And we must

not rest until that war is won.

More than seven years have passed without another attack

on our soil. And this is not an accident. Since 9/11, we have gone

on the offense against the terrorists abroad — so we do not have

to face them here at home. We stand with young democracies in

Afghanistan and Iraq and beyond as they seek to replace the hateful

ideology of the extremists with a hopeful alternative of liberty.

Here at home, we’ve transformed our national security

institutions and have given our intelligence and law enforcement

professionals the tools and the resources they need to do their

job, and that is to protect the American people. We formed a new

Department of Homeland Security. We created a new Director for

National Intelligence. We established a program at the Central

Intelligence Agency to interrogate key terrorist leaders captured

in the war on terror. We worked with Congress to pass legislation

that allows our intelligence professionals to quickly and effectively

monitor terrorist communications while protecting the civil liberties

of our citizens. If al Qaeda is making a phone call into the United

States, we need to know why and to whom they’re calling in order to

protect the American citizens.

The FBI has played a vital role in doing the most important job

that government has, and that is to secure the American people from

harm. Since 9/11, the Bureau has worked with our partners around

the world to disrupt planned terrorist attacks. Most Americans will

never know the full stories of how these attacks were stopped and

how many lives were saved. But we know this: The men and women

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of the FBI are working tirelessly to keep our nation safe — and they

have the thanks of the American people.

The FBI’s leadership in the war on terror has required a dramatic

change of mission. Before 9/11, terrorism was viewed primarily as a

criminal matter. The FBI focused more on indicting terrorists after an

attack than on stopping the attack in the ﬁ rst place. For example, after

the terrorists targeted the World Trade Center in 1993, FBI agents

succeeded in tracking down several of the killers. They obtained

indictments against them and they put them behind bars. And that

was good work. But eight years later al Qaeda returned to ﬁ nish the

job.

Immediately after 9/11, the FBI made preventing terrorism its

top priority. The FBI you join today is focused on collecting and

analyzing intelligence — so we can ﬁ gure out what the terrorists

are planning before it is too late. Over the past seven years, we

have more than doubled the number of intelligence analysts and

translators on the force. We’ve enacted the Patriot Act to ensure FBI

analysts and investigators have the information they need to protect

our nation. We created the FBI’s new National Security Branch —

bringing together divisions responsible for counterterrorism and

intelligence and counterespionage.

The FBI you join today is working more closely with partners

at all levels of government. At the local level, we’ve increased

the number of FBI Joint Terrorism Task Forces from 35 to more

than 100. These task forces bring together federal and local law

enforcement agents. They have helped break up terror cells in places

like Portland, Oregon; Buffalo, New York; and northern Virginia.

At the national level, we created the National Counterterrorism

Center, where the FBI is working side by side with the CIA, the

Homeland Security Department, and other federal agencies to track

terrorist threats and prevent new attacks. We created the Terrorism

Screening Center to consolidate watch lists from different agencies

into one master list.

At the international level, we’ve deployed the FBI to foreign

countries to help track down the terrorists. Since September the 11th,

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the FBI has opened 16 new ofﬁ ces overseas. Two of them are in

Kabul and Baghdad — where hundreds of FBI agents are serving

alongside our brave men and women in uniform.

The FBI can be proud of all these accomplishments. These

changes were difﬁ cult, and they were necessary. We’ve transformed

an agency founded a century ago to meet the challenges of the 21st

century. And thanks to the vision and determination of the FBI,

America is safer today than we were on September the 11th, 2001.

In the midst of this rapid change, we can be conﬁ dent that one

thing will never change — and that is the character and courage of

those who carry the badge. We see this character and courage in

the story of an agent named Leonard Hatton. A bomb specialist for

the FBI, Lenny had investigated terrorist attacks around the world.

So when he saw smoke rising from the World Trade Center on

September the 11th, 2001, he immediately understood the danger.

With complete disregard for his own life, he ran to the scene to help

others escape. And when the towers came crashing down, Lenny

died beneath them. Earlier that same morning, Lenny had told his

wife, “Just another regular day at work.” Well, for a man like Lenny

Hatton — who always put others before himself — it was another

day at work. We must always honor the memory of this good and

faithful servant — and we vow that those who have given their lives

in the war on terror shall never have died in vain.

As new special agents, your charge to keep is to carry out this

mission. I ask you to defend the values of ﬁ delity, bravery, and

integrity that you have learned here at this Academy. I ask you to

carry out your duty to protect the lives and liberties of the American

people. If you follow these principles, your careers will take you

far, this agency will uphold its solemn responsibility, and America’s

security will be in good hands.

I want to thank you for sharing your graduation with me. I’m

inspired by your examples of service. I wish you all the best in the

future. May God bless you.

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REMARKS ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

THE ROSE GARDEN OF THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

NOVEMBER 5, 2008

Good morning. Last night, I had a warm conversation with

President-elect Barack Obama. I congratulated him and Senator

Biden on their impressive victory. I told the President-elect he can

count on complete cooperation from my administration as he makes

the transition to the White House.

I also spoke to Senator John McCain. I congratulated him on a

determined campaign that he and Governor Palin ran. The American

people will always be grateful for the lifetime of service John

McCain has devoted to this nation. And I know he’ll continue to

make tremendous contributions to our country.

No matter how they cast their ballots, all Americans can be

proud of the history that was made yesterday. Across the country,

citizens voted in large numbers. They showed a watching world

the vitality of America’s democracy, and the strides we have made

toward a more perfect union. They chose a President whose journey

represents a triumph of the American story — a testament to hard

work, optimism, and faith in the enduring promise of our nation.

Many of our citizens thought they would never live to see

that day. This moment is especially uplifting for a generation of

Americans who witnessed the struggle for civil rights with their own

eyes — and four decades later see a dream fulﬁ lled.

A long campaign has now ended, and we move forward as one

nation. We’re embarking on a period of change in Washington,

yet there are some things that will not change. The United States

government will stay vigilant in meeting its most important

responsibility — protecting the American people. And the world

can be certain this commitment will remain steadfast under our next

Commander-in-Chief.

There’s important work to do in the months ahead, and I will

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continue to conduct the people’s business as long as this ofﬁ ce

remains in my trust. During this time of transition, I will keep the

President-elect fully informed on important decisions. And when

the time comes on January the 20th, Laura and I will return home

to Texas with treasured memories of our time here — and with

profound gratitude for the honor of serving this amazing country.

It will be a stirring sight to watch President Obama, his wife,

Michelle, and their beautiful girls step through the doors of the White

House. I know millions of Americans will be overcome with pride

at this inspiring moment that so many have awaited so long. I know

Senator Obama’s beloved mother and grandparents would have been

thrilled to watch the child they raised ascend the steps of the Capitol

— and take his oath to uphold the Constitution of the greatest nation

on the face of the earth.

Last night I extended an invitation to the President-elect and

Mrs. Obama to come to the White House. And Laura and I are

looking forward to welcoming them as soon as possible.

Thank you very much.